Volume 4 — Introductory material (continued 5)

The Anglo-American terror flyers in the last few weeks, besides indiscriminately bombarding the residential quarters of our cities have taken to attacking the German civilian population openly, directly and without even any superficial respect, for the international rules of warfare, by strafing them and slaughtering them in cold blood. No more excuses can be brought toward in this matter because the enemy planes sweep low over villages, fields and highways, and direct their machine-guns upon harmless groups of people who are minding their own business. This has nothing more to do with war. This is naked murder. There is no rule of international law which the enemy can call on in this matter. The Anglo-American pilots place themselves through such a criminal mode of warfare, outside the pale of every internationally recognized rule of warfare. On last Sunday, for example, to take only one of a thousand examples, in the rural countries of Saxony, groups of playing children were attacked by strafing, and suffered considerable casualties.

No one will be astonished by the fact that the population concerned which, as is known in the whole world, can understand any soldierly type of warfare has been seized with a terrible rage on account of these cynical crimes. It is only possible with the aid of arms to secure the lives of enemy pilots who were shot down during such attacks, for they would otherwise be killed by the sorely tired population. Who is right here? The murderers who after their cowardly misdeeds await a humane treatment on the part of their victims, or the victims who wish to defend themselves according to the principle: “An eye for an eye, a tooth for a tooth”? This question is not hard to answer. In any case it would be demanding too much of us if it were asked of us that we use German Soldiers for the defense of murderers of children against the parents who seized with blind rage, having just lost their most valuable treasure through the brutal cynicism of the enemy, take measures of self-defense. If the English and Americans as they themselves say, regard and treat us as troublesome native tribes, then it is our business whether we stand for it. The German people is known in the whole world for the fact that it gives to war what war demands from it. But too much is too much and here the boundaries of what can be borne have been far overstepped.

It seems to us—hardly possible and tolerable to use German police and soldiers against the German people when it treats murderers of children as they deserve. Even the arbitrary methods of warfare of the Anglo-Americans must end somewhere. The pilots cannot say that they as soldiers acted upon orders. It is not provided in any military law that a soldier in the case of a despicable crime is exempt from punishment because he passes the responsibility to his superior, especially if the orders of the latter are in evident contradiction to all human morality and every international usage of warfare. Our century has obliterated to a great extent the boundaries between warfare and crime on the part of the enemy. It would be demanding too much of us to expect that we should silently accommodate ourselves as victims to this unlimited barbarity.

We reach these conclusions in a completely objective manner. In these questions our people think much more radically than its government. It has always been our wish that the war should be conducted in a chivalrous manner. The enemy, apparently, does not want this. The whole world is a witness for that. If this revolting condition continues, it will also be witness for the fact that we can find ways and means to defend ourselves against these criminals. We owe this to our people which decently and bravely defend its life and therefore has in no way deserved to be declared fair game for the enemy killers.

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 1678-PS

DOCUMENTS OF GERMAN POLITICS, VOLUME 5, PAGES 372, 373 and 376

Statement of accounts of the Reich Organization Leader of the NSDAP, Dr. Ley, at the 5th yearly session of the German Labor Front in Nurnberg, on 11 September 1937.

In speaking of “Soldiers of Labor” I have to demand that such soldiers of labor exist in reality. I have to demand that everybody march at the same cadence and in the same spirit. The factory-community is only then complete when every manager takes his place as an ordinary work-crew member among his crew. We shall not rest or relax before this is accomplished. Otherwise everything would be reduced to beautiful phrases resulting only in beer sessions and distribution of cigarettes. No, same cadence and stride, same pack and same marching, then no outward distinction between the entrepreneur and the worker shall exist anymore, and sometimes a worker might even look better from a racial point of view than the entrepreneur. And if the latter was adequately polished and drilled, he will lose his feeling of superiority and “curse” exactly like the others. That is necessary, and with this I come to another point.

My collaborators and myself found no rest. We too wanted to to have laws and legal foundations, I was constantly pursued with that request. I asked the Fuehrer myself: “My Fuehrer, can’t we too get a law?”

The Fuehrer refused. That’s why I say: He was of greatest help to us. Had the Fuehrer given in at the time, we would be in bad shape now. The Fuehrer said: “I think it’s wrong. For once I want you to make a law through habit in Germany. For once I want to try if it isn’t possible in Germany to set up an authority without having to issue laws and decrees on the part of the State. It must be possible to create a great institution and establishment, based only on a law through habit and it must be possible to make this law through habit of a much greater force than any other law and justice.”

Once I said to the Fuehrer: “My Fuehrer, actually I am standing with one foot in jail, for today I am still the trustee of the comrades “Leipart” and “Imbusch”, and should they some day ask me to return their money, then it will be found that I have spent it, either by building things, or otherwise. But they shall never again find their property in the condition in which they handed it over to me. Therefore I would have to be convicted.”

The Fuehrer laughed then and remarked that apparently I felt extremely well in this condition.

It was very difficult for us all. Today we laugh about it. * * *

* * * * * * *

We have only 70,000,000 altogether. Therefore we must use everybody. We have work for at least 300,000,000 and that figure is increasing from year to year. We must have new space. We want to repeat that again and again. We have told the world often enough. We are a people without space and we shall never forget that factor in all our social measures.

We need space, and we must never give this up in all our measures. We must never lose sight of that. That’s why we need a healthy people and healthy men.

We succeeded—and this is about the most important accomplishment for the German Labor Front—in eliminating the association-character of the trade unions and the employer-associations, and for it we have substituted the conception “Soldier of Labor” [Soldat der Arbeit].

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 1680-PS

10 Years Security Police and SD—Die Deutsche Polizei,

1 February 1943.

When the Fuehrer assumed the direction of the fate of the German Reich and people on 30 January 1933, he found in the domain of the police, as in all other fields, a situation which bore all the signs of the irresponsible incapability of the Weimar system. The concept of a police force, together with the Marxist-Liberal tendency and their characteristic practices were the main reasons for the insufficiently organized and therefore in many respects helpless condition of the police.

This was particularly obvious in that part of the police system to which was assigned the task of the safekeeping of the community against inner-political dangers from the beginning of all historical state activity. The activities to which we are accustomed today under the concept of “Security Police” was, under the “Weimar Interim State” in its political police field, exclusively directed towards a prevention of the unavoidable collapse of its system, especially against the National Socialist movement, with the use of more or less brutal means of power of the state, and was decisively handicapped in the domain of criminal police by the organizational splintering as well as the liberalistic sympathy towards crimes and criminals which existed at that time.

The task of the New National Socialist Security Police, which became apparent with the assumption of power in 1933, had to include as a nucleus the creation of an organism with the view towards the vital necessities of the people and without consideration of the individual interest the safeguarding of the communities against all disturbances and destructions. The prerequisite for its organization was the strict coordination of the political and criminal police, which were split through the federal state regulations and which alone could provide the necessary striking power for the struggle against the enemies of the nation and in the service of the commands of the leadership. The foundation for this achievement of restoration were the National Socialist views of the world, the occupation of important positions by proved national socialistic fighters and the inner core of a large part of the police officials which had remained unharmed in spite of all the attempts to rouse them.

The fight against the political, as well as the individual criminal which was the responsibility of the political departments of the police administration and of the criminal police and which is now combined under the term of “Security Police” took a continuously developing form in the execution of its central goal, as well as in its content as in its organization. With the knowledge that the police in the National Socialistic State, of which it is a distinguished representative, must not only be the best friend of the people but also, and just for the same reason, the most pitiless adversary of all the enemies of the nation, the preventive fight against criminals was added to the activities of the security police which was previously mainly punitive and executive. This constitutes a decisive innovation in the general development of the police. The activities of the security police were furthermore considerably supported by the communication service, and partially made possible only by the development of the security service of the Reichsfuehrer SS, which was created upon the assumption of power which came into ever closer personal and organizational contact with the security police in the course of years.

The general development of the police since 1933 was outwardly characterized by:

The Reichs Reconstruction Law [Reichsneuaufbaugesetz] of 1934 (central directive law for the federal states in individual domains).

The merger of the Reichs Ministry of the Interior and the Prussian Ministry of Interior of 1934.

The Fuehrer decree concerning the creation of a Chief of the German Police dated 17 June 1936.

The law about finance measures in the domain of the police of 1937, the German Police official law of 1937.

Within the general development of the police since 1933, the following regulations were of decisive importance for the security police and SD:

Decree of the Reichsfuehrer SS and the Chief of the German Police in the Reichs Ministry of the Interior of 26 June 1936 (Transfer of Direction of the Security Police, newly created from the political, secret state and criminal police to the SS Gruppenfuehrer HEYDRICH as chief of the Security Police.) Decree of the Reich and Prussian Ministers of the Interior concerning appointment of inspectors of the Security Police, dated 20 Sept 1936.

Decree of the Reichsfuehrer SS and Chief of the German Police of 27 Sept 1939, concerning the merger of the central bureaus of the security police and the SD along with the

Decree of execution of the chief of the Security Police and the SD of the same date concerning the creation of a Central Bureau of Reich Security [RSHA].

The organizational development of the three branches, Secret State Police [Gestapo], Criminal Police, and Security Service [SD] of the Reichsfuehrer SS, which are now merged under the leadership of the Chief of the Security Police and SD took place in its details, as follows:

1. The Secret State Police [GESTAPO]

The first step towards the creation of a Secret State Police replacing the Political Police Forces of the various federal states was undertaken in Prussia by the law concerning the establishment of a Secret State Police, dated 26 April 1933. The same day a circular decree was issued by the Prussian Ministers of the Interior regulating the tasks and responsibilities of the Secret State Police and establishing a State Police Bureau in each government district of Prussia as a subordinate to the Secret State Police Bureau. The creator and Chief of the Secret State Police in Prussia was Prime Minister Hermann GOERING. The State Police Bureaus were separated from their organizational connection with the District Government or the police administrations of the State and appointed as independent authorities of the Secret State Police, in the spring of 1934 by a circular decree of the Prime Minister and the Chief of the Secret State Police.

Parallel to that development in Prussia, the Reichsfuehrer SS Heinrich HIMMLER created in Bavaria, the Bavarian Political Police, and also suggested and directed in the other federal states outside of Prussia the establishment of Political Police. The unification of the Political Police, of all the federal states, took place in the spring of 1934 when Hermann GOERING appointed Reichsfuehrer SS Heinrich HIMMLER, who had meanwhile been nominated as Commander of the Political Police Forces of all the federal states possible. The Prussian law about the Secret State Police, dated 10 Feb 1936, then summed up the developments hitherto and determined the position and responsibilities of the Secret State Police in the executive regulations issued the same day.

A new decisive chapter of the development began with the appointment of the Reichsfuehrer SS as Chief of the German Police by means of the Decree of the Fuehrer mentioned above dated 17 June 1936, and the nomination which followed of SS Gruppenfuehrer Maj Gen HEYDRICH, who up to then, had been Chief of the Secret State Police Bureau and Chief of the Central Security Bureau of the SS, as Chief of the Security Police (Secret State Police and Criminal Police). The term “Secret State Police” was decreed by the Reichsfuehrer SS and Chief of the German Police on 28 August 1936 in the process of establishing uniformity for all the political police forces of the federal states and their organization adapted to the one existing in Prussia by the creation of State Police Bureaus. The Chiefs of the State Police Bureaus assumed the functions of the political executive with the current “Oberpraesident” (later on also with the Reich Governor), that is the president of the Government, according to the decree of the Reich and Prussian Ministers of the Interior, dated 20 Sept 1936.

On the basis of these forms of organization and with the help of the powers bound up with them, the fight against the open and hidden political enemies of the National Socialist peoples State was taken up by the Secret State Police after the assumption of power and is still being tried on today. Its activity is not only limited to solving political crimes already committed or to seizing their perpetrators, but they are equally interested in the prevention of these crimes, thus eliminating these dangers for the community at their very start. Constant investigation and observation of the enemies of the State and quick action in the case of recognition or after commitment of the act, thus go hand in hand. The Secret State Police by carrying out these tasks, contributed decisively to the fact that the National Socialist construction work could be executed in the past ten years without any serious attempts of interference by the political enemies of the nation.

2. The Criminal Police

The subordination of the Criminal Police of the Reich under the Chief of the Security Police, as decreed on 26 June 1936 became the fundamental basis for the uniform development throughout all Germany of the Criminal Police, which had been organized differently in all the federal states up to this time, namely for the establishment of the Reich Criminal Police in its present form of organization. The circular decree of 20 Sept 1936 stated the first fundamental regulations for the reorganization of the Criminal Police of the State, separating the Prussian State Criminal Police Bureau, in locality as well as function, from the Police Presidency in Berlin and charging it with the professional direction of the Criminal Police of all the German federal states, State as well as communal. The Reich Central Bureau for the struggle against the international and professional criminals as well as against habitual instinctive criminals, which was attached to the State Criminal Police Bureau, was particularly characterized in the course of this process by its close relationship to the practices of the Criminal Police.

The whole territory of the Reich was simultaneously divided into Criminal Police Bureaus on the basis of criminal geographical delineation of spheres of competence in place of the State Criminal [Police] offices. The new spheres occasionally combined several criminal police offices. Insofar as Criminal Police District Offices are not affiliated to State Police Administrative Offices, local duties falling within criminal police jurisdiction are to be taken care of by the crime sections of these State Police Administrative Officers.

In the course of further organizational development, the title of Reichskriminalpolizeiamt [Reich Criminal Police Bureau] was conferred on the Prussian State Criminal Police Bureau through a decree of 16 July 1937. This bureau was directly subordinated to the Chief of Security Police.

This newly created organizational system rendered possible the successful activity of the German Criminal Police, which also became increasingly more perfect in technical fields. From then on Criminal Police did not limit itself to repressive activity, but paid much attention to preventive combatting of crime on the basis of national protective ideology. The correctness of planning and development is demonstrated most clearly in the decline of criminality in the subsequent period.

3. The Security Service of the Reichsfuehrer SS (SD)

Recognizing that accurate knowledge of the enemy, of his methods and aims, is one of the most important bases of any successful struggle the Reichsfuehrer SS created an intelligence service organization as early as 1932 under the then SS-Standartenfuehrer (Colonel) Reinhard HEYDRICH. From the beginning members of the SS were the full-time agents of the SD, which had emerged from the SS.

After the seizure of power the leaders of the National-Socialist movement felt the necessity for current objective information about newsworthy events. This caused the NSDAP to issue an ordinance on 9 June 1934 which merged all information facilities then existing within the Party organization with the SD, and declared the latter to be sole Party information service. The original task of intelligence coverage of the enemy was thereby expanded to general intelligence activity.

In the course of the development as a whole, an increasingly closer cooperation of the SD with the offices of the Security Police resulted as a matter of course. The successful combatting of all activity hostile to the state by the Security Police can be traced back to a considerable extent to the intelligence groundwork of the SD. In addition the field of activity of the SD was progressively expanded, because top Reich authorities delegated to the SD in a series of agreements the task of informing these authorities about the effects of official measures upon popular morale. These agreements also regulated the details of cooperation between these top Reich authorities and the SD. Today the exploration of the situation in all fields of life from the information point of view is incumbent upon the Security Service (SD) of the Reichsfuehrer SS, with special consideration of the morale factors and repercussions among the population. The results of its variegated and responsible activity transmit an objective, always up-to-date picture of the situation to the leading authorities of Party and State. In addition they form valuable hints for current planning of the competent authorities.

The organizational structure within which the SD became active during the first years of its existence and was headed by the Chief of the Main Security Bureau of the SS, to whom in turn the regional subdivisions were subordinate. The elimination of SD-Oberabschnitte in September 1939 resulted in direct functional connection between the SD-Abschnitte, as the regional subdivisions were now termed, and the Main Security Bureau as central authority. The current close personal and organizational connection between the SD and the Security Police resulted from the Decree of the Reichsfuehrer SS and Chief of German Police, dated 27 September 1939. This Decree amalgamated the central authorities of the security police and of the SD, and vested it in the newly-created Chief of Security Police and SD, and above him in the Reich Main Security Bureau. Since that time the SD-(Leit)-Abschnitte and their subordinate offices have been under the jurisdiction of the Reich Main Security Bureau.

The above description of the history of the Secret State Police [Gestapo], of the Criminal Police and of the Security Service [SD] of the Reichsfuehrer SS only recounts the external stages of development. It can express only incompletely the great degree of personal initiative and unlimited National-Socialist prowess in work and organization which was brought to bear by the authoritative leadership personalities in building up the undertaking. However, the result of this concentrated effort is such that in these decisive times an apparatus was created on an entirely new basis which was from the beginning a necessary and effective instrument in the hands of the nation’s leadership and proved that it is capable of protecting the national community against protracted interference with communal life. It is obvious that these entire tasks could be handled only by men who are deeply rooted in National Socialist ideology, and who are ready to devote not only their total working capacity, but also their life, to the comprehensive realization of the National Socialist idea in the course of the fulfilment of their duties which is frequently dangerous. Because of this, and according to the wish of the Reichsfuehrer SS and of their late Chief, General Heydrich, it is the duty of the Security Police and of the SD not only to form a perfectly working administrative machinery, but in addition it is their duty to form a battle community sworn to a common ideology and brotherhood. The currents of strength generated by this battle community in fulfilling its difficult task of continuous combatting of everything inimical to the nation, a task which has to be accomplished in inglorious silence, shape the National Socialist idea ideologically. These currents of strength also shape the basic law of the SS, from the members of which Security Police and SD are recruited in increasing measure. Tangibly they shape the continuous work in thoroughly training the individual. Ideological schooling, comradeship, professional education and physical fitness are inculcated without cease; they take up a prominent position side by side with the professional daily routine proper, especially in the schools of the Security Service and the SD established for these purposes.

Trained in such a manner, Security Police and SD could do justice even to the great additional requirements, which the four year battle for the living rights of the German people brought in its train. In all battle areas, and in all occupied territories, the men of the Security Police and of the SD stand side by side with the Armed Forces. In a struggle full of sacrifice they devote all their strength to keep the rear of the front free, and to help make secure German reconstruction in occupied territory. In the offices of the home front, on the other hand, the men employed make certain that the fight for life of the German people is not impaired by criminal elements. Through increased effort they equalize the additional tasks and the additional work, which are necessitated by the war as such and especially by the reduced number of personnel due to drafting of men for front-line duty. All faithful to the words of the Reichsfuehrer SS, to do more than their duty in time of war.

* * * * * * *

PARTIAL COPY OF DOCUMENT 1689-PS

CZECHOSLOVAKIA FIGHTS BACK A Document of the Czechoslovak Ministry of Foreign Affairs Published by American Council on Public Affairs Washington, D. C., 1943 [Pages 110, 111, and 114]

On December 2, 1942, a special order issued by the “Protectorate” Ministry of Agriculture excluded the Jews not only from buying unrationed foods, but even from receiving them as a gift from any private citizen. The same order has left it to the discretion of the Ministry of Agriculture to exclude Jews entirely or partially from obtaining rationed food, thus exposing the remnants of the Jewish community to death by starvation.

One hour on five days a week has been allowed for shopping, this hour being fixed at a time when after, first the Germans and then the Czechs, have done their buying, the small stocks are mostly exhausted.

After the occupation of Poland, Hitler designated Lublin and its immediate district as a reservation in which all Jews from the occupied countries were to be concentrated. Some 2,000 Jews of Moravska Ostrava were the first to be sent there. A year later, at the end of October 1941, 48,000 Czech Jews were already picked out for deportation. Men between the ages of sixteen to fifty were sent to labor camps, while their womenfolk and children were taken to special settlements in Eastern Poland.

At the end of June, 1942, deportation to Poland began on a large scale. The Gestapo was instructed to prepare by every Monday and Thursday contingents of a thousand Jews each. Those to leave were given a day or two’s notice. The Nazi records of the Jewish registration were out of date and it often happened that the call-up cards were addressed to persons who had died years ago, had left the country or had already been deported. In such cases the daily quota of a thousand was made up by people simply picked up from the streets or dragged from their beds at night-time. The Gestapo took a delight in so selecting the deportees that families were split, wives separated from their husbands, and even small children from their mothers. Those left at home were never allowed to bid farewell to their relatives or friends. But sometimes, on early summer mornings, their Czech friends could watch those gloomy processions of the outlawed marching to the railway station and passing for the last time through the streets of Prague.

At the end of 1942, no Jewish life in Bohemia and Moravia was left. Out of the 90,000 Czech Jews more than 72,000 have been deported.

Although the deportations went on, leaving at the end of August, 1942, only some 20,000 Jews in Slovakia, most of them in ghettos the Nazis were still not satisfied. At the end of November, 1942, a special committee was set up to consider the final expulsion of the remainder of the Jews. By then, out of the 95,000 Jews, 76,000 had already been deported.

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 1696-PS

THE REICHSMINISTER OF THE INTERIOR IV g 4178 /39-5100

Berlin, NW 40, Koenigsplatz 6, 16 November 1939 Telephone: Dept. Z, I, II, V, VIII, 11 00 27 Dept II, IV, VI (Unter den Linden 72); 12 00 34 Tel. Address: Reichsinnenminister.

To the Head of the Hospital (for Mental cases) Kaufbeuren or his Deputy in Kaufbeuren.

With regard to the necessity for a systematized economic plan for Hospitals and Nursing Institutions, I request you to fill up the attached Registration Forms immediately, in accordance with the attached instructional leaflet, and to return them to me. If you yourself are not a doctor the Registration Forms for the individual patients are to be filled in by the superintending doctor. The filling up of the questionnaires is, if possible, to be done on a typewriter. In the column “Diagnosis” I request a statement as exact as possible, also a short description of the condition if feasible.

In order to expedite the work, the registration forms for the individual patients can be despatched here in several parts. The last consignment must, however, in any case have arrived at this Ministry at the latest on 1 January 1940. I reserve for myself the right, should occasion arise, to institute further official enquiries on the spot through my representative.

p.p. (Sd.) DR. CONTI

Certified. (Sd.) Illegible Administrative Secretary.

Registration Form 1

To be typewritten.

Current No. __________

Name of the institution: __________________________________________ at: ___________________________________________________________

Surname and Christian name of the patient: _________ at birth _______________ Date of birth: _____ Place: ________ District: ____________________________ Last place of residence: ____________ District: ___________________________ Unmarried, married, widow, widower, divorced: ________ Religion ________ Race⁠[1] _______________ Previous profession: ________ Nationality: __________ Army Service when? 1914-18 or from 1.9.39 ___________________

War injury (even if no connection with mental disorder) Yes/No ______________ How does war injury show itself and in what does it consist? ________________ Address of next of kin: ______________________________________________ Regular visit and by whom (Address): __________________________________ Guardian or nurse (Name, address): ____________________________________ Responsible for payment: ____________________________________________ Since when in that Institution: _________________________________________ Whence and when handed over: ___________ Since when ill: _______________ If has been in other Institutions, where and how long: ______________________ Twin yes ___ Blood relations of unsound mind: ___________________________ no Diagnosis: _________________________________________________________ Clinical description (Previous history, course, condition; in any case ample data regarding mental condition): ___________________________________ Very restless? yes ___________________________________________________ no Bedridden? yes _____________________________________________________ no Incurable bodily illness: yes (which) ____________________________________ no Schizophrenia: Fresh attack _______ Final Condition __________________ good recovery ____________________ Mental debility: weak _________ Imbecile ________ Idiot ______________ Epilepsy: psychological alteration ___________ Average frequency of the attacks ___________ Therapeutics (Insulin, Cardiazol, Malaria, Permanent result: yes ______________ Salvarsan etc. When?) ___________________ no ______________ Admitted by reason of para. 51, para. 42b StrGB etc _______________________ through _________________________ Crime: ___________________ Former punishable offences: _________________ Manner of employment (detailed description of work): ______________________ Permanent } Yes ____________________________________________________ } Employment, independent worker Temporary } No _____________________________________________________ Value of work (if possible compared with average performance of healthy person) ________________________________________________________ This space to be left blank. _________________ Place, Date ____________________ _______________________________________________ Signature of the head doctor or his representative (doctors who are not psychiatrists and neurologists please state same.)

FOOTNOTES:

PUBLIC UTILITY AMBULANCE TRANSPORTATION G.m.b.H. Dept. II/d, H/K

Berlin, W. 9. 12th. May, 1941

To the Director of the Hospital of the District association of Swabia, Kaufbeuren/Bavaria.

Potsdamer Platz 1.

Dear Director,

By order of the Reich Defence Commissioner I must remove mental cases from your institution and from the Branch at Irrsee to another institution. A total of 140 persons are to be transported, 70 on 4th June and 70 on 5th June. I forward you herewith Transport Lists Nos. 8, 9, 10 and 11 in triplicate. The additional names on the lists are intended for possible deficits (discharged meanwhile, died, etc.).

The marking of the patients is most suitably done by means of a strip of adhesive tape, on which the name is written in ink-pencil, to be pasted between the shoulder blades. At the same time the name is to be put on an article of clothing.

The hospital reports and personal histories are to be prepared for the transportation and to be handed to our Director of Transport, Herr Kuepper, in the same way the personal possessions of the patients, as well as money and articles of value.

I enclose property information cards and information cards as to the defrayer of the expenses, which, accurately filled out, must be handed in at the time of transportation. Money and articles of value, besides being noted on the property information cards, must also be noted on separate special lists (in duplicate). Transportation takes place:

On 4th June, 8.46 a.m. from Kaufbeuren—70 patients.

On 5th June, 8.46 a.m. from Kaufbeuren—70 patients.

Our director of transport, Herr Kuepper, will visit you the previous day, in order to discuss further details with you.

I further request you to provide the patients with food (2-3 slices of bread and butter each and some cans of coffee).

[Pencil note illegible]

Heil Hitler! [signature illegible] Public Utility Ambulance Transportation G.m.b.H.

PROVINCIAL ASSOCIATION FOR SOCIAL WELFARE SWABIA. Address: Augsburg 1, P.O. Box Regierungspraesident

Tel No. 5842 Cashier’s Office: Principal Govt. Cashier’s Office Augsburg. Post Office check account: Munich No. 1624 Enclosures:

Director: Dr. Faltlhauser, of the Hospital, Kaufbeuren.

Your reference: 2080. Your letter of 13.11.40. Our ref: (to be given always) II-B-7-2.

Augsburg, 6.5.1941

Concerning the transfer of patients.

I have the honour to inform you that the female patients transferred from your institution on 8.11.1940 to the institutions in Grafeneck, Bernburg, Sonnenstein and Harthein all died in November of last year.

[signature illegible]

Copy

No. 5255 c 39 Ministry of State of the Interior. Oberregierungsrat Gaum.

Munich, 24th November 1942 To the Director of the Hospital, Kaufbeuren, Obermed. Rat Dr. Faltlhauser.

To Head Physician Dr. W. Leinisch Guenzburg.

Re letter of 13.11.1942. Dear Doctor,

In your letter of 13.11.1942 you requested me to send suitable epileptics for the carrying out of your research work. I had an opportunity of discussing this with the Obermedizinalraeten Dr. Faltlhauser and Dr. Pfannmueller. Both will willingly deliver you suitable patients. For various reasons patients from the Institution at Kaufbeuren are primarily to be chosen. If this institution has no suitable material, I agree to the transfer of patients from Eglfing-Haar to Guenzburg for your research work. I request you to get into touch with Dr. Faltlhauser.

Heil Hitler! (Sd.) GAUM.

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 1701-PS

Copies distributed to Gauleiter Dr. Wilhelm von Allwoerden [?]

11 Aug. H Berlin, 9 August 1943

The Reich Minister of the Interior Pol. SV A I No 844/43 To the Reich Minister and Chief of the Reich Chancellory in Berlin W8 For the information of the other Reich ministers. Subj: Law on the treatment of enemies of the society. In addition to my letter of 19 March 1942— Enclosures: 55. —

After the draft of the law on the treatment of enemies of the society has been completely rewritten, I am sending the enclosed new draft with the consent of the Reich Minister of Justice, Dr. Thierack and ask that the law be approved in a circulatory manner. The necessary number of prints is attached.

The Chief Plenipotentiary for the Reich Administration has again agreed on the importance of the law in war, considering the existing directions for curbing the making of laws and the administrative activity. Furthermore I refer to my letter of 19 March 1942 and to the reasons attached to the draft.

/s/ Frick

The Reich Minister for the Occupied Eastern Territories

Berlin W 35, 22 Dec 1943

Tele—letter

To the Reich Minister of the Interior for the information of the Reich Minister and Chief of the Reich Chancellory and the other Reich Ministers.

Subject: Law on the Treatment of Enemies of Society. To Pol. SVA 1 No. 844/43 of 9 August 1943

I have basic objections against the draft of the law. In Par 2, Dir. 4, I assume that the police will inform the penal prosecuting authority also of such cases in which it does not consider—for legal or actual reasons—that a punishable act has been committed or can be proved, especially if it wants to connect the behavior of the culprit with consequences adverse to him. The penal prosecuting authority should be able to determine also in dubious cases whether the possibility of penal prosecution exists. I therefore suggest to formulate Par. 2, Dir. 4, of the law draft about as follows:

“If there is suspicion of a punishable act by enemies of society, the police will inform the penal prosecuting authorities about it.”

Because, in the framework of the draft, the basic regulation of the connections between penal justice and police has become mandatory, an exact definition of the respective competence seems necessary to me. In the expected executory decree it should hence be made clear, as it was already provided in the draft of the executory decree (Par. 4) for the first draft of the law, that police actions because of the same matter are not admissible anymore if a court has freed (a party) because of proven innocence or lack of proofs, except for custody measures in case of freeing for lack of proofs. Furthermore, it should be determined that the police can not take other than custody measures after the penal term of a person judged by a court because of the same facts. Further, I think it necessary to have a fundamental clearing of the question whether, and if so—to what degree police measures are admissible after refusal of a decree of custody or other judicial directions, regardless of the reason for refusal.

Finally, I mention for consideration if the words “the regime of the time of the system” in Dir. 3 of the official document, taken from the newspaper language, could not be replaced to advantage by another expression.

I especially direct your attention to the printing mistake in the last but two dir. of the reason, in which in the third line it should probably read “protective surveillance” instead of “protective custody”.

Rosenberg attested: chancellery employee

Offic. Stamp

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 1702-PS

Rec’d: 1025/44g encl: 1 Aug. 44

Copy SECRET

II 1C

Evacuation Report of District Commissariat of Kasatin [Illegible notes]

REPORTER: District Commissar STEUDEL, Kasatin. Time of report: 8 November to 28 December 1943.

1. The military situation in November/December 1943.

Immediately following the capture of Kiev by the Soviets on 7 November, the district town of Wassilkow as well as the important railroad center Fastow, belonging to the district of Wassilkow, fell into enemy hands, (8-9 November). The following day, the Soviets attempted to advance farther along the rail line Fastow-Kasatin. They succeeded in capturing with weak armored and infantry spearheads in one move, the stations of Kozanka, Popilnva and Browki, situated along this line, and to execute further sudden advances past the station of Czernorudka. For this reason the district of Wtscheraische had to be evacuated on 15 November. I withdrew the Germans committed there to the district of Rushin situated 20 kilometers to the South. The withdrawal was effected according to plan and without friction, with all implements, after all camps had been evacuated previously; the cattle—above all the valuable breeds (Oxen and colt stables) led back. German tractors and farm machines transported away and all businesses had been crippled. (Fundamentally, the chief command of the 4th Armored Army, in whose zone these battles took place, had ordered that in the district West of the Dnjepr, in contrast to the ones to the East, no destructions of farm goods or businesses should take place).

* * * * * * *

The results of the hereby described military events between 8 November and 20 December were as follows:

In a conference, called by me, of the authoritative leaders of all offices of the civilian sector on 8 November, I ordered the immediate start of, and discussed in detail, measures for the most far-reaching decentralization. At the same time, the leaders of all vital, above all of the economic food industry, were informed to effect, in case of an evacuation, the crippling of factories (by taking away important and hard-to-replace machine parts, belts, etc.,) and to prepare this already now. Up till then, however, all factories had to be kept running at full capacity. It should be emphasized here, praisingly, that all measures ordered by me in strictest accordance with the army economic leader [A.W.F.] of the chief command of the 4th Armored Army, were executed by the responsible parties and their staff in an exemplary manner, and with the greatest conscientiousness. Although the delivery of cars, for conceivable reasons, did meet with considerable difficulties, we succeeded, due to the splendid cooperation of the authoritative Reich German organizations of military and civil government, in transporting to the West approximately 80% of the most vital goods (grain, cattle, sugar, etc), or in making them available for the armed forces for immediate use as provisions for the fighting troops.

* * * * * * *

5. In the midst of the conditions, almost restored to normal, I received a call on the eve of the 25th of December from the Army according to which the Soviets with superior forces of tanks and motorized troops, had exerted a strong renewed pressure on the line of Kotscherowo-Brusilow-Fastow and along the street Kiev-Shitomir with the main advance in a South West direction. Shortly afterwards, the long distance calls, as per attached inclosure number 2, was put through according to which the able-bodied male population in the ages between 15 and 65 as well as the cattle had to be led back in the direction East of the line Kililowka-Berkitschew-Shitomir. The transporting of the able-bodied population was charged to the military authorities by the chief quartermaster of the army, while beginning with the morning of 26 December. I discussed and ordered in detail, during an immediate conference for the whole district the shipment of all the cattle. This action started successfully on that day according to plan, while the discussions over the seizure of the male population were not yet concluded in the afternoon hours of the 26th of December and no positive measures of any kind were taken.

Enclosure II

SECRET

Kdt. rueckw. A. Geb. 585 Abt. Qu. Nr. 452/43 geh.

In the field 25 December 1943

To the District Commissar KASATIN

1. The able-bodied male population between 15 and 65 years of age and the cattle are to be shipped back from the district East of the line Belilowka-Berditschen-Shitomir (places excluded).

* * * * * * *

4. Destruction of farm goods and factories in all places must not take place, only a crippling of factories for several weeks will be executed by army economic leader (A.Wi.Fue.).

In charge [signature illegible] Lt. General

Distribution: See original.

Enclosure III

Copy

SECRET

High Command of the 4th Armored Army O. Qu/Qu 2 Nr. 1662/43/ secret

Army Headquarters, 26 December 1943

Re: Evacuation measures.

1. The city of Berditschew is to be evacuated of Reich Germans, German [Volksdeutschen] agencies of the civil government, government of the country, able-bodied population. The cattle is to be taken away. Execution of evacuation measures is charged to the civil government.

* * * * * * *

4. No destructions are to take place as far as they are not expressly ordered by the armored army. All factories are to be prepared for crippling so that this can be accomplished in the shortest possible time. The electricity and water plants are to be taken over by the technical troops.

* * * * * * *

6. The same measures are to be prepared for Kasatin in such a way that they can be started at once at the command of the armored army.

For the High Command of the Armored Army The Chief of the General Staff In charge Original signed MUELLER Colonel, General Staff

Correct: [signature illegible] Lt Colonel, General Staff.

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 1708-PS

National Socialistic Yearbook 1941 Edited by: Dr. Robert Ley Published by: Central Publishing House of the N.S.D.A.P. Franz Eher, successor Munich The program of the NSDAP

The program is the political foundation of the NSDAP and accordingly the primary political law of the State. It has been made brief and clear intentionally.

All legal precepts must be applied in the spirit of the party program.

Since the taking over of control, the Fuehrer has succeeded in the realization of essential portions of the Party program from the fundamentals to the detail.

The Party Program of the NSDAP was proclaimed on the 24 February 1920 by Adolf Hitler at the first large Party gathering in Munich and since that day has remained unaltered. Within the national socialist philosophy is summarized in 25 points:

1. We demand the unification of all Germans in the Greater Germany on the basis of the right of self-determination of peoples.

2. We demand equality of rights for the German people in respect to the other nations; abrogation of the peace treaties of Versailles and St. Germain.

3. We demand land and territory (colonies) for the sustenance of our people, and colonization for our surplus population.

4. Only a member of the race can be a citizen. A member of the race can only be one who is of German blood, without consideration of creed. Consequently no Jew can be a member of the race.

5. Whoever has no citizenship is to be able to live in Germany only as a guest, and must be under the authority of legislation for foreigners.

6. The right to determine matters concerning administration and law belongs only to the citizen. Therefore we demand that every public office, of any sort whatsoever, whether in the Reich, the county or municipality, be filled only by citizens. We combat the corrupting parliamentary economy, office-holding only according to party inclinations without consideration of character or abilities.

7. We demand that the state be charged first with providing the opportunity for a livelihood and way of life for the citizens. If it is impossible to sustain the total population of the State, then the members of foreign nations (non-citizens) are to be expelled from the Reich.

8. Any further immigration of non-citizens is to be prevented. We demand that all non-Germans, who have immigrated to Germany since the 2 August 1914, be forced immediately to leave the Reich.

9. All citizens must have equal rights and obligations.

10. The first obligation of every citizen must be to work both spiritually and physically. The activity of individuals is not to counteract the interests of the universality, but must have its result within the framework of the whole for the benefit of all.

Consequently we demand:

11. Abolition of unearned (work and labour) incomes. Breaking of rent-slavery.

12. In consideration of the monstrous sacrifice in property and blood that each war demands of the people personal enrichment through a war must be designated as a crime against the people. Therefore we demand the total confiscation of all war profits.

13. We demand the nationalization of all (previous) associated industries (trusts).

14. We demand a division of profits of all heavy industries.

15. We demand an expansion on a large scale of old age welfare.

16. We demand the creation of a healthy middle class and its conservation, immediate communalization of the great warehouses and their being leased at low cost to small firms, the utmost consideration of all small firms in contracts with the State, county or municipality.

17. We demand a land reform suitable to our needs, provision of a law for the free expropriation of land for the purposes of public utility, abolition of taxes on land and prevention of all speculation in land.

18. We demand struggle without consideration against those whose activity is injurious to the general interest. Common national criminals, usurers, Schieber and so forth are to be punished with death, without consideration of confession or race.

19. We demand substitution of a German common law in place of the Roman Law serving a materialistic world-order.

20. The state is to be responsible for a fundamental reconstruction of our whole national education program, to enable every capable and industrious German to obtain higher education and subsequently introduction into leading positions. The plans of instruction of all educational institutions are to conform with the experiences of practical life. The comprehension of the concept of the State must be striven for by the school [Staatsbuergerkunde] as early as the beginning of understanding. We demand the education at the expense of the State of outstanding intellectually gifted children of poor parents without consideration of position or profession.

21. The State is to care for the elevating national health by protecting the mother and child, by outlawing child-labor, by the encouragement of physical fitness, by means of the legal establishment of a gymnastic and sport obligation, by the utmost support of all organizations concerned with the physical instruction of the young.

22. We demand abolition of the mercenary troops and formation of a national army.

23. We demand legal opposition to known lies and their promulgation through the press. In order to enable the provision of a German press, we demand, that: a. All writers and employees of the newspapers appearing in the German language be members of the race: b. Non-German newspapers be required to have the express permission of the State to be published. They may not be printed in the German language: c. Non-Germans are forbidden by law any financial interest in German publications, or any influence on them, and as punishment for violations the closing of such a publication as well as the immediate expulsion from the Reich of the non-German concerned. Publications which are counter to the general good are to be forbidden. We demand legal prosecution of artistic and literary forms which exert a destructive influence on our national life, and the closure of organizations opposing the above made demands.

24. We demand freedom of religion for all religious denominations within the state so long as they do not endanger its existence or oppose the moral senses of the Germanic race. The Party as such advocates the standpoint of a positive Christianity without binding itself confessionally to any one denomination. It combats the Jewish-materialistic spirit within and around us, and is convinced that a lasting recovery of our nation can only succeed from within on the framework: common utility precedes individual utility.

25. For the execution of all of this we demand the formation of a strong central power in the Reich. Unlimited authority of the central parliament over the whole Reich and its organizations in general. The forming of state and profession chambers for the execution of the laws made by the Reich within the various states of the confederation. The leaders of the Party promise, if necessary by sacrificing their own lives, to support by the execution of the points set forth above without consideration.

Adolf Hitler proclaimed the following explanation for this program on the 13 April 1928:

Explanation

Regarding the false interpretations of Point 17 of the program of the NSDAP on the part of our opponents, the following definition is necessary:

“Since the NSDAP stands on the platform of private ownership it happens that the passage” gratuitous expropriation concerns only the creation of legal opportunities to expropriate if necessary, land which has been illegally acquired or is not administered from the viewpoint of the national welfare. This is directed primarily against the Jewish land-speculation companies.

PARTIAL TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 1709-PS

[Report of Special Delegate for Art Seizures, July 1943]

[Page 68 Par. 134]

The collection Lubomierski in Lemberg contained among others 31 valuable hand drawings by Albrecht Duerer. An offer made in the spring of 1940 by a special commissioner through the foreign office to the Russian government, to exchange these drawings by Duerer for equally valuable Russian works of arts and literary monument, was refused. On the day of the capture of Lemberg, the special commissioner, Dr. Muehlmann and the museum director Dr. Kudlich went there by order of the Reichmarshal, to conduct a search for the hand drawings. The investigation encountered considerable difficulties, because the Russians had reorganized the system of museums in Lemberg and because the collection Lubomierski did not exist any more.

In the course of further investigations Prof. Gebarowicz of the Bawarowski-museum, who had publicized the drawings in the past, was thoroughly interrogated also. Finally he explained that he kept the drawings carefully hidden from the Russians in the Bawarowski-museum. On demand, he also brought them out from concealment.

After thorough examination, the sequestration was announced, and a regular receipt was issued.

The special commissioner has turned over these hand drawings in July 1941 to the Reichmarshal in person, who brought them to the Fuehrer into the headquarters, where they still are. By specific order of the Fuehrer, they remain temporarily in his possession.

The following single drawings are affected, which were entered in the supplement of the catalogue (31 drawings on 23 cartons):

Carton I 1. Self portrait

2. 6 pillows

Carton II 3. The young steer

Carton III 4. Nude with mirror

5. Partial sketch of the same figure

Carton IV 6. Nude woman with headscarf in a niche on a sphere

Carton V 7. Nude man with lion

8. Nude man with mirror

9. Attached weak reprint of the same figure

Carton VI 10. Corner ornament with eagle

11. The holy family

Carton VII 12. Drapery study

13. Nude man lying down

Carton VIII 14. Oarsman

Carton IX 15. Horse

Carton X 16. Europa on the steer

Carton XI 17. Corpus Christi

Carton XII 18. Nude woman with a staff

Carton XIII 19. Sampson with the city gates of Gaza

Carton XIV 20. Mary and child

21. Childhead

Carton XV 22. Pictures of the emperors Charlemagne and Sigismund

Carton XVI 23. The holy family in a hut

Carton XVII 24. Study for a Madonna and the head of an old man

25. Two geometric drawings

Carton XVIII 26. Mary with a child in an indicated renaissance hall

Carton XIX 27. Christ as king of the universe

Carton XX 28. Man’s head with a cap

Carton XXI 29. Lamentations over Christ

Carton XXII 30. Head of a deer

Carton XXIII 31. Study for an adoration, left kneeling Mary, right Holy Joseph

[Page 77, Par. 148]

Works of art for decorative purposes

On the desire of the Governor General, a number of 2nd and 3rd class art objects was made available to him for exhibition and decorative purposes,—Reference Paragraph 141 and 142.—The architect Franz Koettgen in Krakau was charged with the execution of this mission, especially the furnishing of Castle Kressendorf and the castle in Krakau. A list was made by the special commissioner, in which all objects, put at the disposal of architect Koettgen, were exactly listed in detail.

During the conference with the architect Koettgen, on 30 July 1942, the latter promised, to continue the inventory, already started by him, more rapidly, and to conclude by the end of 1942 at the latest. He furthermore said he was willing, to provide the special commissioner after the completion of the inventories with a directory of the location of the individual objects. The completeness of the transferred art objects and their careful storing can only be examined after the completion of the inventories.

A copy of the above mentioned lists on the object, put at the disposal of Koettgen is added to the report as enclosure Nr. 8.

[Page 80]

Of the objects, taken from the depot of the special commissioner in the state library in Krakau as of 1 Aug 1942, the following were inspected:

I. In Berlin in the depot of the special Commissioner and in the safe of the German Bank:

Catalogue No.

East German Master 1430 “Picture of the Vesper” 4

German Master 16th century “Picture of a bearded man” 17

Master von Kappenberg “Mary with child” 27

Dirk Bouts “Annunciation of Mary” 35

Netherland Master “Lamentation over Christ” 42

Berckheyde “Small Houtpoort in Haarlem” 45

Breughel “Folksfestival” 47

Gerrit Dou “Rembrandt’s mother” 51

Pinturicchio “Madonna and child” 138

Raffael “Picture of a young man” 141

Venetian Master “Mary and child” 145

de Largilliere “Portrait of a lady” 158

Further two 2nd class pictures, namely “The lustful old

man” (unequal lovers), “Fugger’s Portrait”.

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 1721-PS

CONFIDENTIAL

Supreme SA Command FO No 82/277-38 n.f.D. Ha/Hbl.

MUNICH, 29 November 1938 For Use of the Services Only Distributor I

Subject: Measures against the Jews.

The Stabsleiter of the Fuehrer’s deputy, in Order No. 189/38 (not to be made public), makes the following announcement:

“In connection with the actions against the Jews arising from the public, valuable objects had to be safeguarded here and there by the offices of the Party and its branches for the protection of German public property. I order that such objects be turned over at once to the nearest office of the Secret State Police, and receipts be given therefor.”

“If, in connection with these actions, the offices of the Party and their branches should become aware or have been aware of thefts, which unfortunately may have occurred, it is to be reported at once to the nearest Police Station. The same is to be done upon the appearance of suspicious objects.”

“The offices of the police are to be aided to the fullest extent in accomplishing their assignment.”

Chief of the Fuehrungshauptamt: Signed: JUETTNER Obergruppenfuehrer

Official /s/ [Illegible] Standartenfuehrer STAMPED: SA Group Kurpfalz 1543 /s/ [Illegible] 30 November 1938

CONFIDENTIAL

SA der NSDAP 50th Brigade (Starkenburg) Division F Reference No 4309

DARMSTADT, 2 Moosbergstrasse 11 November 1938

Tel. 7042 and 7043 Postal checking account: Frankfurt on the Main 234-38 Bankaccount City Savings Bank 155

To: SA Group Electoral Palatinate [Kurpfalz] Mannheim

The following order reached me at 3 o’clock on 10 November 1938.

“On the order of the Gruppenfuehrer, all the Jewish synagogues within the 50th Brigade are to be blown up or set on fire immediately.”

“Neighboring houses occupied by Aryans are not to be damaged. The action is to be carried out in civilian clothes. Rioting and plundering are to be prevented. Report of execution of orders to reach Brigade Fuehrer or office by 8:30.”

I immediately alerted the Standartenfuehrer and gave them the most exact instructions; the execution of the order began at once.

I hereby report that the following were destroyed in the area of:

Standarte 115

1. Synagogue at Darmstadt, Bleichstrasse destroyed by fire.

2. Synagogue at Darmstadt, Fuchsstrasse destroyed by fire.

3. Synagogue at Ober/Ramstadt interior and furnishings wrecked.

4. Synagogue at Graefenhausen interior and furnishings wrecked.

5. Synagogue at Griesheim interior and furnishings wrecked.

6. Synagogue at Pfungstadt interior and furnishings wrecked.

7. Synagogue at Eberstadt destroyed by fire.

Standarte 145

1. Synagogue at Bensheim destroyed by fire.

2. Synagogue at Lorsch in Hessen destroyed by fire.

3. Synagogue at Heppenheim destroyed by fire and blown up.

4. Synagogue at Birkenau destroyed by fire.

5. Prayer House Alsbach destroyed by fire.

6. Meeting room Alsbach destroyed by fire.

7. Synagogue at Rimbach furnishings completely destroyed.

Standarte 168

1. Synagogue in Seligenstadt destroyed by fire.

2. Synagogue in Offenbach destroyed by fire.

3. Synagogue in Klein-Krotzenburg destroyed by fire.

4. Synagogue in Steinheim on the Main destroyed by fire.

5. Synagogue in Muehlheim on the Main destroyed by fire.

6. Synagogue in Sprendlingen destroyed by fire.

7. Synagogue in Langen destroyed by fire.

8. Synagogue in Egelsbach destroyed by fire.

Standarte 186

1. Synagogue in Beerfelden blown up.

2. Synagogue in Michelstadt furnishings wrecked.

3. Synagogue in Koenig furnishings wrecked.

4. Synagogue in Hoechst i/Odenwald furnishings wrecked.

5. Synagogue in Gross-Umstadt furnishings wrecked.

6. Synagogue in Dieburg furnishings wrecked.

7. Synagogue in Babenhausen furnishings wrecked.

8. Synagogue in Gross-Bieberau destroyed by fire.

9. Synagogue in Fraenk. Crumbach furnishings destroyed.

10. Synagogue in Reichelsheim furnishings destroyed.

Standarte 221

1. Synagogue and Chapel in Gross Gerau destroyed by fire.

2. Synagogue in Ruesselheim torn down and furnishings destroyed.

3. Synagogue in Dornheim furnishings destroyed.

4. Synagogue in Wolfskehlen furnishings destroyed.

The Fuehrer of Brigade 50 (Starkenburg)

/s/ [Illegible] Brigadefuehrer

Stamped: SA Group Electoral Palatinate (Kurpfalz) 11 Nov 1938

/s/ [Illegible]

CONFIDENTIAL

Notice!

8.35 Oberfuehrer Durein [?] for the area of Brigade 51 reports completion of the matter of the Synagogues.

Everything has been carried out up to Roelsheim [?] near Germersheim.

10 Nov 38

(s) [Illegible]

CONFIDENTIAL

Note for Files

Telephone call by the Fuehrer of Brigade 50, Darmstadt. Brigadefuehrer Lucke.

Brigadefuehrer Lucke reports at 9 o’clock on 10 November 1938: The Jewish church at Darmstadt, the Synagogue at Darmstadt, and the Synagogue at Eberstadt were destroyed by fire. The Synagogue in Darmstadt destroyed and burned out. The Synagogue in Eberstadt destroyed and burned out. The Synagogues in Griesheim, in Graefenhausen and Oberramstadt destroyed. The Synagogue in Bensheim destroyed by fire. The Synagogue in Lorsch near Bensheim destroyed by fire. The Synagogue in Heppenheim blown up. The Synagogues in Rimbach and Birkenau destroyed. The Prayer Hall at Alsbach a.d.B. destroyed. Meeting-room in the Jewish cemetery in Haehnlein destroyed. The Synagogue and Church in Gross-Gerau destroyed by fire. The Synagogue in Ruesselsheim wrecked. In addition, the Synagogue and wooden church in Dornheim were demolished. In Offenbach the big Church and the Synagogue were destroyed by fire. Synagogues that may still exist will also be found and destroyed.

Mannheim, 10 Nov 1938

/s/ LOHMANN

Sturmhauptfuehrer

Copied:

CONFIDENTIAL

Note for Files

Telephone call from Brigade 151, Saarbruecken, by Sturmhauptfuehrer Rossel.

Sturmhauptfuehrer Rossel reports at 9.15 on the morning of 10 November 1938. Tonight the Synagogue in Saarbruecken was set on fire, and the Synagogues in Dillingen, Merzig, Saarlautern, Saarwillingen and Broddorf were also destroyed. Jews were taken into protective custody. The fire departments are occupied with extinguishing the fires. In the area of Standarte 174 all Synagogues were destroyed.

MANNHEIM, 10 November 1938 Copied:

/s/ ZIMMERMANN Standartenfuehrer

CONFIDENTIAL

Note for Files

Telephone call from the Fuehrer of Standarte 250, Bruchsal, Standartenfuehrer Ritter von Eberlein.

Standartenfuehrer Ritter von Eberlein reports at 9.00 on the morning of 10 November 1938. In the early morning of 10 November 1938, between the hours of 4.30 and 6.00 o’clock, the Synagogue at Bruchsal burned down to the foundations. The crowd broke all shop windows of the Jewish stores in the city; the alerted SA put guards before the Jewish stores to prevent plundering. The Rabbi and several prominent Jews had to be taken into protective custody for their own safety. This was done by the Gestapo. The Synagogue at Philippsburg also burned down at the same time. The infamous Rabbi Neuburger, who is known because of his foreign connections was taken into protective custody by instigation of the SA. During the night the Synagogues at Wiesloch, Walldorf and Malsch were also destroyed. The male Jews had to be taken into protective custody for their personal safety. In the area of Sturmbann III/250 the Synagogues at Sinsheim, Neidenstein, Neckar-Bischofsheim, Hoffenheim, Wollenberg and Ittlingen were also destroyed.

MANNHEIM, 10 November 1938 Copied:

/s/ ZIMMERMANN Standartenfuehrer

CONFIDENTIAL

Note for Files

Standarte 17 reports by telephone call from Sturmbannfuehrer. Then at 10.13 o’clock in the morning of 10 November 1938: The Synagogues at Ludwigshafen and Frankenthal were burned down completely this morning between 7 and 8 o’clock. Several Jewish stores were demolished.

MANNHEIM, 10 November 1938 Copied:

/s/ [Illegible] Standartenfuehrer

PARTIAL TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 1723-PS

DECREES, REGULATIONS, ANNOUNCEMENTS [The German publication entitled “Verfuegungen, Anordnungen, Bekanntgaben”] Pp. 430-39.

Security Police

Cooperation of the Party offices with the Secret State Police [Gestapo].

In a summary of all the previously issued decrees on the cooperation between the Party and the Gestapo I refer to the following and ordain:

1. To the Gestapo has been entrusted the mission by the Fuehrer to watch over and to eliminate all enemies of the Party and the National Socialist State as well as all disintegrating forces of all kinds directed against both. The successful solution of this mission forms one of the most essential prerequisites for the unhampered and frictionless work of the Party. The Gestapo, in their extremely difficult task, is to be granted support and assistance in every possible way by the NSDAP. The supervision of the Party itself does not come under the jurisdiction of the Gestapo.

I prohibit all offices of the Party, its organizations and associated groups to conduct investigations and interrogations regarding affairs which concern the Gestapo only. All occurrences of a political-criminalistic nature are to be reported without prejudice along Party channels and as ever brought to the knowledge of the Gestapo immediately.

2. The secret state police must report automatically all occurrences of a criminal nature, even if it includes Party Members, to the responsible public prosecutor according to the laws of the National Socialist State, in force for all nationals. In such cases, the State police offices will notify, as before, the county and Gauleiters concerned, of the reports made to the public prosecutor. Reports will include reasons for the incidents. In the interest of the movement the functionaries [Hoheitstrager] are obliged to suspend, if necessary, the party members, after contacting the responsible Party Court; the latter will hold a public hearing, to decide on the temporary suspension.

Invitation of the leaders of offices in the Security Police and the Security Service to attend Party meetings.

In order to establish closer connections between all the offices of the Party and their organizations and the office leader of the Security Police and SD, the leader of the Party Chancellor asks that they should be invited in the future to all large official meetings of the Party.

The taking over of political offices by officials of the Gestapo

The Secret State police has the mission to safeguard the unhampered development of all forces active in the party and released by it in the National Socialistic State.

Since it is still in a state of being organised and the available officials and employees are very much in demand they are only to be employed in order to take over positions in the Party in as much as it is compatible with their official duties in the Secret State Police.

I, therefore, ask to check in every single case and in close harmony with the department of the Secret State Police concerned, whose leader welcomes the taking over of political functions by officials and employees of the Secret State Police, whether the transfer of political missions into the Party can be justified in the interest of the official obligations of the Secret State Police.

Presentation to the State Police upon request by Party offices

The Chief of the Security Police and SD has issued the annexed decrees of 29 March 1940 and 4 November 1940. It is ordered herewith that departments of the Secret State Police will be obliged to execute the presentation request when the same emanates from the Reichsleiters or the Gauleiters. If the request for presentation originates from subordinate departments of the party it will only be granted if particular interests of the State Police seem to warrant a presentation.

In the future the county administration and local administrations are to direct all requests through the district administration to the responsible department of the Secret State police.

Berlin, 29 March 1940

The Chief of the Security Police and SD I A 1 NR. 102/40-176

To all State police departments

By way of information to the Inspectors of the Security Police and SD.

Subject: Presentation to the State Police upon request by Party offices.

Repeated requests by Party offices for presentation to the State Police of Volksgenossen who did not heed the summons of the Party offices, cause the following regulations to be decreed:

1. If the district administration makes the request the same is to be granted as long as no important interests of the State Police interfere.

2. If a party office subordinate to the district administration requests the presentation, the same has to be denied in as far as no important interests of the State Police seem to warrant a presentation.

Signed: HEYDRICH

Verified: Schoenbrunn of the Chancellery

Berlin SW 11 4 November 1940

The Chief of the Security Police and SD IB 1 NR 763/40-151

To All State Police Departments

By way of information to the Inspectors of the Security Police and SD

Subject: Presentation to State Police upon request of Party Offices

Reference: Decree of 29 March 1940 IA 1 NR 102/40-176

In supplement to my decree of 29 March 1940 I order that presentation requests by Reichsleiters be granted in so far as important interests of the State Police do not interfere.

Signed: HEYDRICH

Protective Custody

Protective custody must be viewed as the strongest measure in order to impressively instruct the Volksgenossen, who maliciously neglect their duties toward the community or endanger the security of the State, that they have to conform themselves to the universal interests and to adapt themselves to State discipline. Therefore it should only serve as a means of combatting real enemies of the Reich, but should never be used for the clarification or punishment of different or insignificant offenses.

An excessive use of protective custody, as well as its infliction without previous indisputable clarification of the state of affairs and the question of guilt, is neither justified with regard to the future of the one involved nor with respect to the reduction of its moral effect.

Therefore it must be expected that protective custody is only to be employed in really pressing and substantial cases.

I request that the county leaders be instructed orally to avoid any written communications; special emphasis on secrecy.

Protective Custody (Regulations)

Through the circular of the 25 January 1938, the Reich Minister of the Interior has issued new regulations regarding the introduction of protective custody. In the following, I announce the wording of this decree for confidential information.

Berlin 25 Jan. 1938

The Reich Minister of the Interior

The following regulations regarding protective custody go into effect on the 1 February 1938. At the same time, the following are rescinded:

a. My decree of 12 April 1934—I 3311 A/28.2 along with the supplement of 26 April 1934 and 10 July 1934 (directed to governments of the states and to the Reichstatthalters).

b. My decree of 12 April 1935—VI B 757A/3014 along with the supplementary decree of 1 June 1935 VI B 11568/3014 (directed to the governments of the states, Reichstatthalter, Prussian presidents of government districts).

c. My decree of 17 June 1935—III P 3311/329 (directed to the state government and the Reichstatthalter.)

d. The decree of office of Secret State Police of 3 July 1934—B Nr. 19582 II I D (directed to the presidents of the Prussian government districts).

e. The decree of the Political Police Commander of the Lands of the 9 Sept 1935—B. Nr. 37840/35 II I D (directed to the Political police of the states and the Prussian State Police offices).

Article 1 Admissibility

Protective custody can be decreed as a coercive measure of the Secret State Police against persons who endanger the security of the people and the state through their attitude, in order to counter all aspirations of enemies of the people and state.

Protective Custody shall not be decreed for penal purposes or as a substitute for punitive arrest. Punishable offenses have to be decided finally by the courts.

Article 2 Competence

1. The Secret State Police exclusively is competent for the application of protective custody.

2. Motions in behalf of the application of protective custody have to be directed to the Secret State police through the State police offices. Every motion has to be substantiated in detail; the statements of the arrested person have to be considered in it. A copy of the hearing of the person temporarily apprehended has to be forwarded immediately.

3. Protective custody may only be inflicted if the accused has previously had a hearing on offenses imputed to him.

Article 3 Temporary Arrest

1. The Secret State police bureau, the offices of the State police director and of the State Police are authorized under the provisions of par. 1 to order the temporary arrest of persons:

a. If it is feared that the freedom will be abused for activities hostile to the state.

b. If danger of under-cover activities exists.

c. If there is suspicion of escape.

2. The accused has to be notified at the latest within 24 hours after the arrest. He is to be heard on the grounds for the infliction of the temporary arrest according to protocol.

3. A temporarily arrested person has to be released at the latest after an elapse of 10 days from the day of apprehension if the Secret State police bureau has in the meantime not decreed protective custody (5).

* * * * * * *

Article 6 Execution

The protective custody has to be executed generally in the State Concentration Camps.

Article 7 Duration

1. Protective custody shall only be upheld as long as it serves its purpose.

2. The Secret State police bureau authorizes release from protective custody. For that reason the bureau investigates periodically but not exceeding 3 months, whether the protective custody should be cancelled. The release must have taken place, at the latest, on the third day after the lifting of the protective custody.

Article 8 Foreigners

As a matter of principle deportation procedure has to be carried out against foreigners who have been taken into protective custody unless particular reasons interfere.

Article 9 Executory Regulations

The Chief of the Security Police issues the necessary regulations for the execution.

PARTIAL TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 1724-PS

Press conference on August 4, 1938 headed by Regional Leader [Gauamtsleiter] Schoeller

Duration: 1 hour

[Page 1, par. 4]

The breaking up of the synagogue (information must still be secret).

On August 10, 1938 at 10 o’clock A. M. the breakup of the synagogues will commence. Gauleiter Julius Streicher will personally set the crane into motion with which the Jewish symbols (Star of David etc.) will be torn down. This should be arranged in a big way. Closer details are still unknown.

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 1725-PS

1935 REICHSGESETZBLATT, PART I, PAGE 502

Ordinance on Enforcement of the Law for Securing the Unity of Party and State of 29 March 1935

By virtue of the law for securing the unity of Party and State of 1 December 1933 (RGBl I, 1016) I order:

ARTICLE 1

1. The NSDAP and the Hitler Youth Movement, Inc. are to be expunged in the corporation register. The property of these corporations has without liquidation become the property of the NSDAP as a corporation of public law.

2. The land deeds and other public records are to be corrected free of charge on request.

3. Until the decree of the statute of the NSDAP (Article 1, Section 2 of the Law for Securing the Unity of Party and State of 1 December 1933), the previous statute of the National Socialist German Workers’ Corporation, Inc., is applicable in this sense to the NSDAP as a corporation of public law.

ARTICLE 2

The SA,

The SS,

The National Socialist Driver Corps [Kraftfahrkorps],

The Hitler Youth (including the Jungfolk, the League of German Girls and Jungmaedel),

The National Socialist German Student League,

The National Socialist German Women’s Auxiliary [Frauenschaft], are components of the party.

ARTICLE 3

The National Socialist League of German Physicians, Inc.,

The League of National Socialist German Jurists, Inc.,

The National Socialist Teachers’ League, Inc.,

The National Socialist People’s Welfare, Inc.,

The National Socialist War Veterans’ Administration, Inc.,

The Reich League of German Officials, Inc.,

The National Socialist League of German Technologists,

The German Labor Front (including the National Socialist foundation “Kraft durch Freude”),

are the organizations affiliated to the NSDAP.

ARTICLE 4

1. The components of the NSDAP possess no legal character of their own and no property of their own.

2. The NSDAP forms with its components as a corporation of public law, a unit for the domain of the entire organization, with reference to property rights. Therefore the entire corporation is exclusively obligated and justified as to property rights.

3. The Reich Treasurer of the NSDAP is the Plenipotentiary of the Fuehrer in all legal matters relating to property of the NSDAP. The Plenipotentiary rights include the right to assign sub-powers of attorney generally or for individual matters.

ARTICLE 5

1. The affiliated organizations can possess their own legal character.

2. The affiliated organizations are subject to the financial supervision of the Reich Treasurer of the NSDAP.

3. The other legally determined supervisory rights are not touched by the financial supervision of the Reich Treasurer of the NSDAP.

ARTICLE 6

All authorities have to assist the Reich Treasurer of the NSDAP and his agent in the fulfillment of his duties and to conform with the requests of the Reich Treasurer of the NSDAP, which go to them on the basis of this order.

ARTICLE 7

1. The first enforcement order of 23 March 1934 (Voelkischer Beobachter, Munich edition No. 86 of 27 March 1934 and Berlin edition No. 87 of 28 March 1934) on the law for securing unity of party and state dated 1 December 1933 is abrogated.

2. Likewise all previous orders and regulations contrary to the above enforcement order on the law for securing unity of party and state of 1 December 1933 are abrogated.

ARTICLE 8

1. The Deputy of the Fuehrer issues terms for enforcement and supplementing Articles 2 and 3 of this order. The Reich Treasurer of the NSDAP issues the remaining terms for execution of this order.

2. This law takes effect on the day following its announcement.

Berlin, 29 March 1935

The Fuehrer and Reich Chancellor Adolf Hitler The Deputy of the Fuehrer R. Hess Reich Minister without Portfolio The Reich Minister of the Interior Frick

COPY OF DOCUMENT 1726-PS

STATEMENT OF THE NETHERLANDS GOVERNMENT IN VIEW OF THE PROSECUTION AND PUNISHMENT OF THE GERMAN MAJOR WAR CRIMINALS

Enclosure “h” entitled: Central Bureau for Statistics

THE DEPORTATION OF NETHERLANDS WORKMEN TO GERMANY [Pages 1-3].

The enlistment of working labourers took quite a different course. Many big and reasonably large business concerns, especially in the metal industry, were visited by German commissions who appointed workmen for deportation. This combing out of the concerns was called the “Sauckel-action”, so named after its leader, who was charged with the appointment of foreign workmen in Germany.

The employers had to cancel the contracts with the appointed workmen temporarily, and the latter were forced to register at the labour offices, which then took care of the deportation under supervision of German “Fachberater”.

Workmen who refused (relatively few) were prosecuted by the “Sicherheitsdienst” (SD). If captured by this service, they were mostly lodged for some time in one of the infamous prisoners camps in the Netherlands and eventually put to work in Germany.

In this prosecution the “Sicherheitsdienst” was supported by the German Police Service, which was connected with the labour offices, and was composed of members of the N.S.B. and the like.

At the end of April 1942 the deportation of working labourers started on a grand scale. Consequently in the months of May and June the number of deportees amounted to not less than 22,000, resp. 24,000 of which many were metal workers.

After that the action slackened somewhat, but in October 1942 another top was reached (2,600). After the big concerns, the smaller ones had, in their turn, to give up their personnel. * * *

This changed in November 1944. The Germans then started a ruthless campaign for manpower, passing by the labour offices. Without warning, they lined off whole quarters of the towns, seized people in the streets or in the houses and deported them.

In Rotterdam and Schiedam where these raids (razzia’s) took place on 10 and 11 November, the amount of people thus deported was estimated at 50,000 and 5,000 respectively.

In other places where the raids were held later, the numbers were much lower, because one was forewarned by the events. The exact figures are not known as they have never been published by the occupants.

The people thus seized were put to work partly in the Netherlands, partly in Germany.

The events of the war then took such a turn that further deportations did not take place. But still in the North and East of the country, many men, up to 60 years, were seized and forced to build defence works in the neighbourhood of their homes.

PARTIAL TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 1741-PS

PART 3

S BLN NR 51 7 AUG 8 AUG 0800— TO the Chairman of the German-French Economic Commission, Ambassador HEMMEN, Wiesbaden Hotel 4 Jahreszeiten.

[Rubber Stamp]

German Armistice Delegation for Economy

Wiesbaden 8 AUGUST 1940 NO. 30 Incl. 1.

NO. 70—

Enclosed, I forward to you a copy of the draft of the note on occupation costs, which corresponds to the decisions made in the meeting of the H.P.A. on 31 July, and which in the meantime has the consent of the Chief of the OKW. I request to forward the note now.

By Order /S/ WIEHL.

NOTE: For the Chairman of French Delegation with the German Armistice Commission General Huntziger

My General:

By order of my government, I have the honor to inform you of the following:

1 According to Article 18 of the German French Armistice Agreement of 22 June 1940, the costs for the maintenance of the German occupational troops on French soil are to be borne by the French government. To carry out this term, an early settlement is necessary.

2 Considering the impossibility to calculate the costs accurately at present, until further notice, daily installments of at least 20 million marks are necessary. These installments may be paid in French francs, Reichcredit checks [Reichskassen Scheinen] or other values, to be agreed on. The conversion of French francs has been fixed on a currency ratio at 1:30, subject to a later different settlement. The billeting of the German occupation troops on French soil is not included in the settlement of installments. The billet owners will be compensated for the billeting costs by the French government outside of the settlement of installments.

3 The settlement is in force from the period beginning 25 June 1940. The back payments are due with the settlement of installments. The further amounts are to be paid every time for a period of ten days in advance.

4 Certificates of requisition for material in kind, issued by the German occupation, exclusive of billeting, as far as they have been issued after the coming into force of the settlement of installments, will be registered as payment for the cost of the occupation by the French government. However, the certificates of requisition, which were issued by the German occupational troops before the coming into force of the settlement of installments, are to be redeemed by the French government without deducting it from the costs of occupation. I request my General to confirm to me the receipt of this note, and to notify me about the measures which the French government has made about the execution of the above settlement.

Permit me, My General, to express my utmost respect,

* * * * * * *

PART 6

Wiesbaden No. 29 17.9.40 2010 Secret

Teletype

Foreign Berlin

Secret

Del. No. 120.

In your teletype No. 171 of 12 September, concerning occupation expenses, it is stated in number 2 that it is the wish of the Reich Finance Ministry to inform the French delegation explicitly “that the installments did not constitute a settlement by a lump sum, but that they would have to be adapted to the actual necessities arising from the current war situation and the current requirements of the occupation troops”. I hesitate considerably, to communicate this request to the French delegation for the following two reasons:

In my notes of 8 August 1940—Del. W. 280 of 15 August 1940—Del. W. 331—and of 20 August 1940—Del. W. 408, the idea of installments has always been expressed clearly. The idea of a settlement by a lump sum has never been discussed with the French. The French delegation has therefore no reason, up to now, to assume that the installments constituted a settlement by a lump sum. The instruction requested by the Reich Finance Ministry would, on the contrary, only arouse the idea of a settlement by a lump sum in the minds of the French, which I consider as disastrous.

General von Stuelpnagel informed me more officially, that numerous German Divisions have been transferred to the East from France. This fact cannot remain unknown to the French permanently. He draw my attention to that fact because he thought that this decrease of the armed forces in France would certainly influence the amount of the occupation expenses.

The transmission of the communication to the French delegation at present in the wording “as necessitated by the current war situation and the current requirements of the occupation troops” as desired by the Reich Finance Ministry, contains the further danger, that the French delegation would claim a reduction of the installments because of the decrease in the number of troops.

I ask you for your decision.

Signed: HEMMEN

2015 NR 29 Received BO AUSW AMT (Foreign Office) Berlin.

PART 7

Wiesbaden 23 October 1940

Armistice Commission for Economic Affairs

The President of the French Delegation for Economic Affairs French Delegation

To Monsieur Hemmen Minister Plenipotentiary President of the German Armistice Delegation for Economic Affairs.

No. 6318/DE [Rubber Stamp] German Armistice Delegation for Economic Affairs Wiesbaden 24 October 1940 No. 1532 Enclosures Sir:

By order of my government I have the honor to communicate the following to you:

In a note dated the 12th of October, the German government answered a note of the 26th of August in which the French government had made a formal protest against the payments demanded from her to cover the expenses of the German occupation troops in France. The German government refuses all discussion, both on the distinction between “occupation troops” and “operational troops”, and on the rate of exchange between Reichsmarks and francs.

It further refuses or denies the French government the right to watch and receive information about the way in which the sums paid for the costs of occupation are used, as well as about the requisitioning of lodgings and economic requisitions.

The French government profoundly regrets this reply. It considers, in fact, that events have fully justified the position it took up.

After having recalled once more the essential distinction which it makes between “occupation troops” and “operational troops”, the French government pointed out to the government of the Reich the two considerations which, in its opinion, make a fresh examination of the problem necessary.

1. Facts have shown that the rate of exchange fixed for the conversion of the Reichsmark into francs was too high. This rate of exchange did not take into account the respective levels of prices in France and Germany at the time when it was fixed. It anticipated a very considerable rise in French prices, which the German authorities considered inevitable. Actually this rise did not take place and the buying power of the franc remains much higher, than that implied by the maintenance of the present parity.

The French government is all the more surprised at its protest against the rate of exchange between francs and Reichsmarks not having had any results, as it had itself suggested, in case the rate were modified, a formula allowing the pay and allowances received by the German troops for their expenses in France to remain at the figures at present paid in francs.

An immediate consequence of the rate of exchange of 20 francs to the mark is that the sum demanded on account, for the maintenance of the occupation troops, which is reckoned in Reichsmarks, is out of all proportion to the real expenses of these troops. As a matter of fact, the credit balance of the account opened by the Bank of France for the German military administration is enough to cover the costs of occupation for a long time to come.

2. It is obvious that the payments demanded by the government of the Reich should be reduced in proportion to the number of German troops in France. But it is clear that this number has diminished considerably since the daily payment was fixed.

The French government is all the more justified in arguing from the above facts, as it is faced by an extremely serious economic problem, owing to a lack of raw materials and insufficient means of transport, which have led to considerable unemployment. The result is that, if the level of the costs of occupation fixed in August is persisted in, the burden will become more and more difficult to bear as time goes on.

The French government therefore has to make a formal request for a revision of the present daily payment. This reduction is amply justified, both by the real needs of the occupation troops and by France’s economic capacity. If it does not take place soon, the French government will inevitably be unable to continue its payments.

The French government, anxious to carry out the Armistice Convention which it signed, wanted to give the government of the Reich this loyal explanation of the position it is forced to take up. It appeals to the feeling of great comprehension of the German government and hopes that this sincere explanation will induce the latter to grant the revision requested in this note.

I am, sir, /S/ Yves de Boisanger.

[Rubber Stamp] THE PRESIDENT French Armistice Delegation For Economic Affairs.

PART 8

French Delegation for Economic Affairs

Wiesbaden, 18 March 1941 [Rubber Stamp] German Armistice Delegation for Economic Affairs 18 March 1941 No. 5409 Enclosures.

No. 15447/DE

The President of the French Delegation for Economic Affairs, to Monsieur Hemmen Minister Plenipotentiary

President of the German Armistice Delegation for Economic Affairs.

Sir:

I have the honor to communicate the following to you on the orders of my government:

Since the fixation of the daily indemnity by Germany, the French government has paid over 108 million as occupation costs.

The burden of this payment, aggravated as it is to this degree, can no longer be borne by the economy of this country without serious danger. There is a risk of its causing a disorganization of its social and political structure from which German interests would be the first to suffer.

The representatives of the German government have several times manifested their intention of dealing considerately with France’s domestic order and her attempts at recovery.

It is the purpose of safeguarding the economic forces necessary for Franco-German collaboration that the government has the honor of setting forth the motives and objects of its request for the revision of the indemnity.

I. MOTIVES

1. Monetary

The total of the sums paid by France is so great that financing has to be covered by repeated appeals to the Bank of France.

As a result, the monetary circulation is increasing at an exceptionally dangerous rate.

In January 1939 it did not exceed 110 milliards. In January 1941 it had already been doubled. At the present rate it will soon reach three times its pre-war volume.

2. Economic

This enormous mass of buying power weighs down an impoverished country, whose reserves have been exhausted by war and whose production is cramped by the lines of demarcation. It can not be reabsorbed by taxes, since budgetary recoveries, which already represent a very heavy burden on the taxpayer, do not exceed 60 milliard francs. It can not be absorbed by loans, since subscriptions to treasury bonds only just cover the expenses of the French state.

The mass of currency thus exercises considerable pressure on prices, so that it is difficult to prevent them rising.

3. Psychological

This is particularly the case owing to the fact that, all holders of francs are showing an increasing propensity to fly from money. The rise in the rate of interest on shares, hoarding by merchants and individuals and rise in real estate prices reveal the progressive depreciation of the national currency.

The fall of the franc was considerably accelerated when, the State’s Fourth Convention with the Bank of France (20 January 1941) became known. It is to be feared that the publication of the Fifth Convention, dated the 20th of February, will be still more disastrous, unless it is accompanied by the announcement of a revision of the indemnity.

II. OBJECTS

1. Reduction of the indemnity

The indemnity was fixed at 400 million francs per diem, as the result of a decision by the German Armistice Commission for Economic Affairs on the 8th of August 1940, to meet the expenses of the occupation troops.

But these troops have decreased in number since the armistice, and one must reintroduce the distinction between operational troops and occupation troops, the latter being the only ones who were to be supported by France, according to the Armistice Convention.

Furthermore, the debits actually entered on the account of the Reich Credit Bank [Reichskreditkasse] with the Bank of France have been used to cover other needs than that of supporting German troops.

Finally, in spite of these non-military uses to which the indemnity has been put, German expenses have not absorbed the credits which were opened.

Thus it came about, that on the 12th of March 1941 the payments made by France amounted to 108 milliards, while the Germans had only drawn up to half this figure.

It would therefore only be fair, to reduce the daily payment of 400 millions by a very considerable fraction.

2. Incorporation of all French obligations into the indemnity

The present indemnity does not include all the obligations which France has to meet.

The French State meets the expenses of lodging and billeting separately.

The fiscal exonerations which Germany recently decided her purchases in France should enjoy, deprived the French Treasury of a considerable income.

It would only be fair that the new payment should cover all the obligations falling on France as a result of the occupation.

3. Reduction of the rate of exchange of the mark

The rate adopted for the mark, as a result of the decision of the 8th August, is 20 francs to the Reichsmark, whereas the official parity between the two currencies is 17 francs, and real parity, based on a comparison of their buying power, is still lower than this figure.

This over-valuation of German currency does not have as its only effect a considerable aggravation of the burden of tribute. It also exerts an upward pressure on French prices which tend to adjust themselves to German prices, on the basis of the excessive rate of exchange of the mark.

The parity between the two currencies should therefore be brought back to a level which stands in a closer relationship to economic realities.

4. Alteration of the method of payment

The habit of making payments in currency in settlement of the requisitions supplied to the occupation authorities is the principal cause of the exaggerated monetary circulation.

It is therefore essential that the needs of the German occupation troops be met, in principle, only by requisitions in kind;

that the methods used in the Rhineland from 1919 onwards be taken as an example and the French authorities be made responsible for obtaining these requisitions and debiting the occupation account with the value of the products and services provided in France;

that payments in currency be limited to a few purchases direct from commerce and industry made by soldiers of the German army out of their pay;

that payment for purchases in Germany for the maintenance of the occupation troops in France be met by the Reichsmarks which the French Compensation Office holds in Berlin. The cost of these supplies would be debited to the account opened to follow the use of the daily indemnity.

The French government strongly hopes, that the reasons for her preoccupations will be understood. It urgently requests, that talks be begun rapidly, so that the indemnity can be readjusted before the currency has lost its value completely. It counts on the German government agreeing to no new payments being made, until the necessary negotiations have been completed, as the needs of the occupation troops are covered for many months by the money at present credited to them in the Bank of France.