Volume 4 — Introductory material (continued 20)

III Oranienburg, 4 April 1942

Concerns: Lashing [Pruegelstrafen]

to the Concentration Camp Commanders of Da., Sah., Bu., Mau., Flo., Au., Gr. Ro., Natzw., Nie., Stu., Arb., Rav., and Commander of Prisoner of War Camp Lublin.

The Reich Fuehrer-SS and Chief of the German Police has decreed that when the word “more severe” [verschaerft] is added in his orders for lashings, the execution of the sentence must be undergone with bare seat [unbekleidetes Gesaess]. (This includes male as well as female prisoners in protective or preventative custody.)

In all other cases the previously decreed punishment by Reichfuehrer-SS remains the same.

The Chief of the Central Office sig: Liebehenschel SS-Obersturmbannfuehrer

FdRda sig: [illegible] SS Oberscharfuehrer und Stabsscharfuehrer

PARTIAL TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 2219-PS

To the General Field Marshal

At Present in Vienna, 14 July 1939

Sir:

If I may add something about myself, it is the following: I know that I am not of an active fighting nature, unless final decisions are at stake. At this time of pronounced activism [aktivismus] this will certainly be regarded as a fault in my personality. Yet, I know that I cling with unconquerable tenacity to the goal in which I believe. That is Greater Germany [Grossdeutschland] and the Fuehrer. And if some people are already tired out from the struggle and some have been killed in the fight, I am still around somewhere and ready to go into action. This, after all, was also the development until the year 1938. Until July 1934 I conducted myself as a regular member of the party. And if I had quietly, in whatever form, paid my membership dues—the first one, according to a receipt, I paid in December 1931—I probably would have been an undisputed, comparatively old fighter and party member of Austria, but I would not have done any more for the union. I told myself in July 1934 that we must fight this clerical regime on its own ground in order to give the Fuehrer a chance to use whatever method he desires. I told myself that this Austria was worth a mass. I have stuck to this attitude with an iron determination because I and my friends had to fight against the whole political church, Freemasonry, Jewry, in short, against everything in Austria. The slightest weakness which we might have displayed would undoubtedly have led to our political annihilation; it would have deprived the Fuehrer of the means and tools to carry out his ingenious political solution for Austria, as became evident in the days of March 1938. I have been fully conscious of the fact that I am following a path which is not comprehensible to the masses and also not to my party comrades. I followed it calmly and would without hesitation follow it again because I am satisfied that at one point I could serve the Fuehrer as a tool in his work, even though my former attitude even now gives occasion to very worthy and honorable party comrades to doubt my trustworthiness. I have never paid attention to such things because I am satisfied with the opinion which the Fuehrer and the men close to him have of me.

[Seyss-Inquart]

PARTIAL TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 2220-PS

SECRET

Letterhead

THE REICH Minister and Chief of the Reich Chancellery

RK.318D g III

Berlin W8, April 17th, 1943. Vosstrasse 6, at present: FIELD-quarters. Mail must exclusively be directed to Berlin address.

To the Reichsfuehrer-SS and Chief of the German Police. Herr Himmler

Ref: The situation in the Government General.

Dear Mr. Reichleader,

We had agreed at our conference on March 27th of this year that written texts should be worked out about the situation in the Government General, on which our intended, mutual report to the Fuehrer, could be based.

The material gathered for this purpose by Lieutenant General Krueger was submitted to you immediately. Based on this material, I have had a sketch prepared, which sums up the most important points of this material, sub-divides them in a way quickly to grasp, and finally points out the kind of measurements to be taken.

The memorandum was checked, together with SS Lieutenant General Krueger who agrees with it in full. Part of it I herewith submit to you.

(signed) Dr. Lammers.

Copy to RK. 318 D g III.

F.Q. April 12th, 1943

SECRET!

Ref: The situation in the Government General.

A. The task of the German Administration in the Government General. The German Administration in the Government General has to fulfill the following tasks:

1. For the purpose of securing food for the German people, to increase agricultural production and utilize it to the fullest extent, to allot sufficient rations to the native population occupied with work essential for the war effort and to deliver the rest to the armed forces and the homeland.

2. To employ the manpower of the native population in the Government General itself only for war important purposes, and to put at the homeland’s disposal such manpower which is not needed for the purpose mentioned above.

3. To consolidate German folkdom in the Government General and by means of inland settlement in particular to create a stronghold of German folkdom in the eastern border districts, also by means of colonization with racial Germans, transferred from other places, thus safeguarding these very border districts.

4. To safeguard the Government General as a transit zone for replacements and supplies to the East front.

5. To obtain troops as far as possible from the native population for the fight against Bolshevism.

B. Wrong ways chosen for the fulfillment of these tasks. The German administration in the Government General has failed by a wide margin in achieving the tasks listed under A. Although, in the year of 1942, one succeeded in meeting the delivery quota of agrarian products for the armed forces and the homeland at a relatively high percentage, namely over 90% and also met the demands of the homeland concerning the conscription of labor in general, one has to consider two things on the other hand: First, these accomplishments in the year of 1942 were achieved for the first time, prior, f. i. only 40,000 German tons [Translator’s remark: 2206 lbs. avoir p. makes a ton] bread grain had been delivered to the Armed Forces. Secondly, and above all, one had failed to create for the bringing about of such achievements the necessary organizational, economic, and political basis, which is absolutely required, if such achievements shall not strongly affect the entire situation, may eventually cause chaotic conditions in the future. This failure of the German administration can for one thing be explained by the system of the German administrative and governmental activity in the Government General, personally represented by the Governor General, and secondly, by the wrong basic principles of policy in all those questions, which were decisive for conditions in the Government General.

II. The failure in basic principles of policy.

1. The realization of the task, listed in A 1, necessitates in the first place a strict and clear-cut structure of economics, as well as a disciplined and clear-cut official economic policy, accompanied by an elimination as totally as possible of clandestine trading and black markets. This stipulates above all the fullest utilization of the harvest and its public management, the stopping of all trade enterprises, which are not essential to the war and the care to be taken for a clear-cut management in war essential enterprises.

The German administration was in no respect capable of living up to these requirements. In the matter of raising food it took a request of a delivery contingent for the Reich and the Armed Forces amounting to 750,000 metric tons of bread grain in the summer of 1942, in order to have the attempt made, of drawing up an inventory of food products. For this purpose a census was taken. The result however turned out to be unreliable. The utilization of the harvest [Ernte-erfassung] did not even permit the full delivery of the contingent for the Reich and the Armed Forces (instead of 750,000 metric tons only 690,000 tons) let alone the ample feeding of the native population working for German interests. While 1.4 million metric tons were demanded, only 1.2 million metric tons of bread grain could be taken hold of, of which 690,000 m.t. were delivered to the Reich and the Armed Forces, so that for roughly 16 million natives only 510,000 m.t. were left. Accordingly, the weekly bread rations for the normal consumer had to be cut down to only 1050 g, compared with 1675 g in the Protectorate and 2600 g in the annexed Eastern territories. To make supplies available for the native population, black markets and clandestine trading were tolerated to the greatest extent, resulting in prices entirely unattainable for the population, working for German interests. A married Polish official, without children, with High school education f.i. has a net income of 234.27 Zloty per month. Compared with this, the prices in the clandestine trade are:

1 kg. rye bread 11.00 Zloty

1 ” potatoes 2.40 Zloty

1 ” pork 80.00 Zloty

1 ” bacon 160.00 Zloty

1 ” butter 170.00 Zloty

Under such conditions the foreign worker remains at his place of work for about 4 to 5 days per week only in order to purchase the missing provisions for himself and his family on the remaining other days. Daily ransackings, robberies, murders and other crimes are further consequences of these conditions.

The farmer received, as an incitement for delivery of his agrar-products, premium certificates for the obtaining of commodities (articles needed for farming, household necessities, salt, cigarettes, brandy, etc.). These commodities very often could not be had, however, despite the fact that they were obtainable in any desired quantity in the clandestine trade, but at exorbitant prices.

( 1 bricklayer’s brush = 1 cow

1 dz. (Drusch) coal = 30.00 Zloty

1 pair of boots = 1500.00 ”

1 horse shoe nail = 3.00 ”

1 pair of wooden slippers = 2 calves

1 dress = 1 cow )

The consequences of this situation naturally lead to a severe curbing of the farmer’s willingness to produce. Instead of reducing prices in the trade section by means of taking the necessary measures in regard to the management, a decree of the Governor General recommended, to adjust the prices of agrar-products to the prices of commodities, which were as much as 300 to 4000% higher.

The trade economics are entirely built up according to capitalistic viewpoints, with the aim of earning quickly and much and any planned leadership, which might take war requirements into consideration, is lacking. There is a lack of state supervision and of guidance in the line of production and in the line of trade. The German individual business man as a “trustee” on his own, of enterprises personally directed by him, is given a free hand to do what he wants, in the unrestricted play of forces. These trustees very often make use of former Polish and Jewish owners of enterprises as agents empowered to sign in their names. These trustees make tremendous profits in clandestine trading, tolerated by the Government, and make them within the shortest time. Prohibition of production and control of individual management, as requested by the Armament Inspection (Lt. Gen. Schindler), were not carried out. Part of the trade production is directed only at putting at the disposal of the native population objects for the trade-in of food; metals, materials for spinning, leather, etc., are thus being drained off from the war economy.

2. The Utilization of Manpower. The most important presupposition for a proper and relatively frictionless regulation to utilize manpower taken from the native population within the Government General itself, as well as within the Reich, are normal conditions in the sphere of economics. Lack of this coordination influences the steering of labor employments unfavorably in many respects. If it would be possible to provide the population, working in the interest of Germany, with the minimum of food needed, and everyday objects, and to render impossible the access to other items by way of black market channels and clandestine trade, then the reserves of manpower at hand would volunteer for employment as planned, of their own volition. This would mean a basis for a sensible shaping of agrarian property-units. It is necessary in this respect that parts of the population thus available may then be employed in such work which will guarantee them a satisfactory standard of living. After failing to have created the necessary supposition for a well-planned and well-steered employment of manpower, the utilization of manpower is confronted with the greatest difficulties. It is clear that these difficulties have been increased by the elimination of Jewish manpower. But it is incorrect to consider this elimination as the cause of difficulties. If the necessary basis for proper management of manpower had been given, the elimination of Jewish manpower would not have caused any difficulties worth mentioning. As things were, the utilization of manpower had to be enforced by means of more or less forceful methods, such as the instances when certain groups appointed by the Labor Offices, caught Church and Movie-goers here and there and transported them into the Reich. That such methods not only undermine the people’s willingness to work and the people’s confidence to such a degree that it cannot be checked even with terror, is just as clear as the consequences brought about by a strengthening of the political resistance movement.

3. The Treatment of the Native Populations. Can only be led into the right channels based on a foundation of a clear-cut and well-organized administration and management. Only such a foundation permits that the native population may be handled strictly if necessary, even severely. On the other hand, it can be dealt with in a big-hearted manner and may be granted certain liberties, especially in cultural respect, causing a certain amount of contentment. Without such a foundation, severity would only strengthen the resistance movement and meeting the native population half way would only undermine the German reputation. That this foundation is missing can be concluded from the facts mentioned above. Instead of trying to create this basis, the Governor General inaugurates a promotion of cultural life on the part of the Polish population, which knows no bounds in itself. Under prevailing circumstances however and last, but not least, in connection with our military situation last winter, this could only be explained as a weakness and thus had to bring about exactly the opposite results of the aspired aim.

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HEADQUARTERS 12TH ARMY GROUP OFFICE OF THE JUDGE ADVOCATE APO 655

REPORT OF INVESTIGATION of ALLEGED WAR CRIME

Summary

Nature of violation: Mistreatment, torture and Murder of Allied nationals.

Place and Date: 31 concentration camps all in vicinity of Nordhausen, Germany from 23 August 1943 to 10 April 1945.

Victims: Approximately 52,000 nationals of 18 Allied countries.

Perpetrators: German SS troops and civilians.

CONFIDENTIAL

Information to Establish Prima Facie Case Required by SHAEF Court of Inquiry

25 May 1945

SUBJECT: Murder and maltreatment of Political Prisoners and Prisoners of War in Mittelbau (Dora) Concentration Camps, near Nordhausen, Germany.

TO: Commanding General, Ninth United States Army, APO 339, U. S. Army.

FROM: War Crimes Investigating Team 6822, U. S. Army.

Date and Time: 11 April 1945 to 14 May 1945. Own File Ref: 315.

1. Nature of violations. Murder and maltreatment of political prisoners and prisoners of war in Mittelbau (Dora) concentration camps near Nordhausen, Germany. (Map Ref: GSGS 4346, M-52:D-12.)

2. Place, date, time. 23 August 1943 to 10 April 1945.

3. Brief resume of incident. Nordhausen, Germany, a city of approximately 39,000 peacetime population, is located eighteen miles east of the Harz Mountains. In August 1943 (Exhibit A), the construction of a V-bomb factory was undertaken in tunnels dug into the foothills of the Harz Mountains about two miles north of Nordhausen. The area was operated by a combination of commercial firms known as Mittelwark which was charged with the construction of V-bombs. The operating personnel was made up of forced laborers who were used in both the construction of the tunnels and manufacture of the V-bombs. These laborers were, with the exception of the German overseers, composed of a number of nationalities the majority of which were Russians, Poles, French, Belgians, and Czechs, in that order. There were also Norwegians, Danes, Hollanders, Spanish, Italians, Hungarians, Bulgarians, Latvians, Yugoslavians, Greeks, Albanians, Rumanians, Estonians, and the records also show (Exhibit 81) one American as having been in the camp (Exhibit A-1). There were thirty-one (31) camps which were utilized for housing the forced laborers and which were, in most cases, located in the vicinity of the area in which the laborers were utilized. These camps were known as:

Artern Ballenstedt Blankenburg Bleicherode Dora Ellrich Gross Werther Harzungen Hohlstedt Ilfeld Ilsenburg Kelbra Klein Bodungen Kleissingen Mackenrode Nixei Nordhausen (Boelcke-Kaserne) Osterhagen Osterode Quedlinburg Regenstein Rossla Rottleberode Sollstedt Sonderhausen Tettenborn Trautenstein Walkenried Wickerode Wieda Wolffleben

The camps were guarded by SS troops (Exhibit A-1), and SS troop headquarters were located at Dora (Exhibit 86). The SS personnel were assisted in their guard duties by block leaders who, for the most part, were Kapos (Capos), which was the name given to German Civilian Criminals who had been released from imprisonment for the specific assignment as block leaders in the aforementioned camps.

Between 75,000 and 80,000 forced laborers (Exhibit A-1) were shuttled into, and a few out of, these installations. A complete indifference to the welfare of the prisoners was exhibited by their guards and custodians. Drinking water and water for washing, in the first stages of the operation of Dora proper, was found only wherever the forced laborers could find a leak in the pipes (Exhibit EEE). At the time of the liberation hundreds of bodies to which death had come from starvation and bombings were strewn about Bolke Kaserne. These bodies were emaciated, and bony prominences of the skeletons were conspicuous under the skin. These bodies were laid in rows in various conditions of decomposition. A pile of naked bodies, the result of one day’s deaths, was found under the stairway at the Bolke Kaserne camp (Exhibit 87). Small piles of bodies were about the building (Exhibits 89, 90, 91, & 92). In their weakened condition the living were compelled to relieve themselves in their beds from which they were too weak to move. Deposits of human feces were frequent throughout. Both living and dead, in many cases, were in the same beds (Exhibits CC, DD, EE, & FF). The mental condition of the prisoners had degenerated with their physical condition, and due to a lack of water some were drinking their own urine (Exhibits A-1 & DD). Some effort had been made to burn some of the bodies, and the partially burned, blackened bodies of 100 children lay about the premises. No organized effort was made to bury the dead (Exhibits EE & FF).

The diet at the camps varied. At Dora the daily diet consisted of one litre of very thin soup, 400 grams of bread, 50 grams of margarine, and three times a week one slice of horse (hard) sausage or beef jelly, the equivalent of 70 grams of meat. One spoonful of marmalade and one spoonful of cream cheese once a week, and irregularly one canteen cup of black, ersatz coffee (Exhibits GG, HH, RR, SS, TT, UU, & EEE). This diet contained 1100 calories per day per man (Exhibit O). Deaths from starvation were numerous (Exhibits MM, UU, & JJJ).

During the period of construction of the camp at Dora no housing facilities were present. Prisoners for three months were required to sleep in the tunnels in which they worked. Many of them died from respiratory diseases contracted in the damp tunnels, and others died of heart ailments due to the under ground pressure (Exhibits A, A-1, TT, UU, CCC, & EEE). They were permitted to leave the tunnels during this period but once a week, and then only for roll call which lasted from one to three hours.

Transport was the name given to movements, whether they were made by vehicle or on foot, to the transfer of prisoners from one installation to another. When travel was by rail, groups numbering as high as 130 were placed in cattle and freight cars and during the inclement weather were given no extra clothing (Exhibits A, Q, GG, HH, and EEE). Of one group of 4,500 men and 500 women who were moved from Monowitz to Nordhausen in January 1945, a trip lasting approximately eight days, only twice were the passengers given food, at which times each was given one-half loaf of bread and 106 grams of meat. Upon arrival at Mittelbeau in the Nordhausen area, between 1,000 and 1,300 of the travelers were dead (Exhibits A-1, & Q). On the 8th, 9th, 10th, and 11th of March 1945, 2,000 prisoners were taken from Nordhausen to a so-called Red Cross Camp near Bolkenberg. They travelled by wagon and on foot, and were given three days food for the ten day trip. 1,000 of the 2,000 died within three days (Exhibit A). Of 1,600 prisoners who came to Bolke Kaserene from Ellrich 250 died within three days (Exhibit A). Approximately 100 prisoners a day, suffering from malnutrition, tuberculosis, etc., were shipped from Dora to Bolke Kaserene to be “hospitalized” (Exhibit A-1). As the Allied troops neared the vicinity of the camps, evacuation of the prisoners was attempted by the use of the so-called transports, and as transportation by rail became impossible due to tactical operations, prisoners were in some instances released and in other instances removed from their transports and taken to areas, there to be murdered by their overseers (Exhibits DDD, FFF, GGG, HHH, & III).

The SS guards shot laborers upon the slightest pretext. Six prisoners were shot one day because they had left their place of work to go to the water closet (Exhibits A, N, O, LL, QQ, & SS). Beatings were frequently administered upon the slightest provocation by SS guards and Kapos (Exhibits A, F, G, H, I, J, L, M, O, R, S, T, U, V, AA, PP, QQ, RR & TT). One instance of a prisoner’s failure to tip his hat to an SS man was sufficient justification for his being beaten (Exhibit V).

Executions were often performed without apparent trial under the shallow guise of the condemned man having been a saboteur. 75 prisoners were hanged on 10 March 1945 at Dora (Exhibit K). On 13 March 1945 twelve others, including a Yugoslavian Doctor, who was accused of administering too carefully to the prisoner’s ailments and as being a saboteur were hanged (Exhibit K). 35 were hanged in one day (Exhibit JJ). 80 were hanged in February 1945 for having built a radio transmitter (Exhibits OO & SS). An engineer who was accused of tampering with a voltmeter was hanged (Exhibit TT). On many occasions the entire personnel of the camp were forced to witness the hangings (Exhibits O, JJ, & VV). This area was visited by many high Nazi officials, including Goebbels and Himmler. Himmler spoke to the personnel at Dora on one of his visits there (Exhibits A-1 & TT).

10,000 (Exhibit A-1) forced laborers who died or were killed at Dora and auxiliary camps were cremated at Buchenwald and Dora. Medical attention was of the most meager type (Exhibit HH). Deaths at Dora and the Mittelbeau camps varied, and were caused by starvation and diseases contributed to thereby (Exhibit EEE). At Dora estimated deaths were as high as eighty (80) per day (Exhibit N).

/s/ Fulton C. Vowell FULTON C. VOWELL

Signature P. 13 of Document Major, JAGD,

Commanding Officer, WCIT 6822, U. S. Army

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 2224-PS

THE END OF THE MARXIST CLASS STRUGGLE

Pages 1 and 2, Issue 381, 2 May 1933, of “NSK”. National Socialist Party Press Agency [NSK, Pressedienst der NSDAP—the official news agency of the NSDAP]. Edited by Wilhelm Weiss. Responsible for communications of the Reich Press Office. Dr. Otto Dietrich, Reich Press Chief. Published by Franz Eher’s Successor, Munich.

NSK. The Action Committee for the protection of German labor reports:

On 1 May 1933 the entire German people has made a mighty profession of confidence to the new governmental leadership and to the German folk community. The greatest event of the day was the unanimous stand which the entire German working class in all its strata, in all levels and trades, has taken up, behind the government of Adolf Hitler. The flags of the new Reich, the symbols of the National Socialist uprising and of German socialism fluttered in the workers’ districts of the cities just as on the farms, on factory smokestacks and on trade union headquarters, on state buildings and on homes in all German cities.

1 May 1933 was the death hour of the Marxist class struggle. Workers from the factories, manual and intellectual workers, clerical employees—they all marched behind the swastika banner. The folk community is here—the most splendid and exalted dream has become reality. The working masses have testified to their faith in National Socialism.

But as yet the trade associations of the German working class, the representative bodies of workers and employees, were in the hands of Marxist leaders, who did not guide the German labor movement for the benefit of the working German people, but only considered it as the shock troop of their crazy international Marxist class-struggle ideology.

National Socialism, which today has assumed leadership of the German working class, can no longer bear the responsibility for leaving the men and women of the German working class, the members of the largest trade organization in the world, the German Trade Union movement, in the hands of people who do not know a fatherland that is called Germany. Because of that, the National Socialist Factory Cell Organization [NSBO] has taken over the leadership of the trade unions. The NSBO has eliminated the old leadership of the Trade Unions of the AGDB [General German Trade Union League] and of the AFA [General Independent Employees’ Federation].

New German labor leaders have replaced senile ward-heelers [verkalkte Bonzen]. The proven pioneers of the National Socialist Factory Cell Organization [NSBO], who have fought to the limit for the rights of German labor from the beginning, have taken over the leadership of the trade union associations. That proves that the struggle of National Socialism is not directed against the trade union idea as such, but only against the bureaucratized leaderships, because they are the foes of the German labor movement. The old, painstakingly attained rights of the workers’ and employees’ associations will not be touched. On the contrary, the new National Socialist trade union leadership will make good the harm inflicted on the German working class by class struggle and internationalism.

On 2 May 1933 the National Socialist Factory Cell Organization took over the leadership of all trade unions, all trade union buildings were occupied and most stringent control has been organized over financial and personnel matters of the organizations.

The leadership of the Action Committee for the Protection of German Labor has been assumed by Party Member Dr. Ley, Deputy: Schmeer.

The leadership of the General German Trade Union League has been taken over by Party Member Schumann. Party Member Muchow takes care of the fundamental questions of organization. Party Member Biallas is responsible for press and propaganda.

Party Member Peppler assumes leadership of the General Independent Employees’ Federation [AFA].

Party Member Mueller assumes leadership of the “Bank for Workers, Employees and Civil Servants”.

Auditing has been taken over by Party Member Brinkmann.

German workers and employees! Help us to build a new Germany of national liberty and socialist justice. Help to transform the trade unions to the media of fruitful work. Maintain discipline, then your work will be accompanied by success, to the benefit of the entire German people, but primarily of German workers and employees.

The new National Socialist trade union leadership will attempt to make good the damage done to the German working class by class struggle and internationalism. We appeal to the entire German people, to trade union members of all shades and associations.

Have confidence in the proven fighters of the National Socialist Factory Cell Organization!

Attempts at sabotage by unscrupulous mischief-makers will be avenged with the whole severity of the law. Comply with all future directives, it is a matter of your and your children’s future!

Now to work! Long live Socialism! Long live Germany!

WORKERS’ CONGRESS IN BERLIN

NSK, Berlin, 2 May

The “National Socialist Party Press Agency” is informed that a great Workers’ Congress will take place on Wednesday, 10 May, in the Prussian House of Lords in Berlin. The united front of German workers will be formed there. Adolf Hitler will be asked to assume the position of Honorary Patron.

THE ACTION COMMITTEE WITH ADOLF HITLER

NSK. On Tuesday noon, at about two o’clock, the gentlemen of the Action Committee for the Protection of German Labor visited the Reich Chancellery under the leadership of Dr. R. Ley, in order to inform the Reich Chancellor of the accomplished coordination [Gleichschaltung] of the Free Trade Unions in line with the general political situation in Germany. Dr. Ley informed the Chancellor of the smooth course encountered by the project, the necessity of which was based on the attitude of the German working class itself, which had demanded an end to Marxist activity in the trade unions. The Action Committee then asked Adolf Hitler to become Honorary Patron of the Great Workers’ Congress to take place within the next few weeks.

The Fuehrer declared his readiness to assume this position of Honorary Patron and emphasized especially that he expected smooth execution of the various measures, so that especially from a financial point of view, the Purge Project [Reinigungsaktion] would result not only in harm to the German worker, but exclusively in benefit. The Action Committee asserted that the settlement was taking place in complete peace and order, and could promise that as of tomorrow the payments of the institutions concerned would be resumed to their full extent.

“ARBEITERTUM”

OFFICIAL ORGAN OF THE ADGB

[General German Trade Union League]

NSK, Berlin, 2 May

In consequence of the coordination [Gleichschaltung] of the Free Trade Unions, the organ of the National Socialist Factory Cell Organizations [Nationalsozialistische Betriebszellenorganisation], “Das Deutsche Arbeitertum”, has been designated as official organ of the ADGB. In future “Arbeitertum” will appear weekly (instead of bi-weekly, as up to now) with a total circulation of about 4 million copies.

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 2225-PS

THE FRONT OF GERMAN WORKERS HAS BEEN ERECTED!

Page 1, Issue 382, 3 May 1933, of “NSK”. National Socialist Party Press Agency, [NSK, Pressedienst der NSDAP—the official news agency of the NSDAP]. Edited by Wilhelm Weiss. Responsible for communications of the Reich Press Office. Dr. Otto Dietrich, Reich Press Chief. Published by Franz Eher Successor, Munich.

NSK. We have been informed by the leader of the Action Committee for the Protection of German Labor, Dr. Ley, that the following organizations have unconditionally subordinated themselves to the leadership of Adolf Hitler and the directives of the Action Committee for the Protection of German Labor: Central League of Christian Trade Unions [Gesamtverband der Christlichen Gewerkschaften]; Trade Union Circle of Associations of German Employees, Workers and Civil Servants [Gewerkschaftsring deutscher Angestellten, Arbeiter und Beamtenverbaende] [Hirsch-Duncker]; Trade Union League of Employees [GDA], the RDA; and other associations. Tomorrow negotiations will begin with the German National Clerks’ League [DHV] as the last association. It is to be hoped that this organization, too, will discern the spirit of the times and integrate itself into the great undertaking.

For the first time in the German labor movement a concentration of all workers’ and employees’ associations would thus be reached and one of the greatest undertakings recorded in the history of the German working class brought to fruition.

We have been further informed by the leader of the Action Committee for the Protection of German Labor, Dr. Ley, that he intends now, after these associations have unconditionally and without reservation submitted to the NSDAP, to draft the positive and expert forces from these organizations for cooperation. This intention will already find expression at the great Workers’ Congress, which will take place in Berlin next week.

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 2226-PS

THE LABOR FRONT STANDS!

From Page 2, Issue 383, 4 May 1933 of “NSK”. National Socialist Party Press Agency, [NSK, Pressedienst der NSDAP—the official news agency of the NSDAP]. Edited by Wilhelm Weiss. Responsible for communications of the Reich Press Office. Dr. Otto Dietrich, Reich Press Chief. Published by Franz Eher Successor, Munich.

THE GERMAN NATIONALIST CLERKS’ LEAGUE [DHV], TOO HAS JOINED

NSK, Berlin, 4 May

All German trade union associations of all shades having recognized the leadership of the NSDAP in German trade union affairs, the German Nationalist Clerks’ League [Deutschnationaler Handlungsgehilfenverband] has now too joined Adolf Hitler; the last big association to do so.

After a detailed conversation between the leader of the Action Committee for the Protection of German Labor, Dr. Ley, and the leadership of the German Nationalist Clerks’ League [DHV], integration of the DHV into the German Labor Front was decided upon.

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 2228-PS

ORDER ISSUED BY THE GERMAN LABOR FRONT

From Page 5, Issue 426, 26 June 1933, of “NSK”. National Socialist Party Press Agency, [NSK, Pressedienst der NSDAP—the official news agency of the NSDAP]. Edited by Wilhelm Weiss. Responsible for communications of the Reich Press Office. Dr. Otto Dietrich, Reich Press Chief. Published by Franz Eher Successor, Munich.

NSK. The leader of the Organizational Office of the German Labor Front, Party Member Muchow, has issued the following proclamation:

All associations and societies of workers and employees, which have not yet been concentrated [zusammengefasst] in the two big collective associations of workers and employees within the German Labor Front must report to the Organizational Office of the German Labor Front, Berlin SW 19, 34, Maerkisches Ufer, within 8 days. The requisite documents about membership figures and other pertinent data must be enclosed. They will then be notified by the Organizational Office, which Association they will have to join [eingliedern].

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 2229-PS

THE REICH YOUTH LEADER AT WORK

Issue 423, 22 June 1933, of “NSK”. National Socialist Party Press Agency, [NSK, Pressedienst der NSDAP—the official news agency of the NSDAP]. Edited by Wilhelm Weiss. Responsible for communications of the Reich Press Office. Dr. Otto Dietrich, Reich Press Chief. Published by Franz Eher Successor, Munich.

IMPORTANT ORDER OF BALDUR VON SCHIRACH

NSK Berlin, 22 June

The Youth Leader of the German Reich, Baldur von Schirach, has published the following order:

* * * * * * *

ORDER 2

1. The Greater German League [Grossdeutscher Bund], together with its sub- and member organizations, is dissolved as of 17 June 1933. The property of the Greater German League and of the affiliated sub- and member organizations is to be secured. Thus, along with the Greater German League the following have been dissolved:

1. Free Band of the Young Nation [Freischar Junger Nation].

2. German Free Band [Deutsche Freischar].

3. German Boy Scout League [Deutscher Pfadfinderbund].

4. The Geuses [Die Geusen].

5. Community Circle of German Boy Scouts [Ringgemeinschaft deutscher Pfadfinder].

6. Circle of German Boy Scout Districts [Ring deutscher Pfadfindergaue].

7. German Boy Scout Corps [Deutsches Pfadfinderkorps].

8. Free Band of Protestant Boy Scouts [Freischar evangelischer Pfadfinder].

2. The Reich Committee of German Youth Associations [Reichsausschuss der deutschen Jugendverbaende] is dissolved herewith. Previous tasks of the Reich Committee will be taken over into the expanded sphere of tasks of the Youth Leadership of the German Reich.

3. All Youth Organizations in Germany are to be reported to the Youth Leader of the German Reich (Berlin NW 40, 10, Kronprinzenufer, Department for Organizations). Youth Organizations which have not reported, or reported only incompletely, by 15 July 1933, are to be considered as dissolved. It is expressly emphasized that the term “Youth Organizations” also comprises such organizations which are groups within adult organizations. The reports are to be submitted by the top leadership of individual youth organizations for the entire organization. Insofar as the youth groups of adult organizations do not have centralized youth leadership, the leadership of the adult organization is obligated to submit the report.

It is mandatory that the report contain:

1. name of the society (with accurate information about the legal status of the society);

2. board of directors of the society (accurate information about name, residence, and telephone number (if applicable));

3. information relative to person authorized to represent the society;

4. office of the society (telephone);

5. banking and postal checking accounts of the society, with indication who is authorized to sign for the society there;

6. accurate membership figures with indication when the figures were ascertained;

7. statutes of the society;

8. information about the organizational structure of the society, insofar as they are not contained in the statutes;

9. information about chairmen of districts, regions, states, or similar subdivisions;

4. The tasks of the Youth Leader of the German Reich must be accomplished partially with the help of contributions of affiliated organizations. The amount of contributions will be fixed in the very near future.

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 2230-PS

AGREEMENT ENTERED INTO BETWEEN THE REICH LEADER OF THE GERMAN LABOR FRONT, PARTY MEMBER DR. LEY, AND THE CHIEF OF STAFF OF THE STORM TROOPS [SA], VIKTOR LUTZE, WITH REGARD TO THE FACTORY TROOPS [WERKSCHAREN].

THE ORGANIZATION BOOK OF THE NSDAP

[Organisations Buch der NSDAP] Edition of 1938, editor: The Reichs Organization Leader of the NSDAP [Dr. Robert Ley]. Published by the Central Publishing House of the NSDAP, Franz EHER, Successor, Muenchen. [Pages 484, 485b, 486c].

1. The Factory Troop [Werkschar] is the National Socialist backbone of the factory. Its task is to permeate the factory with the National Socialist philosophy. The factory troop is the carrier of the factory community and incarnates community life within the factory; it bears witness to these facts by its factory celebrations and festivals. It is in the forefront in carrying through the tasks of the German Labor Front. It is the living incarnation of these tasks.

2. The Storm Troops [SA] will promote the building-up of the factory troops with all means. Storm Troops [SA] units will maintain closest comradeship and connection with the factory troops, frequently visiting their meetings, and inviting the factory troops to their own meetings.

3. Factory troops are formed on a voluntary basis by Storm Troopers [SA-Maenner] in a factory and by other workers in the factory. The latter simultaneously become Storm Troop candidates (insofar as they are not already members of another formation of the Party).

4. Officers and men of the Storm Troops, who are working in the factory and are members of the German Labor Front, are to be made leaders of the Factory Troops. On the basis of previous agreements, the appointments take place in accordance with the ordinance of 10 January 1936—Ch. Nr. 11150, as follows:

a. in the case of the Reich Directorate of the German Labor Front, upon recommendation of the Supreme Storm Troop Command [Oberste SA-Fuehrung]

b. in the case of Districts, upon recommendation of the SA-Group

c. in the counties, [Kreisen] upon recommendation of the SA-Standards [Standarten]

d. within the factory, the factory troop leader is appointed by the County Factory Troop Leader, after consultation with the factory representative of the German Labor Front.

5. Special sections [Referate] for factory troops will be established at the headquarters of Storm Troop Groups, respectively Brigades, and of Standards. They are to be merged with the previous Special Sections for Social Work at Storm Troop Bureaus. The District respectively County Factory Troop Leaders are in charge of this Special Section. Simultaneously these Storm Troop leaders are to be charged by the regional commissioners with the leadership of the Department factory troops in the German Labor Front. For disciplinary and personnel purposes they remain subordinate to their unit commanders.

The requisite financial means for the Special Sections are to be made available by the German Labor Front in accordance with agreements still to be reached.

6. Directives and regulations for commitment, and for the tasks to be accomplished within the factory, will be issued by the Reich Leader of the German Labor Front through factory troop channels (Reich factory troop leader; District factory troop leader; County factory troop leader; Factory factory troop leader).

7. 4 to 5 week days a month are available to the factory troop for carrying through their tasks.

In the case of urgent tasks within the factory, and in the case of protective measures against natural catastrophes and preparatory service for large-scale political utilization of the German Labor Front, factory troop service has priority over Storm Troop [SA] service.

8. Physical training will take place with Storm Troop [SA] cadre units.

9. The service Uniform for factory troops remains customary factory troop uniform for meetings within the factory as well as in parades of the German Labor Front.

Berlin, October 1936

The Chief of Staff of Storm Troops [SA] (signed) Lutze The Reich Leader of the German Labor Front (signed) Dr. Ley

PARTIAL TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 2231-PS

“Die Reichskanzlei” by Hermann von Stutterheim

[Pages 19-34]

Nevertheless, there is still a “people’s legislation” even in the Third Reich, but this does not restrict the legislative power of the Reich Cabinet [Reichsregierung] in any way. According to the law on the plebiscite of 14th July 1933, the Reich Cabinet, which is, de facto and also, as we shall see later, de jure, nothing more nor less than the Fuehrer, can apply to the people for its approval or disapproval of a measure which is envisaged by the Reich Cabinet, whereby it is also a matter of an approval or disapproval of a planned law. It is therefore impossible for a people’s law to be passed without or even contrary to the will of the Fuehrer. Neither can drafts of laws put up for approval be passed if the content has been altered in any way. It must be either accepted or rejected just as it stands. Even should it be rejected, such a result of the vote does not oppose the will of the Fuehrer. For, in as much as the Fuehrer puts a law to the people’s vote, an action which he takes of his own free will, he shows that he is quite prepared for the law to be rejected.

Within the Reich Cabinet, the Reich Chancellor was de jure at first also the president of the Reich Cabinet which was a body of people who made the decisions, in which the Reich Chancellor had only a seat and a vote. He could therefore be overruled. In practice, since the day of the assumption of power, this was no longer the case. The dominating personality of the Fuehrer and the actual power possessed by him made it obvious from the start that the Reich Cabinet could not make any decisions which did not coincide with the will of the Fuehrer. The Reich Cabinet accordingly was from the outset, nothing more than an advisory body to the Fuehrer which was to advise the head of the cabinet [Regierungschef]. Even if the result of this advice was still called “the decision of the Reich Cabinet” the decision in reality was that of the Fuehrer and Reich Chancellor, which, after a previous conference, was passed by the Reich Cabinet. The same applied to administrative measures, political resolutions and legal decisions. Later, this situation also gained its legal semblance by the duty of obedience of the Reich Ministerate to the Fuehrer and Reich Chancellor. This occurred at the time of the Reich Law of 16th October 1934, on the oath taken by Reich Ministers and members of the provincial governments [Landesregierungen], by which the Reich Ministers had to swear loyalty and obedience to the leader of the German Reich and people, Adolf Hitler. Thereby, the whole administrative power was concentrated in the person of the Fuehrer. From then on, he was also de jure head of the Reich, supreme legislator, Supreme Chief of all administration and supreme commander of the armed forces, without being restricted by any other factors or authorities when exercising the power with which he was endowed by virtue of the legal position. The cooperation of the members of the Cabinet [Regierungsmitglieder] in an advisory capacity in particular, is therefore no essential condition of the legality of the Cabinet Laws [Regierungsgesetze]. Even without the advisory cooperation of the Cabinet, the Fuehrer and Reich Chancellor can issue decrees which are of course always in the form of a “Fuehrer Edict” or that of a Decree to differentiate between them and the designation “Reich Law” used for those laws issued with the formal cooperation of the Reich Cabinet.

It is neither an essential of the Fuehrer State, nor does it conform to the personal characteristics of the Fuehrer, that all the difficulties described above must be submitted to the supreme Fuehrer for his decision. On the contrary: although the Reich Ministers are today basically subject to the unlimited authoritative power of the Fuehrer when making their decisions even in unimportant individual cases, they actually have an independence in carrying out their official functions such as was never enjoyed by Reich Ministers during the republic [Systemzeit]. Responsibility, powers of decision, a driving energy and real authority, these are the qualities required, first and foremost by the Fuehrer of his ministers. Therefore he allows them great freedom in carrying out their official functions. But, if the evolutionary New Order is not to give way to revolutionary conditions, it is essential that the legal order be respected by the Reich Ministers, and by all their subordinate departments. And so it is necessary, in the middle of the gigantic process of reorganization that we are now experiencing, that the Fuehrer himself should continually be taking steps to abolish obstacles of a legal or any other kind which could not be eliminated in any other way by apportioning certain full powers and issuing other orders which might not be legally binding or might lack the required authority if they were not issued as laws or Fuehrer Edicts. Anyone who has a certain amount of experience in the sphere of administration knows how extraordinarily difficult it is to gauge what retrospective effects interference with the traditional and established administrative system will have. Should such interference be unavoidable, if higher ends are to be gained, it is necessary to direct and restrict them so that unwanted repercussions are eliminated. Even with practical experience and a knowledgeable survey of the whole sphere of administration and legislation, it is however also necessary to give thorough consideration to the problem to be solved before it is submitted to the Fuehrer. Of course, the final decision can be made, to a certain extent, by the competent departmental Minister himself. Too often, however, he is unable to come to an agreement with those other ministers whose departments are affected by the measure intended, and he sometimes lacks any definite knowledge of the Fuehrer’s possible plans to which such measures must conform.

Considered theoretically, the Reich Cabinet would be a suitable special committee to settle opposing points of view and make them fit in with the Fuehrer’s aims. In practice, however, this would mean that the cabinet would be in almost continuous session, a quite impossible demand on the Fuehrer. He has not the time to take part in long cabinet meetings [Kabinetsitzungen] to listen to detailed descriptions, justifications and counter-arguments which it is the duty of all ministers to make from the particular standpoint of their departments. The Fuehrer must be free and have the necessary time for those great decisions, which must be made in the field of state-leadership in interior-policy and also especially in foreign policy and which he alone must make. For he is not called to be the arbitrator in differences both of opinion and of other things, but purely a leader, an inspiration, a commander-in-chief—in short a creator. That causes the necessity of reducing cabinet meetings to the minimum and therefore only to those all-important questions, so that even drafts of laws, before they are handed to the Fuehrer are to be dealt with, not during cabinet deliberations, but by the so-called process of circulation, i.e. by obtaining the written statement of agreement from the individual members of the cabinet.

Under these conditions, it is the duty, first and foremost of the Chief of the Reich Chancellery to submit the matters to the Fuehrer, for his decisions and orders, in a concentrated manner and a suitable chronological order. This saddles him with the necessity of keeping conversant the whole time with the most important matters in the sphere of administration, economy and politics and, at the same time, of concerning himself in the preliminary work of legislation. It falls to him in particular to see whether and in what form any direct interference is to be recommended to the Fuehrer in as much as he must in any case be informed of occurrences in public life.

As they are so numerous, it is almost impossible to give an accurate individual picture of the extent and type of all the questions and concerns which, in this way, make up the substance of the reports made by the Chief of the Reich Chancellery to the Fuehrer. These questions and concerns are extremely numerous and affect all spheres of public life. Fundamentally, only those concerns can be separated which are the responsibility of the President’s Chancellery and of the Office of the head of the NSDAP and are laid before the Fuehrer by the heads of these departments, as well, particularly, as all military matters, which the Chief of the Supreme Command of the Armed Forces has to report. Naturally even these matters could encroach on the sphere of activity of the Reich Chancellery on account of their connection with political and administrative questions and therefore require a special report by the Chief of the Reich Chancellery alone or together with the proper competent departmental heads.

Taken as a whole, it may be said that the severe limitation in frequency of the cabinet deliberations has resulted in a corresponding increase of the duties and heightening of the responsibility of the Chief of the Reich Chancellery.

However, the fact that cabinet meetings, under the pressure of circumstances, could take place only seldom, led to the necessity of setting up a special advisory body to the Fuehrer in the form of a Secret cabinet council [Kabinettsrat] to advise the Fuehrer on the direction of Foreign Policy. However, this fact meant a small reduction of the duties of the Reich Chancellery just as did the establishment of a cabinet council [Ministerrat] for the defence of the Reich later on. This subject will be dealt with anon. The “Secret Cabinet Council” was established by the Fuehrer Edict of 4th February 1938. The following persons are members: Reich Minister Baron von Neurath as president, as members, Reich Foreign Minister von Ribbentrop, General Field Marshall Goering, the deputy-Fuehrer, Reich Minister Hess, Reich Minister of Enlightenment and Propaganda, Dr. Goebbels, Reich Minister and Chief of the Reich Chancellery, Dr. Lammers, C-in-C of the Army, General von Brauchitsch, C-in-C of the Navy, Dr. H. C. Raeder and Chief of the Supreme Command of the Armed Forces, General Keitel. The Reich Minister and Chief of the Reich Chancellery is in charge of any affairs with which the Secret Cabinet Council has to deal.

This is purely a deliberating body which is not called on or empowered to make orders or measures by itself. The special conditions of the war, especially the need to change the legal position and to meet the fast-arising wartime requirements however, made it vital to disembarrass the Fuehrer even in the sphere of legislation. This was accomplished by the Fuehrer Edict of 30th August 1939. Under this, a “Cabinet Council for the defence of the Reich” was formed with the power to issue decrees with a legal authority should the Fuehrer decide that a certain law was not to be issued by the Reich Cabinet or by the Reichstag. The following persons are members of the Cabinet council for the defence of the Reich: General Field Marshall Goering as president, the deputy-Fuehrer, the Plenipotentiary-General for Reich Administration, the Plenipotentiary-General for Economy, also the Reich Minister and Chief of the Reich Chancellery and the Chief of the Supreme Command of the Armed Forces. The president can invite other persons to attend the deliberations of the Cabinet Council. The Reich Minister and Chief of the Reich Chancellery is in charge of the affairs of the Cabinet Council. Another legislative body, therefore, came into existence but here again, in accordance with the authoritarian principle of leadership, it was an organization of leadership in the hand of the Fuehrer and Reich Chancellor, a legislative organization, whose authority to issue decrees is based on the supreme legislative power of the Fuehrer and which can be used in specific cases only if the Fuehrer has not decided on some other procedure. Actually, the cabinet council’s authority to issue decrees has been made use of to a great extent since the beginning of the war.

The most important decrees issued by the Cabinet Council for the defence of the Reich are the following:

Decree on the appointment of Reich Defence Commissars dated 1st September 1939 (Reich Law Gazette I p 1565), Decree on the compensation for personal damage (Personal damage decree) dated 1st September 1939 (Reich Law Gazette I p 1623), Decree on measures concerning civic disputes, compulsory execution, bankruptcy and civic right dated 1st September 1939 (Reich Law Gazette I p 1656), Decree on special radio measures dated 1st September 1939 (Reich Law Gazette I p 1683), Decree on the restriction on changing the place of work dated 1st September 1939 (Reich Law Gazette I p 1685), War-economy decree dated 4th September 1939 (Reich Law Gazette I p 1609), Decree against elements of the population, dated 5th September 1939 (Reich Law Gazette I p 1679), Decree on the assessment of damage to property (damage to property assessment decree) dated 8th September 1939 (Reich Law Gazette I p 1754), Decree on the concession of delayed payment in legal disputes dated 7th October 1939 (Reich Law Gazette I p 2004), Decree on the treatment of enemy capital dated 15th January 1940 (Reich Law Gazette I p 191).

This short list of the most important Cabinet Council Decrees should suffice to make clear the extent and significance of the Cabinet Council legislation. It is obvious that this has lifted a quite exceptionally heavy burden from the Fuehrer’s shoulders. The Reich Chancellery, however, participates fully in the work of the Cabinet Council since the Chief of the Reich Chancellery is not only a member but also directs its affairs. The Chief of the Reich Chancellery was given the task of directing these affairs because it put him in a position to keep the Fuehrer conversant all the time with the work of the Cabinet Council. In this connection, the Chief of the Reich Chancellery, in cases where there is any doubt on the point, has to make sure that the Fuehrer has the opportunity in good time to make clear whether he is in favour at all of a measure planned by the Cabinet Council, or whether he would not prefer the form of a Cabinet or Reichstag law instead of a cabinet Council decree. Basically the right possessed by the Cabinet Council for the defence of the Reich to issue decrees is limited to legal matters directly connected with the defence of the Reich. However, in special cases and at times when the Fuehrer is on a visit to the front, this rule cannot always be kept. Should there be any doubt, whether and to what extent deviations from this rule can be made, it usually falls to the Reich Minister and Chief of Reich Chancellery to take steps to obtain the Fuehrer’s decision should the occasion arise.

According to the assignment of duties in the Reich Cabinet the Chief of the Reich Chancellery is in charge of the affairs of the Reich Cabinet as well. In this capacity he has to arrange the meetings of the Reich Cabinet on the direct instructions of the Fuehrer and to issue summonses to these meetings together with the agenda and the subjects up for discussion. He must also see that the Reich Ministries concerned are in agreement beforehand on the subjects to be discussed, or if they are not unanimous, that a clear position has been reached about the incompatibility of the various opinions and about the reasons for the opposed points of view. Ministerial conferences among the Ministers concerned may be held prior to the cabinet meeting to clear up these differences of opinion. These Ministerial Conferences under the chairmanship of the Reich Chancellor, took place before the assumption of power. Apart from exceptional occasions, this no longer occurs. Summonses to Ministerial Conferences are sent out by the Chief of the Reich Chancellery at the request of one or more of the ministers concerned; he then as a rule presides at these conferences. Naturally, this does not apply to the numerous ministerial conferences arranged by the authoritative Reich Ministers of the day, in which the matters dealt with are such that it is not, or not yet, necessary that the Fuehrer be informed; therefore the Reich Minister and Chief of the Reich Chancellery need not be present at the conferences.

The drafts of Cabinet laws [Regierungsgesetze] are first prepared by the authoritative ministry, that is the ministry most concerned, in agreement with any other ministry concerned, in the matter. There is sometimes a preliminary discussion of these in conferences between departmental heads [Chefbesprechungen] and then they are handed to the Chief of the Reich Chancellery who determines whether they are to be included in the agenda of a cabinet meeting or whether the agreement of all the members of the cabinet is to be obtained in writing by the so called process of circulation. Should there still be differences of opinion remaining unsolved when the cabinet deliberates on the drafts of the laws, the Fuehrer makes the final decision on the content of the law and its passing. This procedure is also followed when any opposition remains during the process of circulation and deliberation on the draft in a cabinet meeting seems impracticable for some reason or other.

Cabinet laws [Regierungsgesetze] decided on are drawn up and issued by the Fuehrer and Reich Chancellor. The finished law, the actual legal document, is signed first by the Fuehrer and then by the ministers concerned, who are thereby responsible to the Fuehrer for the law. Apart from the Reich Ministers concerned, the Reich Minister and Chief of the Reich Chancellery also appends his signature and, by this action, makes himself responsible that all Reich Ministers had the opportunity of stating their opinions. Furthermore, the president of the Cabinet Council for the defense of the Reich must append his signature to all Reich Laws and that under the signature of the Fuehrer and Reich Chancellor. Fuehrer Edicts with a legislative content are always signed also by the Reich Minister and Chief of the Reich Chancellery. This rule of signatures is based mainly on an internal regulation of the Fuehrer or on usage. It applies also to the Cabinet laws [Regierungsgesetze] which are issued as Reichstag laws or People’s laws.

The Reich Minister and Chief of the Reich Chancellery who, as we know, directs the affairs of the Cabinet Council plays a similar part in the work of the Cabinet Council for the defence of the Reich in issuing decrees which, as mentioned above, have the authority of laws, as he does with the Cabinet laws. It must be noted, that the peculiarity in this case is that the subjects dealt with by the Cabinet Council are distributed not merely among the members of the Cabinet Council, but also among all the members of the Cabinet who are thereby given the opportunity of guarding the interests of their spheres of office by adding their appropriate standpoints in the Cabinet Council legislation, even if they do not participate in making the decree.

PARTIAL TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 2232-PS

GERMAN ADMINISTRATIVE LAW [Deutsches Verwaltungsrecht]

by Dr. Hans Frank.

Published by: Central Publishing House of the NSDAP

Franz Eher Successor, Munich.

[Pages 420, 421, 424, 425, 430]

Task and Means of a Political Police.

A. The Task

The task of a political police in the sense of the National Socialist conception of this institution has been formulated best so far in Section 1 of the Prussian law concerning the Secret State Police of 10 February 1936 (Prussian law collection, 1936, p. 21): “The Secret State Police has the task of investigating and fighting all attempts dangerous to the State, of collecting and evaluating the result of the inquiries, of informing the State Government and of keeping the other authorities currently informed on important facts pertaining to them and of supplying them with suggestions.” This formulation also outlines the task of Political Police Systems in other German countries for which this task assignment is to be concluded from the National Socialist conception of a Political Police, since a legal formulation is mostly missing.

* * * * * * *

b. All attempts dangerous to the State are subject to the activity of the Political Police. “Dangerous to the State” is more than “hostile to the State” and includes not only undertakings with programs hostile to the State but also all attempts—no matter what their aim—which in their effects endanger the State.

Not the State in its outward organic appearance but the tasks of the leadership in the sense of the National-Socialist idea is the object of protection. It is the task of the National Socialist leadership to preserve and to develop all national values. These being endangered, the Political Police is called upon for protection against the endangering attempts, e.g. if there is any danger:

to the State leadership and structure of the State by intentions of terror and revolutionary plans,

to the Armed Forces and the forces of defense by espionage and (intellectual and technical) sabotage,

to the people’s community and the state principles by disintegration and instigation,

to the people’s health and blood purity by moral corruption (e.g. offenses according to Section 175 of the Reich penal code) and racial disgrace,

to the ideological unity of the people by intellectual poisoning and distortion (e.g. by “Jehovah’s Witnesses” and other sects).

A complete catalogue of “attempts dangerous to the State” can never be drawn up because it can never be foreseen what may endanger leadership and people sometime in the future. National Socialist recognition of threatening danger and National Socialist knowledge of responsibility will understand and fulfill the duties of the Political Police according to the real necessities in any political situation.

* * * * * * *

b. The lawful means for preventive police measures of the Political Police have not been regulated legally. They cannot be regulated, for the preventive police duties of the Political Police—and the means necessary for their performance—cannot be described and standardized for all time.

The duties of the Political Police and the necessary means for their performance are not chosen freely but are prescribed by the foe. Just as the operations of an army against the outward enemy and the means to fight this enemy cannot be prescribed, so the Political Police also must have free hand in the choice of the means necessary at times to fight attempts dangerous to the State.

Since the National Socialist revolution, the powers of the Political Police in a legally positive respect are derived immediately from the new conception of the State and the resulting conception of the duties of a police force. According to this conception the duty of the Political Police, due to its nature, is to fight all attempts dangerous to the State. And it thus has the right to take all necessary measures for this fight as long as there are not any expressly contrary regulations. This conception is confirmed by the decree of the Reichspresident for the Protection of People and State of 28 February 1933 (RGBl I, p. 83) by which the so-called basic rights of the Weimar Constitution have been abrogated. This means that ever since, every State institution—particularly the Political Police—may take measures in the performance of its duties which were barred before by those basic rights.

“The decree for the Protection of People and State of 28 February 1933 has eliminated the negative law barriers of the State power. The positive competence of the police to restrict liberty of any kind, especially to order protective custody, results already from the character of the function which the Police in the National-Socialist State has to perform.” (Dr. Walter Hamel: “The Police in the National-Socialist State,” German lawyers’ newspaper of 15 March 1935, col. 326.)

According to kind and purpose the measures taken by the Political Police can logically be subject to a check only by their own channels of administrative supervision. This is recognized for instance in Section 7 of the Prussian law concerning the Secret State Police of 10 February 1936 by the stipulation: “Orders in matters of the Secret State Police are not subject to the check of the administrative courts.” In its decision of 2 May 1935 (III C 43/35) the Prussian High Court of Administration had already come to the same conclusion, before the decree of 10 February 1936 was issued, by reason of the legal situation in Prussia. Also for the other German countries—if not expressly settled to the contrary—and for a future Reich regulation the principle has to be maintained that measures of the Political Police can be checked only by their own channels of administrative supervision. In view of the tasks and means of the Political Police which cannot be standardized individually, there can be no legal backing for a court decision. Any agency outside of the Political Police must lack the necessary expert knowledge for a decision by way of administrative supervision.

* * * * * * *

f. The Secret State Police administers the State Concentration Camps through the Inspector of the Concentration Camps who is affiliated with the Office of the Secret State Police.

PARTIAL TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 2233-A-PS

FRANK DIARY, Meetings of Departmental Chiefs in 1939/40 [Abteilungsleitersitzungen 1939/40]

Minutes of the 1st conference of the Departmental Chiefs on the 2nd December 1939.

[Page 3, line 4-13]

The condemning to death of an archbishop and bishop gives cause to the fundamental observation that a total war against any kind of resistance is being waged in the Government General. The two bishops have been condemned quite rightly, because arms were found in their possession. If, despite that, they were pardoned to hard labor, then certain other considerations were the cause for that. Reports by the press concerning the shooting of Jews are not desirable because such reports would intimidate the Jews.

Minutes of the 2nd conference of the Departmental Chiefs on the 8th December 1939.

[Page 4, par. 1 and 2]

The question of forced labor for the Jews could not be solved satisfactorily from one day to the other. Prerequisite for this would be the card indexing of the male Jews from 14 to 50 years of age. In this it had to be ascertained which trade the Jews had so far carried on, because just in those territories the Jews had had various skilled trades, and it would be a loss if this manpower would not be usefully exploited. To do this, sweeping planning is necessary. For the time being the Jews had to be gathered in columns and had to be employed wherever there was a pressing need. It is the task of the chief of the district to determine these needs.

The police was being reenforced by 4 police battalions. The commitment would be such that each government section was to receive one battalion. Moreover, it was ordered that the police battalions in the Government General would be relieved and interchanged from time to time with battalions from home. Already before Xmas the relief of 4 battalions would take place. No insecurity would result.

[Page 7, 2 last paragraphs]

Governor Dr. Lasch called attention to the fact that the order of the Governor General regarding the institution of compulsory work provided, that Poles from their 18th year upward were to be conscripted for compulsory labor. A regulation of the age groups from 14 to 18 would also be desirable. One should not neglect the danger that particularly the youth of this age group in high schools could become a source of national resistance.

Governor General Reich Minister Dr. Frank orders the preparation of a supplementary decree, according to which the compulsory labor was to be extended to the age groups from 14 to 18.

Meeting of Departmental Chiefs at the Bergakademie (Academy for mines).

Friday, 10th May 1940

[Page 23, par. 1]

Then the Governor General deals with the problem of the Compulsory Labor Service of the Poles. Upon the demands from the Reich it has now been decreed that compulsion may be exercised in view of the fact that sufficient manpower was not voluntarily available for service inside the German Reich. This compulsion means the possibility of arrest of male and female Poles. Because of these measures a certain disquietude had developed which according to individual reports, was spreading very much, and which might produce difficulties everywhere. General Fieldmarshal Goering some time ago pointed out in his long speech the necessity to deport into the Reich a million workers. The supply so far was 160,000. However, great difficulties had to be overcome. Therefore it would be advisable to consult the district and town chiefs in the execution of the compulsion, so that one could be sure from the start that this action would be reasonably successful. The arrest of young Poles when leaving church service or the cinema would bring about an ever-increasing nervousness of the Poles. Generally speaking, he had no objections at all if the rubbish, capable of work yet often loitering about, would be snatched from the streets. The best method for this, however, would be the organization of a raid, and it would be absolutely justifiable to stop a Pole in the street and to question him what he was doing, where he was working, etc.

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 2233-B-PS

FRANK DIARY, 1940 1st Vol., January-March.

[Page 18, 3rd paragraph]

Thursday, January 11th

1520 Section Chief Dr. Frauendorfer reports to the Governor General on the possibilities and the extent of the transport of workers into the Reich. The German State Railway sends daily 10 transports, each carrying 1000 workers. Beginning with January 15, these transports, which were stopped temporarily—will be taken up again.

In regard to the project of resettlement, it should be avoided, that it be carried out further in the brutal manner which has prevailed up till now, because otherwise it is to be feared that people will not volunteer any more to go into the Reich, and also because of the way in which the resettlement is carried out, the possibility of using these people in the Reich will be impaired. As an extra allowance for the unemployment pay the Reich Ministry for labor has held out the prospect of an additional sum of 3 million Reichmarks a month.

* * * * * * *

[Pages 183-184]

March 7th, 1940

Citadel of Cracow

1645 Conference with SS Brigadier General Schreckenbach

1650 Attaché Dr. Albers is introduced by Councillor of Legation v. Grolinan to the Governor General

1700 Conference with Brigadier General Buehrmann, Stabsleiter Reichert, Reichhauptamtsleiter Dr. Frauendorfer, and 2 special advisors.

Subject of the discussion is the question of the shipment of Polish agricultural workers into the Reich.

Brigadier General Buehrmann started by saying that Stabsleiter Reichert has been appointed by the Reich Food Ministry, to make sure, that Polish workers would be sent into the Reich under all circumstances, and—if necessary—a compulsory service should be enforced upon them. Brigadier General Buehrmann would like to recommend, that the Governor General—for the time being does not make any decision for the introduction of a compulsory service or employment of force against the Polish agricultural workers.

Stabsleiter Reichert emphasizes that Berlin insists that the one million agricultural workers be sent into the Reich.

Reichshauptamtsleiter Dr. Frauendorfer replies to a question of the Governor General, that so far 81,477 Polish agricultural workers were sent into the Reich—of which 56,721 were men, and 24,756 women.

Since 12 February, 154 special trains have been sent off, that was the utmost that could have been accomplished in this time. To these figures—just mentioned—are to be added 42,000 workers, who had been already in the Reich so that the amount is increased to 130,000.

The Governor General has the opinion, that the 480,000 prisoners of war should also be included in the sum of one million. On account of the railroad and the highway conditions, it is not at present possible to do anything by force, also there were not sufficient police forces there at disposal, to carry such measures out. If any force were exercised, then it would affect workers who were employed as specialized workers for the plants.

Stabsleiter Reichert asks—if the occasion arises—that superior offices should make the decision in this question.

Cracow

Wednesday, March 6th 1940

10:00 Conference with Ministerial-Director Dr. Buehler.

10:50 Conference with bank-director Dr. Paerscl.

11:00 Conference with Reichshauptamtsleiter Dr. Frauendorfer.

Reichshauptamtsleiter Dr. Frauendorfer reports, that 73,000 Polish workers have been sent now into the Reich. At present 4,000 men are transferred daily. Further, Dr. Frauendorfer reports on the organization in the plants. It is as simple as possible. On Monday, he visited a few plants in Warsaw, and he could only say that they all were running excellently, this applies also to the machinery. Kitchens were also installed everywhere now and furthermore, the necessary quantities of soap had been provided. 5,000 sets of underwear and linen, 32,000 Kg. flour, 4,000 Kg. of beef and of pork and other merchandise had been distributed. The Governor-General ordered that the exact figures should be published in the press. Now, as before, he thinks that the soup given out daily was one of the best solutions, for the problem of the welfare for the working men.

Reichshauptamtsleiter Dr. Frauendorfer remarks that this soup is being served daily now with one pound of bread.

The Governor-General will not out of basic considerations give his consent to the proposal that an introductory note should be added to the 2nd decree for the regulation of social insurance, but he thinks it better to point out in a suitable way, that the chief of the labor section has given an explanation about it to the press chief.

In this conference the question of the sending of Polish agricultural workers into the Reich was then discussed. Here, Dr. Frauendorfer points out that workmen from the Lublin area had never gone to the Reich before, from which naturally certain difficulties arise. Besides numerous letters from the agricultural workers to their families had already come from the Reich, in which the Polish agricultural workers expressed themselves very gratefully concerning their treatment in Germany. The Governor-General orders that some of these letters should be published in the press.

[Page 216]

15 March 1940

Conference with ambassador v. Wuehlisch.

18:30: Ambassador v. Wuehlisch reports that the preparations for the transport of the Vert Stoss Altar to Nurnberg have been completed. The church really looked better, due to the space gained by the removal of the altar. Ambassador v. Wuehlisch reported furthermore, that the former ambassador Wysoski had asked again for an audience with the Governor-General. The Ambassador v. Ruemelin had been asked to make a request that he be taken into the service of the Government-General.

[Page 216, last 12 lines.]

The question of the Polish relief committee: the Security service wrote to Mr. Arlt, and pointed out, that the head of this organization Count Radziwill, participated in Silesian revolt, that he supported Korfanty and that he also was supposed to have disloyal remarks about the Reich. The ambassador v. Wuehlisch asked Arlt, to proceed very carefully in this matter, before expelling Count Radziwill from the relief committee because such a procedure might have disagreeable consequences.

Under any circumstances, the consent of the Governor-General would be necessary for this.

The so-called Polish Government in anger has completed a “White Book” which deals with the arch-diocese of Posen and Suesen. The Governor General said that he discussed this question with the Papal Nuncio in Berlin. He gathered from this conversation that a great deal was said about the treatment of the churches and apparently it was attempted to push many things off into the government general, for which it was not at all responsible.

Ambassador v. Wuehlisch thinks it worth while that those and similar questions be discussed in Berlin. Such negotiations would have to be handled through the foreign office.

The Governor General said that he had long conferences with the Ministry of Finance and with the representatives of the Reich Food Ministry. It was requested there very urgently, that the Polish agricultural workers be sent in greater quantities to the Reich. In Berlin he explained that if he were asked to do so, he could naturally exercise some compulsion in perhaps such a way, that he might have the police surround a village and bring out the men and women in question by force, and then send them to Germany. But besides these police measures one also could proceed by withholding unemployment relief for the workers in question. Ambassador v. Wuehlisch discussed then certain violations of the border which occurred at the Soviet frontier. By request of the Reich Minister of Finance and by request of the Armed Forces High Command representation had been made in Moscow evidently for the reason that the Soviet border guards always employed their firearms immediately. It was suggested that such incidents be straightened out right away on the spot.

The deputy foreign commissar Potemkin suggested that liaison officers should be appointed by both sides for this purpose. The liaison staff Russia should serve as central office.

The Governor General does not consider this method practicable and he feels that here also the Government General should be unhindered, he requested that the ambassador v. Wuehlisch confer on this question with the Secretary of state Dr. v. Wuehlisch. This question did not only concern the Wehrmacht but also for example the customs administration, for this reason representatives of the Ministry of Finance must also cooperate in this matter.

Ambassador v. Wuehlisch draws attention to the fact that the customs officials are subordinated to the Wehrmacht.

The Governor General points out, that a superior office would not make any decision. In this matter the decision would be up to him. For the time being one must try to reach the goal by employing different means. For instance letters might be published, that were sent from the Reich, written by Polish workers to their families. If the occasion arises, such compulsory decree should not be announced publicly.

Reichshauptamtsleiter Dr. Frauendorfer confirms, on the basis of his experiences, that in many cases there was no possibility of employing recruiters from the Reich. On account of the snowfall, the passenger cars could not be used, and by using field sleighs, the recruiters could have travelled not more than 60 km. daily. Also, the Warsaw district was never really an emigration-area for Polish agricultural workers.

It has to be observed, that unfortunately the agricultural workers have medical certificates or statements made out by the words, which purport to say that they are not fit for service. Other workers took refuge into the woods. Often complaints were expressed, that the words did not support the action sufficiently, and cases have been observed, where official labor measures, had been intentionally violated. Besides, the activity of the recruiter can not be without danger; just some time ago, one of these German officers was fired upon. Also the fact should be noted, that of 800 workers, which were already assigned, only 69 reported to the station.

All that could be traced back to the fact that the rural population is affected by a psychosis of anxiety, without mentioning the fact that the Poles might have organized themselves well in the meantime.

The Governor General is not at all disinclined to take the most extreme measures. But then, the authority of the Reich would have to be fully utilized, but as long as there is snow on the ground, any change in this situation can not be contemplated. * * *

[Page 198, lines 15-22]

12 March 1940

Governor General Dr. Frank:

In view of the propaganda in the U.S.A. any use of force should if possible be avoided, but a light pressure could be exerted by stopping the payment of unemployment relief, for those categories which are concerned at all, at any rate agriculture should not send back young, strong workers, just because they were unskilled.

Reichsobmann Behrendt: The Agriculture needs skilled as well as unskilled workers. One unskilled worker could be employed for each two skilled workers.

PARTIAL TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 2233-C-PS

FRANK DIARY, 1940.

Vol. IV, October-December

[Page 943, 4th-6th lines]

10/7/40

The Governor-General then addresses the assembly with the following words:

My dear Comrades!

* * * * * * *

[Page 946, lines 1-3, 21-30]

10/7/40

* * * There are so few of us here that no one can actually really conceal himself. Everybody has to fear that the spotlight will now and then rest on him * * *

* * * It is clear that education will perhaps still be necessary here and there; furthermore, it is clear that this open-minded comradeship, this common spirit of close contact finds its counter-part in the unstinted observation of authority in inner office relations. We cannot permit the offices to become 5 o’clock tea rooms. But, of course, our position as Germans here must be such that the lowest of us is still far above the highest Pole in this room * * *

[Page 1158, 2nd par. to p. 1159 4th line]

* * * And another thing was told me by the Fuehrer in all seriousness, a few days ago: that the old Japanese proverb:—after the war tighten your helmet strap—should retain its validity. Comrades, never again shall we be a weak Reich. The Armed Forces will represent the crown of community education. Just as the NSDAP is the crown of social, political and ideological leadership, so the Armed Forces will be the essence of military training, of the proud and immaculate bearing of our people. And you can say: you took part in it as soldiers. I am very happy about this hour of the Armed Forces, for it joins us all together. Some of you left your mothers, your parents at home, others their wives, their brides, their brothers, their children. In all these weeks, they will be thinking of you, saying to themselves: my God, there he sits in Poland where there are so many lice and Jews, perhaps he is hungry and cold, perhaps he is afraid to write. It would not be a bad idea then to send our dear ones back home a picture, and tell them: well now, there are not so many lice and Jews any more, and conditions here in the Government General have changed and improved somewhat already. Of course, I could not eliminate all lice and Jews in only one year’s time (public amused). But in the course of time, and above all, if you help me, this end will be attained. After all, it is not necessary for us to accomplish everything within a year and right away, for what would otherwise be left for those who follow us to do?

PARTIAL TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 2233-D-PS

FRANK DIARY, 1941 Oct-Dec.

CABINET SESSION

Tuesday 16 December 1941 in the Government Building at Krakow

Speech of the Governor General Closing the Session

[Page 76, line 10 to page 77 line 33]

As far as the Jews are concerned, I want to tell you quite frankly, that they must be done away with in one way or another. The Fuehrer said once: should united Jewry again succeed in provoking a world-war, the blood of not only the nations, which have been forced into the war by them, will be shed, but the Jew will have found his end in Europe. I know, that many of the measures carried out against the Jews in the Reich, at present, are being criticized. It is being tried intentionally, as is obvious from the reports on the morale, to talk about cruelty, harshness, etc. Before I continue, I want to beg you to agree with me on the following formula: We will principally have pity on the German people only, and nobody else in the whole world. The others, too had no pity on us. As an old National-Socialist, I must say: This war would only be a partial success, if the whole lot of Jewry would survive it, while we would have shed our best blood in order to save Europe. My attitude towards the Jews will, therefore, be based only on the expectation that they must disappear. They must be done away with. I have entered negotiations to have them deported to the East. A great discussion concerning that question will take place in Berlin in January, to which I am going to delegate the State-Secretary Dr. Buehler. That discussion is to take place in the Reich-Security Main-Office with SS-Lt. General Heydrich. A great Jewish migration will begin, in any case.

But what should be done with the Jews? Do you think they will be settled down in the “Ostland”, in villages [Siedlungdoerfer]? This is what we were told in Berlin: Why all this bother? We can do nothing with them either in the “Ostland” nor in the “Reichkommissariat”. So, liquidate them yourself.

Gentlemen, I must ask you to rid yourself of all feeling of pity. We must annihilate the Jews, wherever we find them and wherever it is possible, in order to maintain there the structure of the Reich as a whole. This will, naturally, be achieved by other methods, than those pointed out by Bureau Chief Dr. Hummel. Nor can the judges of the Special Courts be made responsible for it, because of the limitations of the frame work of the legal procedure. Such outdated views cannot be applied to such gigantic and unique events. We must find at any rate, a way which leads to the goal, and my thoughts are working in that direction.

The Jews represent for us also extraordinarily malignant gluttons. We have now approximately 2,500,000 of them in the general government, perhaps with the Jewish mixtures and everything that goes with it, 3,500,000 Jews. We cannot shoot or poison those 3,500,000 Jews, but we shall nevertheless be able to take measures, which will lead, somehow, to their annihilation, and this in connection with the gigantic measures to be determined in discussions from the Reich. The general government must become free of Jews, the same as the Reich. Where and how this is to be achieved is a matter for the offices which we must appoint and create here. Their activities will be brought to your attention in due course.

PARTIAL TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 2233-E-PS

FRANK DIARY, Conference Volume, Cabinet session in Cracow on 24 August 1942 Cabinet session in the Great Conference Room of the Government Building in Cracow Monday, 24 August 1942

Subject: A new Plan for seizure and for food [Ernaehrung] of the General Gouvernement

written in 3 Copies: 1. Office of the Governor General 2. State Secretary Dr. Boepple 3. District Court Judge [Oberlandesgerichtsrat] Dr. Weh

List of those present at the session of 24 August 1942

The Governor General State Secretary Krueger State Secretary Dr. Boepple General Becker Schoengarth Kobusch Dr. Wendler Dr. Siebert Dr. Radtke Plodeck Tetzner Naumann Dr. Eissfeldt Dr. Gschliesser Ohlenbusch Watzke Bauder Gerteis Dr. Breithaupt Dr. Paersch Dr. Weh Dr. Schulte-Wissermann Dr. Wohlrab Neumann Dr. Behr Bette Rauber Eden Neumann Dr. Zeisner Winkler Grafmann Gareis Dr. Odenthal Pietschmann Krahmer Schubert Colonel Fischer Reitz Major Dr. Herrmann Capt. Behringer Verwaltungsrat Korff Von Dazur Vogel Dr. Ness Topf Blauer

Beginning of the Session at 4 p.m.

The Governor General opens the meeting with the following words:

Gentlemen,

I have called you together today with special speed and emphasis in order to acquaint you with a measure which is unusually important and decisive for all the work in the General Government in the year to come. What I tell you, I tell you in strictest confidence. I call your attention to the fact that every word which leaks out of this meeting, unofficially, might mean a tremendous damage to our country.

A few days ago a meeting with the Reich Marshal took place in Berlin. The Reich Marshal had the reports concerning the almost catastrophic developments in the food situation in Germany. According to all confidential reports of the police, as well as of the Gauleiter, which, as he expressed himself, also confirmed by his own experiences, the situation is as follows: unless a considerable improvement in the food situation in Germany can be achieved in a short time, serious consequences as to the health of the people, especially the German working people, would result. In hundreds of thousands of sick cases, one can already see the tragic consequences not only of this food shortage but also a deterioration of foodstuffs which endangers health. That is especially true of the quality of bread which has been distributed to the German people within the last few weeks: this leads to the most serious health disorders.

A serious situation, therefore, has arisen since Germany not only has to feed herself but also a large proportion of other European people. We must also take care that in the months to come and during the coming winter sufficient food will be distributed to the German people that they will be able to withstand the great nervous strain of the coming months in every case.

Under these circumstances you probably will not be surprised that the saying now has become true: Before the German people are to experience starvation, the occupied territories and their people shall be exposed to starvation. In this movement, therefore, we here in the General Government must also have the iron determination to help the Great German people, our fatherland.

Germany had almost sufficient rye to tide them over until the new harvest, but not sufficient wheat. In large parts of Germany, therefore, no more wheat can be distributed in the near future. We therefore must aid the fatherland until the beginning of the new wheat harvest.

The General Government therefore must do the following: The General Government has taken on the obligation to send 500,000 tons bread grains to the fatherland in addition to the foodstuffs already being delivered for the relief of Germany or consumed here by troops of the armed forces, Police or SS. If you compare this with our contributions of last year you can see that this means a six-fold increase over that of last year’s contribution of the General Government.

The new demand will be fulfilled exclusively at the expense of the foreign population. It must be done cold-bloodedly and without pity; for this contribution of the General Government is still more important this year since the occupied Eastern territories—Ukraine and Ostland—will not yet be able to make an important contribution toward the relief of Germany’s food problem. Even if a million tons of bread grains could be delivered from Ostland and Ukraine, it would in the face of Germany’s food situation be only a “drop in the bucket”.

For this reason I wanted to acquaint you, Gentlemen, here in this governmental session with the decisions which I have made known today to Party member Naumann. You will essentially find an additional increase of the quota of foodstuffs to be shipped to Germany and new regulations for the feeding of the population; especially of the Jews and of the Polish population, whereby, if possible, the provisioning of the working people, especially of those working for German interests, shall be maintained.

The step which we are taking together today, is one of the most decisive ones, because it will surely have certain consequences as to the internal order of this country in January or February of next year. These consequences have to be accepted, because before the German people be starved, others, as a matter of course, must undergo the same.

I first of all give the word to Party member Naumann, who will give you a general report about this problem.

Naumann, President of the Main Department for Food and Agriculture:

Governor General, Gentlemen!

At the beginning of July during the last session of the government, I acquainted you with the food budget of the year 42/43. I hoped that this budget would be adequate. The Governor General, in order to increase the high goal that was originally set in the General Government, had decreed martial law for the harvest time [Ernteausnahmezustand] in order to drain even the last possibilities for the execution of the seizure (of the harvest).

Previously we concluded conferences with the Reich Food Ministry. We had included the shipments which, according to the then prevailing interpretation, were to be delivered by the General Government, in the food budget, and could hope to reach the harvest of 1943 without friction. Meanwhile a message from State Secretary Backe as well as a message from Reich Marshal Goering has arrived, and the Governor General has ordered that all requirements of the Reich are from now on to be fulfilled under all circumstances.

Out of this situation the following needs arise:

1. Grain

After exact considerations the grain quota is raised 25%, that is, from 960,000 tons to 1.2 million tons. The dry measure [Metze] of self-feeders, which was 30 kg per head per year, will be raised to 50 kg per head per year. This means: Self-feeder—there total 8.8 million persons in the General Government who heretofore could eat two bushels and 20 kg of bread grain per year—will in the future eat two bushels per year. By this means it will be possible to cause an increase in the dry measure from 160,000 tons to 264,000 tons. This is the burden which we shall place upon and must place upon Polish and Ukrainian agriculture.

On the other hand, I gave an estimated total requirement of 670,000 tons of bread grain for the General Government in the food budget of early July. The requirements of the Reich make it necessary that exceptional savings be carried out in the interest of absolute fulfillment of Reich deliveries.

The feeding of a Jewish population, estimated heretofore at 1.5 million, drops off to an estimated total of 300,000 Jews, who still work for German interests as craftsmen or otherwise. For these the Jewish rations, including certain special allotments which have proved necessary for the maintenance of working capacity, will be retained. The other Jews, a total of 1.2 million, will no longer be provided with foodstuffs.

Non-German normal consumers will receive, from 1 January 1943 to 1 March 1943, instead of 4.2 kg bread per month, 2.8 kg; from 1 March 1943 to 30 July 1943 the total bread ration for these non-German normal consumers will be cancelled.

Those entitled to be supplied [Versorgungsberechtigten] are composed as follows. We estimate that 3 million persons come into consideration as war workers, the A- and B-card holders and their kin, and that somewhat more than 3 million persons are non-German normal consumers, who do not work directly or indirectly in the interests of Germany. The war workers, A- and B-card holders and their families, about 3 million persons, will however continue to be supplied, up to the harvest of 1943, at the prevailing rates.