Volume 4 — Introductory material (continued 22)

He designates and dismisses the other leaders of the German Labor Front.

These posts should be given in the first place to members of the branches NSBO and NS Hago who are in the NSDAP and further to members of the SA and SS.

Furthermore: In Article 5, Par. 3, the word “Staff Leader of the PO” will be substituted by “Reich Organization Leader” of the NSDAP.

Berlin, November 12, 1934.

Fuehrer and Reich Chancellor Adolf Hitler

PARTIAL TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 2273-PS

Draft

TOP SECRET

[Geheime Reichssache]

SPECIAL PURPOSE GROUP “A”

[Einsatzgruppe A]

* * * * * * *

III

Jews

The systematic mopping up of the Eastern Territories embraced, in accordance with the basic orders, the complete removal if possible, of Jewry. This goal has been substantially attained—with the exception of White Russia—as a result of the execution up to the present time of 229,052 Jews (see Appendix). The remainder still left in the Baltic Provinces is urgently required as labour and housed in Ghettos.

To attain this object various kinds of measures were necessary in the different areas of the [Ostland].

In the three Baltic States of Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania, Jewry did not make itself decisively felt until the Bolsheviks had come into power there. But even before that the Jewish influence on the one hand and the anti-Jewish feeling of the population on the other hand, were very strong.

In the following the various areas of the Eastern Territories will be dealt with separately:

1. Estonia

As Estonia, until the middle of the last century, was part of a closed zone of the Russian Empire, into which it was forbidden for Jews to immigrate, the number of Jews in the country has always been insignificant.

At the beginning of 1940 there were living in Estonia about 4,500 Jews out of a total population of 1.2 millions. Their influence on the economic life of the country was considerably stronger than the proportion of Jews to the whole population. For instance 11% of Estonian industry was in Jewish hands. During the Bolshevik time it is true Jewish private property was nationalized, but nevertheless the Jews themselves were almost everywhere left as Directors of their former enterprises. By means of connections with the NKWD the Jews got themselves into a very strong position. They controlled the Press, cultural institutions, forced their way into the open professions, and were the only minority besides the Germans to have the right to cultural autonomy.

With the advance of the German troops the majority of the Jews, together with the Soviet-Russian authorities, left the country. Approx. 2,000 Jews remained behind in the country. Out of these almost 1,000 lived in Reval alone.

The Estonian Self Protection Movement [Selbstschutz], formed as the Germans advanced, did begin to arrest Jews, but there were no spontaneous pogroms. Only by the Security Police and the SD were the Jews gradually executed as they became no longer required for work.

Today there are no longer any Jews in Estonia.

2. Latvia

The total number of Jews in Latvia amounted in June 1935 to 93,479 or 4.79% of the total population.

When the Bolsheviks came into power in Latvia in June 1940, their Soviet-Russian racial comrades succeeded in obtaining authoritative influence for the Latvian Jews, who previously had been predominantly Zionist. Whereas before 1940 there were no Jews as State officials in Latvia, in fact were no Jews in the State Administration at all, in the Soviet Russian Republic all the influential State positions were quickly in the hands of the Jews. Half of the total number of Judges were Jewish. The number was up to 80% in the Higher Courts and in particular on the Tribunal. Equally strong was the influence of the Jews on the economy and cultural life.

When the German troops marched in there were still 70,000 Jews in Latvia. The remainder had fled with the Bolsheviks. The Jews left behind were actively engaged in sabotage and setting fire to places. In Duenaburg so many fires of this kind were started by the Jews that a large part of the Town was destroyed.

After the terror of the Jewish-Bolshevik rule—altogether 33,038 Letts were transported, imprisoned or murdered—an extensive pogrom carried out by the population might have been expected. In fact, however, only a few thousand Jews were eliminated by local forces on their own initiative. In Latvia it was necessary to carry out extensive mopping-up operations by means of Sonderkommandos with the help of forces picked from the Latvian Auxiliary Police (mostly relations of the Letts who had been carried off or murdered).

Up to October 1941 approximately 30,000 Jews had been executed by these Sonderkommandos. The remaining Jews who were still indispensable from the economic point of view were collected in Ghettos, which were established in Riga, Duenaburg and Libau.

As a result of punishments instituted for not wearing the Jewish star, black market, thieving, fraud, but also to prevent the danger of epidemics in the Ghettos, further executions were subsequently carried out. In this way 11,034 Jews were executed in Duenaburg on 9.11.41, and, as the result of an action ordered and carried out by high authorities and Police chiefs, 27,800 were executed in Riga at the beginning of December 1941, and, in the middle of December 1941, 2,350 were executed in Libau. At the moment there are in the Ghettos (other than Jews from the Reich) Latvian Jews in

Riga approximately 2,500 Duenaburg approximately 950 Libau approximately 300.

These are indispensable at the moment as they are specialized workers necessary for maintaining the country’s economy.

3. Lithuania

Until the Bolsheviks marched in, according to a census taken in 1923 there were 153,743 Jews living in Lithuania, forming 7.58% of the total population. Whereas their influence had previously for the greater part been restricted to the business world, the Lithuanian Jews, who had already been working illegally for Bolshevism, now quickly became a dominating influence in public life. In particular Jews of both sexes supported the activities of the NKWD. The transporting of 40,000 Lithuanians to Siberia is traceable to the preliminary work done by the Jews.

When the German troops marched in the Lithuanians expressed their hatred of the Jews in active pogroms, at the same time Jewish communist youths set fire to many towns, through which the German armoured units had passed leaving them little damaged, by means of tins of petrol which they had previously put ready.

As a result of the pogroms carried out by the Lithuanians, who were nevertheless substantially assisted by Sipo and SD, 3,800 Jews in Kauen and 1,200 in the smaller towns were eliminated.

Where Jews were able to escape they were not infrequently handed over to the authorities by the farmers.

These spontaneous mopping-up actions were, however, insufficient to stabilize this rear section of the Front, and at the same time the enthusiasm of the local inhabitants waned.

Therefore by means of selected units—mostly in the proportion of 1:8—first of all the prisons, and then systematically district by district the Lithuanian sector was cleansed of Jews of both sexes. Altogether 136,421 people were liquidated in a great number of single actions. It is worthy of note that many of the Jews used force against the officials and Lithuanian auxiliaries who were carrying this out, and before their execution still expressed their Bolshevik convictions by cheering Stalin and abusing Germany.

As the complete liquidation of the Jews was not feasible as they were needed for labour, Ghettos were formed which at the moment are occupied as follows:

Kauen approximately 15,000 Jews.

Wilna approximately 15,000 Jews.

Schaulen approximately 4,500 Jews.

These Jews are used primarily for work of military importance. For example up to 5,000 Jews are employed in 3 shifts on the aerodrome near Kauen on earth-works and work of that sort.

4. White Russia

The White Russian Sector is more thickly populated by Jews than all the other States in the Ostland. In the year 1926, far more than 400,000 Jews were counted in the then BSSR. The last Polish census showed more than 500,000 Jews in the provinces [Wojwodschaften] of Bialystock, Nowo Grodlek, Polesien and Wilna. These figures are however approximate and most certainly too low, which is further apparent from the fact that far more people have given “Yiddish” as their mother tongue than there were supposed to be Jews counted in the same area. Quite half of the Jews in the White Russian Settlement Area lived at the beginning of the war in the larger towns. Minsk was occupied to a very particular extent by Jews, in 1939 there were approximately 100,000 out of a total population of 238,000.

The social structure of the Jews shows a broad lower stratum of very poor Jews, both in the area formerly Polish, and in the White Russian Sector which was Bolshevik before the Russo-Polish war.

The proportionately thin upper stratum dominated simply every sphere of life in the former Polish sector, mainly as a result of its strong economic position, and in the former Soviet-Russian sector as a result of their influence in the leading party positions. The Jew in the area formerly Polish is a particularly dangerous element, because of his intelligence and activity. But even the Soviet-Russian Jew has during the 25 years of Bolshevik domination assumed a very self-sufficient and arrogant air, which he has even retained after the entry of the German troops.

The final and fundamental elimination of the Jews remaining in the White Russian sector after the entry of the Germans is fraught with certain difficulties. Just in this place the Jews form an extremely high percentage of the specialized workers, who are indispensable because of the shortage in other reserves in this area.

Furthermore Einsatzgruppe A did not take over this area until after the heavy frost had set in, which made mass executions much more difficult. A further difficulty is that the Jews live widely scattered over the whole country. In view of the enormous distances, the bad conditions of the roads, the shortage of vehicles and petrol and the small forces of Security Police and SD, it needs the utmost effort in order to be able to carry out shootings in the country. Nevertheless 41,000 Jews have been shot up to now. This number does not include those shot in operations by the former Einsatzkommandos. From estimated figures about 19,000 partisans and criminals, that is in the majority Jews, were shot by the Armed Forces [Wehrmacht] up to December 1941. At the moment approximately 128,000 Jews must still be reckoned with in the area of the Commissariat-General. In Minsk itself—exclusive of Reich Germans—there are about 1,800 Jews living, whose shooting must be postponed in consideration of their being used as labour.

The Commander in White Russia is instructed to liquidate the Jewish question as soon as possible, despite the difficult situation. However a period of about 2 months is still required—according to the weather.

The shutting up of all the remaining Jews in special Ghettos is also almost completed in the towns in White Russia too. They will be used for work to the fullest extent by the authorities of the Armed Forces, the Civil Administration and German Authorities.

The feeding of the Jews in the Ghettos causes considerable difficulty, especially in White Russia but also in Lithuania. Together with the general decrease in working capacity, there is increased susceptibility to all contagious diseases.

5. Jews from the Reich.

Since December 1940 transports containing Jews have arrived at short intervals from the Reich. Of these 20,000 Jews were directed to Riga and 7,000 Jews to Minsk. The first 10,000 Jews evacuated to Riga were housed partly in a provisionally erected reception camp and partly in a newly established hut encampment near Riga. The remaining transports have for the time being been directed into a separate part of the Riga Ghetto.

The building of the hut encampment, as a result of the employment of all Jews fit for work, is so advanced that all evacuated Jews who survive the winter can be put into this camp in the spring.

Only a small section of the Jews from the Reich is capable of working. About 70-80% are women and children or old people unfit for work. The death rate is rising continually, also as a result of the extraordinarily hard winter.

The amount done by those few Jews from the Reich who are fit for work is satisfactory. They are preferred as labour to the Russian Jews, because they are German speaking and because of their comparatively greater cleanliness. Worthy of note is the adaptability of the Jews, with which they attempt to form their life in accordance with the circumstances.

The crowding together of the Jews into the smallest space, which occurs in all the Ghettos, naturally causes greater danger of epidemics, which is being combatted as much as possible by the employment of Jewish doctors. In isolated instances sick Jews with contagious diseases were selected under the pretext of putting them into a home for the aged or a hospital and executed.

CHART [See Chart Number 4 in the last volume of this publication.]

Judenfrei—free of Jews

Jewish Executions carried out by Special Purpose Group A.

Estimated number of Jews still remaining—128,000.

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 2275-PS

THE GERMAN LABOR FRONT. NATURE—AIM—MEANS

[Die deutsche Arbeitsfront. Wesen—Ziel—Wege] Issued by the Scientific Labor Institute of the German Labor Front. Published by the Publishing House of the German Labor Front, 1943

[Footnote, page 11].

More than nine-tenths of all working Germans are members of the German Labor Front. Shortly before the outbreak of war the German Labor Front had 23 million individual members in the then Reich territory. In addition there were corporate members [Korporative Mitglieder], the number of which can be estimated at 10 millions after eliminating all multiple memberships.

The members of such organizations are “corporatively” affiliated to the German Labor Front which have collectively joined the German Labor Front on the basis of special agreements. But the members of such organizations can nevertheless become individual members of the German Labor Front.

Among others the members of the following organizations are “corporative” members of the German Labor Front: Reich Chamber of Culture; Reich Food Estate; Reich League of Graduate Farmers; Organization of Trade Economy; Experts’ Council on Public Health; Attorneys’ League; Reich League of German Civil Servants; National Socialist Teachers’ League; Reich Labor Service; Armed Forces; Nurses’ Association. In other words, practically all important professional or economic organizations have led their members into the German Labor Front.

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 2276-PS

THE GERMAN LABOR FRONT. NATURE—AIM—MEANS

[Die deutsche Arbeitsfront. Wesen—Ziel—Wege] Issued by the Scientific Labor Institute of the German Labor Front. Published by the Publishing House of the German Labor Front, 1943

[Page 55].

During the years from 1933 to 1939 everything necessary had been done in secrecy [in aller Stille] that seemed necessary to the conservation of the nation in the anticipated clash with an envious surrounding world. As always, when taking precautionary defense measures in a newly-won field, it was not possible here either to plan in a way that would be satisfactory. It was necessary to check what was on hand, and build with that the most essential and the momentarily most useful. It could not be obviated that the result, measured with the yardstick of what had been planned for the future, would appear modest and perhaps even inadequate.

It has not always been simple for those charged with practical social work to master satisfactorily the juxtaposition of old, scantily mended institutions and new ones. But certainly it was even more difficult for the biggest part of the people to see how the effort supported by it was, year after year, applied to tasks which initially necessitated renunciation after renunciation. After all, it seemed like a small matter to apply the energies released by the National Socialist revolution to the improvement of social conditions desired for so long. Instead the leadership chosen by the people and over again confirmed by it, channeled all its strength into armaments [Wehrhaftigkeit]. And—won the consent especially of those sections of the people who had had to suffer most from social conditions prevailing up to then.

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 2277-PS

STATEMENT

of Gustav Schiefer, born 17 July 1876, residence: Munich 9, No. 3 Armanspergstrasse, about what happened to him when the Nazis came on 9 March 1933.

I was employed as part time worker [Hilfsarbeiter] by the former Trade Union Society, Munich, beginning 11 November 1911. During the years 1914-1918, I was in the World War.

After the revolution in November 1918 I was elected Executive Chairman of the General German Trade Union Association [Allgemeiner Deutcher Gewerkschaftsbund], Local Committee, Munich. I held this position without interruption until 9 March 1933.

On that day the Nazis stormed the Munich Trade Union Headquarters Building, 40/42 Pestalozzistrasse. The offices remained closed until 15 March. On 13 March my late colleague Erhard Kupfer, former District Secretary of the General German Trade Union Association [ADGB] and I had to report to the, then, State Commissar Wagner, and were ordered to reopen the Munich Trade Union Headquarters Building, and with it the offices, by 15 March, and to resume normal activity within the framework of the trade unions.

Since I was at the same time chairman of the Munich Trade Union Headquarters Building, Inc., it became my task to take over the house in its entirety, and with it the individual offices of the trade unions.

Because safes and strong-boxes, in fact everything that was locked, had been smashed open, and because safes and tills, in the main, were empty, I refused to take over the house and offices in their present condition. I stated that I would take over the house only in the condition in which it was when it was taken away from us on 9 March.

The house had been taken over on 9 March 1933 by Herr Kurt Frey, and returned to us on 15 March by the former executive secretary of the Hotel, Restaurant, etc. Employees’ Association, Herr Reichart. This Nazi, with whom I did not get along too well because of his equivocal attitude, believed that the opportunity had arrived to wreak his vengeance on me.

I was dragged to the great hall, paper and pencil put before me with the challenge to designate these Nazis who had committed thefts during the period of 9 to 15 March 1933. I could not do that, since I did not know the individuals. As I refused my signature about 10 Nazis beat me promiscuously and indiscriminately until I collapsed. Upon that they seized me and threw me into the bottom of the light shaft of the Trade Union Headquarters Building. After lying there for some time I summoned up my strength and tried to rouse myself. When the Nazis noted that, they again dragged me into the hall and beat me until I collapsed and fainted. My colleagues Josef Gessl, former executive secretary of the Cobblers’ Association, and Richard Moses, employee of the General Mutual Benefit Local Pay Office [Allgemeine Ortskrankenkasse], Munich, grabbed me and brought me in this condition to the Munich-Schwabing hospital. In addition to many other injuries, Professor Dr. Kerschensteiner, director of this institution, diagnosed serious concussion of the brain with hemorrhage into the brain. I remained from 15 March to 5 May 1933. On 5 May the Precinct Physician, at that time already a Nazi, certified that I was sufficiently fit for arrest. On 5 May I was transported to the Ettstrasse Police Prison, and from there to Stadelheim. I remained in Stadelheim until 25 August 1933.

It is due to an extraordinarily fortunate circumstance that I was saved from Dachau in 1933. Medical Privy Councillor Dr. Geisendoerfer, who was chief physician in Stadelheim, knew me from the Cooperative Sickness Benefit movement (I had been on the Committee of the General Mutual Insurance Local Pay Office [Allgemeine Ortskrankenkasse], Munich, for 25 years). Through the many negotiations with the physician I had been in close touch with the above-named gentleman. During my stay in Stadelheim the Gestapo had me examined five times by the chief physician, who always held a protective hand over me, and to whom I am also indebted for my early release, due to a serious illness (intestinal gap of 15 cm depth and 7-8 cm length).

I was then sick and unable to work until 24 December 1933. On that day I was sent away by the Trustee Physician of the General Mutual Benefit Local Pay Office, Munich (city), in spite of my request to allow me to draw sickness benefits until the eve of the New Year. He said that there was no reason to grant the request. As far as I know this Trustee Physician was Medical Councillor Dr. Plate.

I was then unemployed until May/June 1934 and then accepted various jobs as representative. After my release from Stadelheim I had to report to the police every third day for almost 2 years. Constant police supervision was one of the simplest cases of chicanery.

Upon the initiative of my colleague Wilhelm Leuschner, Berlin, I joined the movement against the Nazi system in good time; and it was exclusively due to the steadfastness of my colleague Leuschner that I, like many other friends, am still alive.

After the assassination attempt on Hitler on 20 July 1944, I was again arrested and shipped to Dachau Concentration Camp. As is well known, that project was called “Gitter.”

On 6 October 1944 I was released without any interrogation. I was extraordinarily fortunate. Since 2 May 1945 I am again active, in the trade union as well as the political movement and also in social work and life.

As witnesses for the correctness of my statements I name the persons already mentioned above, who brought me to the Schwabing hospital (Josef Gessl and Richard Moses).

And how decent were we once more in the year 1945. Not a hair on the head of any of these swine was harmed on behalf of the trade unions. We bore witness, and still bear witness today, for human dignity and justice.

Other liberated colleagues of the Free Trade Unions got away with beatings in the cellar of the Trade Union Headquarters Building in the beginning. Among others my colleague, Anton Friebl, now living at 4 Gabrielenstrasse, 2nd floor. Many deceased colleagues, such as Georg Kandlbinder, Josef Ertl, Heinrich Gassner and many others.

Munich, 17 October 1945 [signed] G. SCHIEFER

Today on the 19th of November 1945, I have reread and signed every single page of the statement given by me on 17 October 1945. I declare hereby under oath that this statement is true.

[signed] Gustav Schiefer Gustav Schiefer

SWORN TO BEFORE ME this 19th day of November 1945, Munich, Germany.

[signed] Kurt A. Baer, 0-1041959 Captain, CAC 3rd Military Government Regiment APO 403, U. S. Army

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 2278-PS

Official tour of Reich Minister Dr. Seyss-Inquart to the districts of Warsaw, Lublin, and Radom from 17th November to 22nd November 1939

Those taking part were:

1. Reich Minister Dr. Seyss-Inquart.

2. Dr. Sild.

3. Dr. Rahn, department of food and agriculture in the office of the General Governor.

4. Legation Councillor [LGR] Dr. Goetze, economic department. 17.11. Departure at 7.0 a.m. from Burg Cracow in a car. To Warsaw via Mislowitz, Sosnowitz, Czestochau, Radomsko, Petrikau, Lodz, Tomaszow and Rawa. Arrival 1.0 p.m. Received by the governor, Dr. Fischer and the gentlemen of his staff, followed by a small luncheon party.

At 3.0 p.m., Reich Minister Dr. Seyss-Inquart addressed the department heads of the District Chief and stated, among other things, that the chief guiding rule for carrying out the German administration in the General Government must be solely the interests of the German Reich. A stern and inflexible administration must make the area of use to German economy and so that excessive clemency may be guarded against, the results of the intrusion of the Polish race into German territory must be brought to mind.

Following that the Reich Minister held conferences with the governor, Dr. Fischer, and Section Head, Dr. Barth, on administrative and economic questions; later on, experts and heads of departments were called into the conferences to make reports.

Among other specifications, Dr. Fischer submitted to the Reich Minister the specification attached to the plan for the preliminary arrangement of the departments in the office of the District Chief and of the authorities in Warsaw.

Dr. Fischer reported that, in particular, the number of personnel was still considerably too small. Three out of 14 Sub-Prefects [Landraete] were also missing. Of the departments in the District Office, only a few had their full complement; that was also the case with the department of Public Enlightenment and Propaganda and the Labour department. Of important experts, there were still none for taxes and monopolies. In the Health Service, one medical advisor was, at the same time, head of the Health Department and district physician. The accommodation of the authorities also left much still to be desired.

Reich Minister Seyss-Inquart then stated that a large sum for the productive support of unemployed would be made available. This sum could be used for erecting or repairing any buildings required by the administration.

The governor, Dr. F., reported that further German administrative and municipal officials were also required for the administration of the city of Warsaw. Then a discussion took place on the organization of the district authorities, the occupation of the rural districts [Landkreise] and on the question of transferring the remaining 5 communities of the Gtojec district from the district of Radom, and a further 5 communities of the Garwolin district from the district of Lublin, to the district of Warsaw. Reich Minister S. I. promised to look into this affair. After that, general questions on the division and personnel to occupy the districts were discussed. Reich Minister S. I. agreed that should the District captain [Kreishauptmann] not be a lawyer the best arrangement for a district captaincy [Kreishauptmannschaft] was to assign to him a representative who was trained in legal matters. Dr. Fischer reported that, up to now, the German administration had been set up as essentially a supervising authority over a Polish administration. Questions arose from this as to what range of subjects should be included in the functions of the District chief. It was superfluous to draw up any building regulations, for should accommodation be had, it concerned only the Poles themselves. Then the question of using Polish employees at the German administrative courts was touched upon. There were some 300 Polish employees working at the office of the District Chief of Warsaw. The administration by the German authorities would have especially to serve for the utilization of the Government’s sphere for German economy, so the administration of agriculture, Labour, and Roads especially would have to be well-ordered, on the other hand, trade, settlements, or even the accountancy of the Polish communities are of less importance.

Dr. Fischer then raised the question of prices. Price commissars were to be sent from the Reich and they would equalize the standard of prices with that in the Reich. Wages would then, however, have to be adapted to his standard and this might have unforeseen consequences. Reich Minister S. I., on the other hand, stated that Generaloberst v. Brauchitsch wished to place army orders for textiles cheaply in Lodz and suitable industrial centres. Dr. F. thought that higher prices had their good points as at Warsaw, for instance which had only been fed because of higher prices which gave the farmers an incentive to bring their goods into the city. Thereupon, Reich Minister S. I. put the question of how a definite influence could be obtained on the price system and on the system of distributing goods by setting up monopolies for essential goods such as salt, sugar, coal, petrol, and tobacco. If these goods are in one’s hands and if it be possible to make them available to the farmer for a definite price, he would also be prepared to sell his products for a corresponding price in order to obtain the goods he requires. Moreover for the time being it could not be a question of furnishing better living conditions for the Poles, but merely of securing the minimum of existence for them. However, it could not be regarded in that light when a forced laborer was paid nine Zloty per week.

Hereupon Reichsminister Dr. S.I. received the report of the City President [Stadtpraesidenten] of Warsaw, Dr. Dengel. He declared the problem of the unemployed to be the most urgent one. Until now taxes to the amount of 150,000 RM had been received, but this would not be nearly sufficient, not even for the reconstruction of the most urgently needed public buildings. The city budget was now in preparation, but already it became apparent, that a loan to the amount of 50,000,000 Zloty from the Reich Credit Bank [Reichskreditkasse], was needed. Sufficient city property was available as security, of which an inventory was being prepared. Later on the tax revenue would probably be sufficient for regular interest on the loan. Regarding the tax system, the City President reported that the cities received shares and additional payments over and above the remittances [Ueberweisungen] of State taxes, about the same as in the old Austria. The administration of property taxes would be partially difficult, since during this mix-up no status of persons or assets could be established.

On the question being put by Reichsminister Dr. S.I. the City President reported that in Warsaw about 40% of the buildings would be again habitable, after part of them had been repaired. Dr. F. thought, one would leave one quarter of the destroyed city for inspection, but otherwise lay out grass plots in place of the debris. The City President then mentioned the question of the Polish City officials. For their necessities they have been receiving so far up to 250 Zlotys a month and those with higher salaries half of the surplus up to 1200 Zloty. Dr. F. pointed to the decree of the Governor General, whereby 100% of the basic salaries and not over 1,000 Zloty could be paid. The activity of the banks was then mentioned. Stocks in gold, precious metals, and foreign currencies had been delivered by them to the Reichsbank. The inhabitants were obliged to deposit all their money at the bank, withdrawals depending on the approval of the City President. Dr. F. explained that the banking system was now attached to the Department of Economic Affairs at the office of the District Chief.

The City President now reported on welfare questions. Specific difficulties had arisen from the sudden departure, on higher authority, of the relief train Bavaria. Workers who could buy no food for themselves, were frequently unable to continue working. The welfare service of the NSV confined itself to the racial Germans, whereby certain difficulties were caused by the question of determining who were racial Germans, of which about nine to ten thousand were now living in Warsaw. Jews were not aided, even out of municipal funds.

For the care of the Poles, the Polish social Self-Help was to be called into activity again, and was to be continued by the men who had formerly directed it. The supervisor was to be supplied, against payment, with motor cars and trucks with fuel, and permission was to be granted to the organization to accept voluntary contributions in the country. The confiscated bank accounts of about 9,000,000 Zloty are to be at the disposal of the organization.

The City President then pointed to the absolute necessity of the speediest establishment of criminal justice officials as well as a civil court. An orderly continuation of economic life depended on the latter. He then also reported on the Court of Corporal Punishment [Pruegelstrafengericht], which had been established for the punishment of crimes amongst the Poles.

Dr. F. pointed out that possibly greater treasures might be hidden in the Jewish quarter.

Reichsminister S.I. commented then that the building up of the administration to be effected in Poland, was a good school for those participating in it.

The ideal arrangement would be that a Party man with strong initiative should stand at the head of the administration, at whose side would be experts and an experienced administrator, in order to include the work in the general system.

The head of the department, Labour Oberregierungsrat Dr. Espe then spoke. He expressed the hope that it would later on be possible to exchange forced labor by normal labor. There was a definite lack of tools; he had therefore started a small factory for the manufacture of tools, and now construction of the most primitive sort was going on at the airport and on the highways. The question of transport was the most important and would have to be tackled ahead of the clearing-up work. At present a survey was being made of all undertakings which were at all capable of production, and, after the Reich had decided what was to be manufactured, they were to begin operations. Possibly three shifts were to work in these factories to equalize the destruction.

A difficult problem was the multitude of the new unemployed Polish intellectuals. The students could still be trained in handicraft, but for the 80,000 to 90,000 Polish officials, one must, if occasion arises, revert to reconstruction of the Polish Administration Departments.

Reichminister S.I. then stated clearly that a second Polish subadministration would be considered by the German authorities solely in the form of a welfare organization.

Oberregierungsrat Dr. Espe remarked that the activity of the sick fund and of social welfare would largely be dependent on the functionaries of the railroad and postal systems. Both welfare branches were controlled by a head institution for social security which was already again showing a certain profit. The administrative office could also be rebuilt with available materials. The property of the head institution is said to have been largely transferred to Russia in the form of securities. Fortunately, it was largely a question of mortgages, which could be declared invalid.

As an added difficulty, Oberregierungsrat Dr. Espe then also mentioned that wages had been brought down below the former level, due to surplus labour.

Reichsminister Dr. S.I. asked if the proclaimed tariffs were really to be enforced. In any case no official Polish State should be set up. Oberregierungsrat Dr. Espe thought that, on the basis of tax collection, this decree was advantageous, and one could naturally not suffer the obvious ignoring of regulations which we had promulgated. Reichsminister Dr. S.I. thought that this was no further problem east of the Reich border. One could, at an opportune moment, seize upon a case of border violation for corresponding exemplary and also otherwise useful action.

Then the representative of the Reich Railways at the office of the District Chief, Oberreichs Bahnrat Prasch, appeared to give a report. He said now that military transport had come to an end, traffic from the west was going on well. Also trains to Cracow went through Kattowitz. The number of locomotives taken over was fairly satisfactory, the major part, however, had gone to Russia where they possibly would not even be needed because of the change in the railway gauge, which had already been started to great extent. Trains were already going to Lublin, also. Today, two railroad bridges were in operation. Reichsminister S.I. pointed out that, above all, the tracks to Cracow which do not go through Kattowitz, had to be restored in order that the necessary gasoline and petroleum could be brought from the oil field region to Warsaw. Admittedly, an increased amount of suitable freight cars was still necessary, but that could be accomplished by repairing the existing damaged tank cars.

The director of the “Trade Economy” Department, Regierungsrat Dr. von Coelln now came forward to give a report. He stated that, in the district of Warsaw, almost all branches of industry were represented. French and Dutch capital was invested in the oil field enterprises. Dr. von Coelln then said that in the district of Warsaw still considerable supplies of raw materials were stored in soap factories. These soap factories should again be put into operation. The produced soap was made of a higher solution of fat acid than was at present stipulated in the Reich. Reichminister Dr. S. I. said the Order of the Governor General according to which the factories were permitted to produce one-third of their pre-war production, must be amended and the soap should be confiscated. Furthermore, it was agreed that war economic works, car factories, the chemical and optical industries, etc., should be put quickly into operation. Dr. von Coelln then also raised the question of how the import and export between the Reich and the “Government” should be arranged, if the coal region with Sosnowic, Dabrowa, and Trzebinia also becomes German territory and, after the 20th the control of foreign currencies and customs will be carried out. He then reported that the electrical plants in Warsaw were in working order. In spite of an order to the contrary, there were about 30 night clubs in Warsaw.

Of primary importance was the question of safeguarding the still existing supplies of soap, tea, etc. The control of such goods as petroleum, light, salt, fertilizers, etc., by some method of monopoly, could best be accomplished through consumer cooperatives.

Now appeared State Farmer Leader Koerner. He reported that the supplying of Warsaw with food from Lublin and Radom must be made to operate better. Up to now, Warsaw had been supplied in that respect by Posen. Five thousand tons of grain were now going to be supplied to Warsaw, 15,000 of which were already on the way. 20% of the grain in the “Government” was destroyed through military action. There was also a shortage of meat and similar commodities. In this case, however, as a matter of principle, nothing should be sent in from the Reich. Until the next harvest, the Polish population should be principally provided with sufficient amounts of grain and potatoes only. It would take about from 3 to 4 years to build up the stock of cattle again. The prices of grain should be kept on a level of from 25 to 30% above those of 1 September 1939. Such prices were sufficient for the farmers.

At 8.00 P. M. supper with the commanding officer of the city garrison.

18. 11. 8 o’clock departure from Hotel Europejski in Warsaw for a drive of inspection within the Warsaw district accompanied by the Governor Dr. Fischer. Survey of the destroyed bridges over the Bug at Wyszkow, and then on via Lochow to Ostrow.

At Ostrow visit to the Sub-Prefect [Landrat] von Boehnau, who reports on his work to Reichsminister Dr. Seyss-Inquart. Boehnau sees a special difficulty in the fact that the administrative services of the Wehrmacht will be recalled in the very near future. The Sub-Prefects [Landraete] have relied mainly on these units. After they have gone away they will be very short of labor.

In the Ostrow district there are also special food difficulties to be noted, since the district on whose agricultural authorities Ostrow’s supplies depended was said to have come under the Russians. There was some talk that the Russians here would withdraw 5 kilometers.

A particular nuisance also was the badly guarded frontier, due to the shortage of police, which made possible a continuous uncontrolled running backwards and forwards, and a considerable removal of property, particularly by the Jews.

After Ostrow the refugee camp at Malkinia was visited in which there were no refugees at the time. It was reported that up to now about 10,000 German nationals had crossed over the frontier there. Frequently displaced Germans from Posen and West Prussia were concerned. Near the frontier we saw the countless Jews and similar rabble that were on the 200 meters or so of no man’s land between the German and the Russian frontier posts waiting to cross over into Russian Territory in the darkness. Frequently it is said the Russians themselves bring such refugees back again after a few days. Recently 150 Tax collectors have arrived who will be installed in this section. Above all it is essential that when the administrative services of the Wehrmacht leave, replacements should be put in in good time.

The police officer reported that when settling the frontier zone of interests the Russian officers made an excellent impression and were distinctly better informed than the Germans were.

After lunch at the Landrat von Boehnau’s in Ostrow we set out at 1400 hours on the drive via Siedlce, Sokolow to Biala-Podlaska, where we spent the night at the operations command of the Security Service there.

On 19.11. At 7.30 A. M. departure in the direction of Brest-Litovsk to the Bug frontier. We drove past the airdrome of Terespol where we could see numbers of airplanes destroyed by German bombers. The land there is partly marshy, the villages produce a distinctly Russian impression. In the afternoon we drove on from Biala via Radzyn, Lubartow to Lublin. On the way, lunch at Major General von Courbiere’s the commander of the 213th Division.

1900 hours, arrival in Lublin, received by the Governor, SS. Brigadefuehrer Schmidt, at the town council building where the Sub-Prefects, the divisional leaders and the police leaders attached to the District chief were gathered together.

SS. Brigadefuehrer Schmidt welcomed the Reich Minister “in the easternmost corner of the territory of German interests.” Dr. Seyss-Inquart, after having had the collaborators of the Governor’s introduced, conveyed the good wishes of the Governor General whose forthcoming visit to Lublin he announced. He then expounded the Principles in accordance with which the administration in the “Government” must be conducted. This administration would require above all the ability to pull through on its own strength without being a burden to the Reich. This could be attained especially by the firm comradeship of the men stationed there. The resources and inhabitants of this country would have to be made of service to the Reich, and only within these Limits could they prosper. Independent political thought should no longer be allowed to develop. The Vistula area might perhaps be still more important to German destiny than the Rhine. The Minister then gave us a guiding theme to the District Leaders: We will further everything which is of service to the Reich and will put an end to everything which may harm the Reich. Dr. Seyss-Inquart then added, that the General Governor wished that those men who were fulfilling a task for the Reich here should receive a material post in keeping with their responsibility and achievements.

Reichsminister Seyss-Inquart then touched on the question of Ukrainians, who could be allowed a certain cultural life of their own, which must never, however, be allowed to lead to a national movement. In conclusion Dr. Seyss-Inquart invited the District Leaders to bring their troubles and questions at any time to the Governor, so that he can find the best solution in cooperation with them.

District Chef Schmidt replied that these political directives should also be worked out in the course of the present conference. Personality was more necessary for the tasks before them than the knowledge required for a usual administration. The area embracing the district of Lublin required special consideration, for on account of the resettlement it was a collecting point for Germans, who were no longer allowed to live in Germany, and for other destructive elements. Here iron firmness must be brought to bear. It would be a good idea if the General Governor were personally to gain an insight into the particular conditions existing in this region. Here also, a guard of collaborators was being trained, who would carry out the most valuable work in German Eastern Politics.

We had dinner with SS. Sturmbannfuehrer Hasselberger where we also spent the night (until the arrival of Brigadefuehrer Globocznik, police Assistant to the District Chief).

Hasselberger is of the opinion, in answering to questions by Minister Dr. Seyss-Inquart, that the (racial German) individual protection is an encumbrance. He did not dream it possible to organize the Ukrainians as an auxiliary Police Force.

Nov. 20, 1939. 08.30 Sight-seeing tour of Lublin, University, Cracow Gate and the part of the city, built by the Germans—Old Lublin—as well as the prison. Then a conference with the District Chief. At first questions were discussed concerning the division into districts and the supplying with personnel of the offices of the District Leaders. Here also the lack of staff again stood first. Especially after the withdrawal of the construction battalion the Sub-Prefects be left without police and without any office help. Here also Dr. Seyss-Inquart raised the question, as to what tasks should belong to the sphere of the German administration. On the question of the setting up of the councils of the District leaders, many District Leaders thought it necessary, to have a legal representative. Furthermore clerical staff and interpreters would be required. In the administrative services of the Wehrmacht were some people who, in case of need, were willing to remain on there as employees. Also the Wehrmacht might be willing to transfer certain people, for instance as trustees for agricultural estates, and so on. Also individual teachers badly needed for schools could be obtained in this way. After the departure of the administrative troops, there might also be a lack of motor vehicles, as they had very often brought their own vehicles with them.

Governor Schmidt had learned that the petrol of the Government was to be included in the Reich Syndicate. Petrol here costs 8 Pfg. more than in the Reich. Therefore 8 Pfg. more will have to be paid to the German Petrol accounts for which the Government will be charged. Then questions were discussed concerning the general construction of the office of the District Chief in Lublin. As to taxes, it was to be confirmed, that the revenue offices had re-employed 80% of the Polish revenue officials, many of whom were to be in sole charge of the tax administration out in the country. Now inspectors are to be appointed for the supervision of these posts. The District Chief should handle the supervision of the revenue offices.

The office work of the District Chief is much delayed by the lack of expert workers. Partly also there was no control over the work of the people who had already arrived. Thus Mr. Ziere, the veterinary surgeon, had gone to Cracow, and said he had to look after the wolhynian cattle there.

Reich Minister Seyss-Inquart suggested that Junkers from Ordensburgen should be asked for as assistants for the administration of the General Government. This would be excellent training for them. Besides higher officials, the District Chief is still in need of a magistrate, four inspectors, and a larger number of clerical staff and typewriters.

Of petrol the office of the District Chief would need 10,000 litres per month, and each Sub-Prefect’s Office would need 2,000 litres. But one of the greatest nuisances was the poor communications. One hardly could get any connection with Cracow by telephone, also the mail service was very poor. Till now no replies have been received to letters or orders sent to Cracow. The installation of a teleprinter was urgently needed. But above all, the telephone or police communication from Lublin to the frontier district should function.

With regard to the necessary force of the police, that should be at the disposal of the Sub-Prefects. Governor Schmidt said, that 25 for each District Chief did not seem sufficient.

In the afternoon, a sight-seeing tour was made to Wlodawa, Cycow. Cycow is a German village. About 300,000 German nationals, who made a very poor impression were gathered in the streets, and they sang national songs conducted by the German Travelling Teacher [Wanderlehrer] Lindner who is leader of the German nationals there. Reich Minister Dr. Seyss-Inquart made a speech, on which he pointed out that the fidelity of these Germans to their nationality now found its justification and reward through strength of Adolf Hitler. This district with its very marshy character could, according to District Governor Schmidt’s deliberations, serve as a reservation for the Jews, a measure which might possibly lead to heavy mortality among the Jews.

35,000 German nationals are said to be living in the Lublin government district. As to the problem which concerns schools, the Landrat Kalmus in Oyew said he held the view that no salaries should be paid to the Polish teachers at all, as the Poles in his district represented a minority in comparison with the Jews.

In the evening dinner with the Commissar of the city, Mr. Hagerer, in Cholm, where we spent the night.

21.11.1939. 8 A.M. Sight-seeing tour of the city and visit to the camp for German refugees. For this purpose a big, newly-built house belonging to the Polish railways was reserved, which however is not ready yet to be occupied, as the heating especially cannot be brought into working order on account of the lack of parts, which cannot be procured in Lublin.

Then followed a drive to the famous cathedral of Cholm that used to have a golden dome. After that, we drove off to Hrubieszow, where we found Ukrainian settlements, which are fine compared to the poor Polish huts. The soil also is better. Here also we visited the frontier of the Bug at Uszilug. The Jews are said to have removed much property here, also owing to the poor guarding of the frontier. In this vicinity too is the best soil for wheat in Poland. From this section, some time ago 4,000 refugees were taken over from the Russian side. But still thousands are beyond on the border, and many of them are dying, as they cannot be housed or fed. Dr. Seyss-Inquart pointed out the refugees could be allowed to enter if they, themselves, took measures to guarantee that only German nationals entered the district of the Government.

According to the report of the District Chief the Ukrainians attempted to form a self-administration against or without the German administration. Further the District Chief criticized the Reich-Credit-Bank for not granting a credit, which is necessary for the starting of a sugar refinery, to make use of the harvested sugar beets. Then we continued our journey via Zamost, Tomaszow to the border near Belzek. Then there is a refugee camp with Jews. The staff-Surgeon there fears that an epidemic may break out in the camp, which then would endanger the whole neighborhood.

These Jewish refugees who have crossed the frontier secretly, are often sent back again by the Russians days after.

Also there is much concern in this district at the mustering of horses by the Wehrmacht. This mustering would affect the cultivation of the fields.

Governor Schmidt also reported that, in his district, collaboration with the Wehrmacht was poor. Lieutenant General Buechs, Lublin, was giving the “Government”—administration and police all possible trouble.

In the evening, supper, and night spent at Sturmbannfuehrer Hasselberger’s house.

22.11.1939.

Departure for Radom

In Radom, reception by District Chief Dr. Lasch. The latter reported, that on his arrival in Radom, he had found a very unpleasant situation there. His predecessor, Regierungspraesident Ruediger, had put himself into strongly opposed the Wehrmacht, and Dr. Lasch had first to bring about a better understanding. Dr. Lasch introduced SS-Oberfuehrer Katzmann to the Reichsminister as Senior SS and Police Chief attached to the District Chief of Radom. Brigadefuehrer Globocznik who had been nominated to that position in Lublin and was just travelling through, also reported to Dr. Seyss-Inquart.

Dr. Seyss-Inquart and Dr. Lasch now discussed the plan to establish a messenger center in Radom in order to remedy the bad communication system between Cracow and Lublin and between Cracow and Warsaw. According to this plan, mail for all the three northern districts of Cracow should be taken in 5 hours to Radom by train and from there, according to the weather, to the respective places of destination either by NSKK [Nationalsozialistisches Kraftfahrer (Motorists) Korps] messenger or otherwise. The same procedure should be used for the return journey. The agency should be called, perhaps: “Messenger agency of the Governor General in Radom”.

Next, Dr. Lasch gave a report on the work which had already been done and on that which should still have to be done in the work of reconstruction and improvement. Here also, lack of personnel and difficulties in transportation were particularly prominent. Furthermore, in the district of Radom, the Polish Squadron was said to be still roving about. The people in question were said to be men who, during the day, attend to their occupations in civilian clothes and, at night, commit excesses in uniform. An encounter with the Wehrmacht was said to have had no success. With the help of a map given the Reichsminister, Dr. Lasch then explained the consolidation of the existing 16 districts into 10. Dr. Lasch will not comply with Governor Dr. Fischer’s expressed wishes to hand over a few communities on the border of the northern district, as those were the most fertile ones of the district which, as a whole, was a shortage area.

Regarding the economic question, it was reported that the gun and iron works in Stachachowitsche had already been taken over by the “Hermann-Goering-Werke”. Provision should also be made for the restarting of the whole economy, not only the war economy. In order to do that, it was particularly necessary that unemployment pay should no longer be at the rate of 7 Zloty per day or wages at the rate of 3 Zloty. Such a margin offered insufficient incentive to earn one’s livelihood through work.

The Governor urgently needed experts and other personnel. A medical officer was especially urgently needed. There was no German physician in the entire district. Individual cases of epidemics such as typhus and dysentery had occurred.

Furthermore, a man for the press and propaganda was necessary. There were eight Polish newspapers in the district who were being attended to by the District Leaders, but with such a procedure a thorough check was not possible. The District Chief then stated his intention to submit to Cracow in the near future a detailed list of the personnel required.

After that, the Governor reported on the set-up of his office which had several Departments:

1. the Department of Internal Affairs: Supervision over the District Leaders, Supreme Supervision over the Polish Administration, Justice, School Affairs, Veterinary Affairs, Medical Affairs, and General Matters.

2. Department of Forestry and Game Preservation: Preservation of Forests and Game, Control of the Entire Timber Industry which was here of particular importance.

3. Department of Economic Affairs: Industry, Commerce, Handicrafts, Price Control, industrial Market Regulations, Collaboration with the Agencies of the Four-Year-Plan and the War Economy Inspection [Wehrwirtschaftsinspektion].

4. Traffic Department: Highway System, Railroad System, Postal System, Waterways (shall the river Vistula be controlled), Control of the Biliecza, the boundary between the districts of Radom and Warsaw, which could have a favorable result upon agricultural productiveness.

5. Department of Food and Agriculture: The district is an agricultural shortage area. Cultivation must therefore be intensified. For this purpose a good agricultural organization is necessary. The avoidance of difficulties in the food supply this winter is mainly a question of transport. In some areas there is still corn but it must be threshed. There is no coal for the working of the threshing machines. The salt mine at Wiliczka delivers salt only in compensation against natural products.

6. Finance Department: Revenue and expenditure. Concerning “justice” the governor remarked that too many are being condemned to gaol and penal servitude, which hereby burdens the district with costs. The criminals found in the convict prisons were shot. The shootings, however, were no longer carried out in public but in isolated wooded regions.

The majority of the intelligentsia have been imprisoned, one must be careful, however, because the cooperation of these people cannot be dispensed with, especially the doctors, as they are needed for the health of the people and as they also must treat the Germans in many instances. He asks that the governor general issue an order that caution and reserve be exercised when arresting doctors. Concerning the Polish jurisdiction the District Chief suggested an “organisation” in three legal administrative branches:

1. Baronial court [Burggericht] 2. District court [Bezirksgericht] 3. Court of appeals [Kassationsgericht]

The question was then discussed as to in whose name sentences were to be pronounced and if the Polish authorities were to have some kind of official seal.

In regard to the communal administration the appointment of Polish governors (Staros) to administer parts of the district as deputies of the District Chief with headquarters at his office was discussed. There are Polish majors in Radom and Czenstochau, and they would also be appointed to the towns subordinate to the districts. Reichsminister Dr. Seyss-Inquart pointed out that delegates of the District Chief must be associated with them. Dr. Lasch added, furthermore, that he intended to make the communities pay something towards the repair of roads and other work, executed by means of compulsory labour service or of forced labour, as expense was caused to districts by such work. The wages also for free work must be established uniformly for the whole General Government, as otherwise undesirable movement of workers seeking the highest salaries would result.

At this point the question of the monopoly of important exchange goods for the acquiring of agricultural products was discussed. Dr. Lasch then declared that it was not possible to transport all scrap metal to the Reich. In the Government there was also a need of scrap metal for the existing foundries.

Dr. Lasch stated furthermore that he had received a petition to send 5,000 specialists to the Reich.

Regarding the Polish police the opinion was expressed that arming in a modest way could be carried out and was necessary. The foresters needed at least a fowling piece to defend themselves against wood thieves and peasants.

In the case of the founding of an “individual protection” (Selbstschutz) unit of racial Germans a careful selection and military training of those selected must take place. According to information given by Dr. Lasch the Ukrainians are said to be specially qualified to be policemen.

Dr. Lasch brought up the question as to what should be done with the destroyed villages.

The tax system could consist mainly of indirect taxes and contributions, which were to be borne by the communities. A contribution of 6 Million Zloty must be borne by the Jews in the district of Radom. In the district of Radom a cooperative buying and selling society will be founded in order to eliminate the entire Jewish Commission business.

Reichsminister Dr. Seyss-Inquart then spoke of the regulation provided, according to which the government should not receive any more motor fuel from the Reich, but must be dependent on the production of Jaslo and Kresno the utilization of which, however, was to be determined in accordance with the principles of the Reich. In this connection the formation of a trading organization was also discussed.

Dr. Lasch and Brigade-Leader Schmidt then spoke of the intention of the Wehrmacht to confiscate 54,000 horses. Two studs in the district he declared district studs. Dr. Seyss-Inquart pointed out that the possessions of the Polish government were confiscated by decree and therefore are out of the reach of the Wehrmacht. Finally Dr. Seyss-Inquart spoke of the plan to publish a general administration decree for the General Government after a period of development and elucidation.

Cracow, 22nd November 1939.

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 2280-PS

The Reich Commissioner for the Ostland [Baltic countries and White Russia]

Dept. III Labor policy and social Administration

Riga, 3 May 1943

Labor Group Labor Mobilization 2 F 1/4 b. 1 (O) Kue Ty

To the Commissioner General in Riga

[stamp] Commissioner General Dept. Social Administration

8 May 1943 in Riga 2

Re: Recruiting of Manpower in the Baltic Countries for the Reich territories; here: New quotas agreed upon with GBA Gauleiter Sauckel on 21 April 1943.

In reference to the basic statements of the Plenipotentiary General for manpower, Gauleiter Sauckel, on the occasion of his visit to Riga on 21 April 1943, and in view of the critical situation and in disregard of all contrary considerations, it was decided that a total of 183,000 workers have to be supplied from the Ostland for the Reich territory. This task must absolutely be accomplished within the next four months and at the latest must be completed by the end of August. The following sub-quotas have been established:

White Ruthenia: 30,000 youthful workers and 100,000 workers including families.

Of the families only members capable of productive work will be counted. All persons 10 years old and up are considered as productive manpower.

Lithuania: 15,000 female workers.

15,000 male workers.

10,000 productive workers from about 2 to 3,000 families

Latvia: 10,000 female workers, no male workers

Estonia: 3,000 female workers, no male workers

For the benefit of volunteers [Hilfswilligen] no male manpower will be recruited in Latvia and Estonia. For Estonia also in favor of the Legion.

All permissible means shall be used to obtain the manpower from White Ruthenia. Do not hesitate to apply unusual measures.

In Lithuania the 15,000 men shall be taken from the current recruitment of the year groups 19 to 24. The placement of the manpower for the Reich, excluding volunteers should be one half for the Baltic countries’ own requirements and one half for Reich requirements. In case the number of 15,000 workers cannot be thus obtained, the year groups 12 to 18 shall be recruited until this number has been reached.

The 15,000 female workers shall be obtained from the year groups of 20 to 25. For this purpose the release of 10% of the women from factories suitable for this purpose, even outside of the age limits set, has been contemplated. The recruitment of females of the year groups 20 to 25 will follow the examination of males of the year groups 19 to 24.

Furthermore, the recruitment of about 2 to 3,000 families from Lithuania is contemplated, which should contain a total of 10,000 productive workers.

In consideration of local requirements and the already accomplished recruiting for the Legion and volunteers and of those volunteers still to be provided by means of re-examining the year groups 19 to 24, the recruitment of male manpower in Latvia has been dispensed with.

The 10,000 female workers will be recruited from the year groups 20 to 25. Here also a release of 10% from factories is provided for, should the age limits fail to provide sufficient workers.

Estonia will provide 3,000 women, also to be recruited from the year groups 20 to 25, or by release from factories. Otherwise the same applies as for Latvia.

To these workers I have promised the following special social advantages:

1. Limited engagement, generally 2 years’ duration.

2. Granting of furloughs and return of families according to the general regulations for foreigners in the Reich.

3. Appointment of special trustees of the same nationality for the female workers.

4. Granting of special diplomas for services rendered in war work in the Reich.

In order to accomplish these measures I have sent a decree, of which a copy is enclosed, to the President of the employment offices. Furthermore, I have asked the Labor Mobilization Office of the German Labor Front, in a letter of which a copy is also enclosed, to arrange for the appointment of special trustees of the same nationality.

Please take notice of this, inform my special purpose staffs (Einsatzstaebe) accordingly, and take care of the immediate placing of the manpower.

On this occasion I shall like to point out that in the past year the enclosed leaflet was used in hiring Lithuanian manpower. Since this pamphlet contains inaccuracies, please see to it that it is no longer used for recruiting purposes. In view of the explanations in my enclosed decree to the Presidents of provincial labor offices, I do not believe it necessary to provide a special leaflet for Plant-Managers. I refer to your report of 25 March 1943 and to my letter of 14 April 1943—5783. 28/148—about which I should like to have your opinion soon. By reason of a suggestion of the German Labor Front, I should furthermore like to know whether you consider it necessary to conclude individual work—contracts for the workers from the districts (Generalbezirke) of Lithuania, Latvia, and Estonia.

Copy sent to take notice with reference to the oral consultations in Riga.

Signed: Sauckel [seal] Certified: Mueller Clerk

Certified:

(sig:) Reinkmann

19 June 1943

PARTIAL TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 2283-PS

VOELKISCHER BEOBACHTER

The Munich (Southern German) Edition Nr. 258, 14 September 1936, page 11.

THE 5TH DAY OF THE PARTY CONGRESS ADOLF HITLER HAS CARRIED OUT THE TRUE SOCIALISM REICH ORGANIZATION LEADER DR. LEY RENDERS AN ACCOUNT OF THE ACHIEVEMENTS OF THE GERMAN LABOR FRONT

Nurnberg, 13 September.

Again 20,000 stirred people filled the big hall in the Luitpold Park on Saturday for the penultimate session of the Party Congress.

At this session, too, the Fuehrer was present from the beginning. Again enthusiastic shouts of exultation lasting for minutes roared around the Fuehrer when he strode through the long-stretched hall with his deputy, his constant retinue and several Reich Leaders and District Leaders.

On this evening Congress participants listened to grandly-conceived accounts by Reich Organization Leader Dr. Ley about the accomplishments of the German Labor Front, by Reich Leader Hierl about the Labor Service, and by Plenary Inspector for German Highways, Dr. Todt, about progress in building the highways of Adolf Hitler.

After the parade of the Blood Banner and of the Party Standards the solemn prelude was the overture to “Oberon”, played by the Reich Symphony Orchestra. The Congress was opened by the Fuehrer’s Deputy, Rudolf Hess, who immediately introduced Reich Agency Leader [Reichsamtsleiter] Dressler-Andress for reading of the account of Reich Organization Leader Dr. Ley.

My Fuehrer!

When you, my Fuehrer, ordered me in mid-April 1933 to take over the trade unions I could not understand why you gave this order to me, since I could not see any connection between my task as Organizational Leader of the Party and my new task. Very soon, however, your decision, my Fuehrer, became clear to me and I recognized that the organizational measures of the Party could only come to full fruition when supplemented by the organization of the people, that is to say by the mobilization of the energies of the people and by their concentration and alignment. If the Party represents the concentration of the political leaders of the people—as you, my Fuehrer, have taught us again and again—then the people in the retinue [Gefolgschaft] must be organized and trained according to the same principles. Leader and retinue, elite and community at large [Fuehrer und Gefolgschaft, Orden und Gemeinde]—those words the clear directives for my work. These were the consequences:

1. My tasks as Organizational Leader of the Party and as Leader of the German Labor Front were a completely homogeneous task, in other words, in everything I did I acted as Reich Organization Leader of the NSDAP.

2. The German Labor Front was an institution of the Party and was led by it.

3. The German Labor Front had to be organized regionally and professionally according to the same principles as the Party.

That is why trade union and employer associations had to be smashed unrelentingly, and the basis of construction was formed, as in the Party, by the cell and the local section.

* * *

The idea of the Factory Troops [Werkschar] is making good progress in the plants, and I am able to report to you, my Fuehrer, that security and peace in the factories has been guaranteed, not only in normal times, but that also in times of the most serious crises, disturbances, such as the munition strikes of the traitors Ebert and his confederates, are out of the question. National Socialism has conquered the factories. Factory troops [Die Werkschar] are the Nationalist Socialist shock troops within the factory, and their motto is:

THE FUEHRER IS ALWAYS RIGHT!

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 2284-PS

WRITINGS OF THE HOCHSCHULE FOR POLITICS

Edited by Paul Meier-Benneckenstein

II. The Organizational structure of the Third Reich

Brochure 33

The SS

History, Mission, and Organization of the Schutzstaffeln of the NSDAP

Compiled on the Commission of the Reichsfuehrer-SS by SS-Standartenfuehrer Gunter d’Alquen

1939

Junker and Duennhaupt Press, Berlin

1. History and Structure of the SS Path of Proof

The great National Socialist Movement, as a party, did not step into German or even world history as a complete framework at the time of its formal founding. Originating from the rebellion against the downfall, from a fervent belief in the German people, which was born in the trenches of the battle-fields in the whole world, Adolf Hitler began to conquer the new Reich, both in thought and through deeds, with a few comrades, upon the simple, strong fundamentals of his firm belief and to form it anew, stone upon stone. Decisive actions, like the outbreak of 9 November 1923 for which we today, in all its great tragedy and in all its pain, nevertheless have to thank a forcible fate, impressed the inner and external features into the power and into the structure of the Third Reich. Parts and powers of this living marching growing movement, components and men in it, acquired in proof faith, and reliability which was daily the positions, missions and powers which then determined in the powerful structural branch their course toward victory over external power. Therefore, he who wants to understand the growing mission and living essence of the SS must first glance over its history and pursue therein how it quite consequentially grew out of the smallest beginnings through tough, clear work into an ever-enlarging mission. Therefore the growth of the SS, as a firmly rooted member of the great Movement is in many respects symbolic of the development of National Socialism, as well as of a spiritual position and of the consequent practical application of this unmistakably clear position in the life of the folk and of its state. Not the chance incidents of the fighting years and also not the tactical eventualities rounded out the form and brought about the individual developments of this Black Corps, but from the beginning on, the National Socialist of this organization, man upon man, was quite consciously raised again and again above every day affairs which are often petty and full of compromise; thereby raised above his own weaknesses into the consciousness which is always new and living, that he serves a powerful mission which is quite unique in the lengthy annals of German history. The SS originated in the quite early time of the National Socialist Movement in the year 1923. Then later, as the “Stosstrupp Hitler [Shock Troop Hitler]” on the 8th of November 1923 it was forbidden and dissolved automatically along with the entire movement. When the Party was again set up in the year 1925, the SA, as the protective organization of the Movement, still remained forbidden. Furthermore, besides these limiting coercive measures, there still existed a prohibition against speeches as well as assemblies for the Fuehrer in Prussia and also in Bavaria. The National Socialist assemblies were at that time only allowed in Saxony and Thuringia which were at that time fully Red. And now in order at least here to hold the necessary assemblies with success, in order to gain a foothold, it was necessary to protect them under all circumstances from explosive missiles and premature disbandment.

The Protective Echelons

[Die Schutzstaffeln]

For this reason, the Fuehrer ordered in January 1925 that a small mobile organization be constructed for the protection of these meetings: The Protective Echelons. They were in the best sense of the word at this time, therefore, echelons, which means, quite small formations, most of them only in strength of one leader and ten men, which had been set up in single places which at that time already were important for the first forward march of the Movement. Even such a large city as Berlin had only one “Schutzstaffel” of two leaders and twenty men in those days. With these Schutzstaffeln then in the years 1925 and 1926, the Movement had held the assemblies of the Fuehrer and also of other champions of the Party in Saxony and Thuringia, and always held fast against each oppositional attempt in every case.

The year 1926 brought the renewed permission to organize the SA and for this reason, the Schutzstaffeln stepped more into the background in the following years.

This year 1926, however, is of great significance for the SS which at that time consisted of about 200 men in its entire strength, when namely Adolf Hitler gave the most sacred symbol of the Movement, the Blood Banner [Blutfahne] of 9 November 1923 into faithful hands at the Party Congress [Parteitag] in Weimar, the second Reichsparteitag of the NSDAP.

On the 6th of January 1929, Adolf Hitler appointed his tested comrade of long standing, Heinrich Himmler, as Reichsfuehrer-SS. Heinrich Himmler assumed charge therewith, of the entire Schutzstaffeln, totaling at the time 280 men, with the express and particular commission of the Fuehrer to form of this organization an elite troop of the Party, a troop dependable in every circumstance.

The New Division

With this day, the real history of the SS begins as it stands before us today in all its deeper essential features, firmly anchored into the National Socialistic Movement. For the SS and its Reichsfuehrer, Heinrich Himmler, its first SS man, have both become inseparable in the course of these battle-filled years. When the command of the Fuehrer had been given for the organization on a greater scale of this component of the movement, it had to be clear from the beginning that this mission could only then be solved in the real significance of its occasion if, in pursuit of the last essentials, the directives given by Adolf Hitler to the movement were grasped and carried out.

The Selection

We National Socialists are firmly convinced of the ideology that in the final over-all objective only good blood, as seen in the long run, produces the best accomplishments. Sustained by this conviction, the Reichsfuehrer SS went at that time, beginning with this basic criterion of the National Socialist, into the execution of the command of the Fuehrer of the 6th of January 1929.

One of the last soldiers of the old army and, at the same time, also one of the oldest co-champions of the Fuehrer began, as a tough and energetic organizer, to collect a troop, a troop of the best, not only the best physically, but also most dependable, most faithful, in the last analysis the most characteristically worthwhile men from all parts of the movement, in order in the first place to satisfy the fundamental demand made of this formation, namely: the greatest good of the movement, to protect the Fuehrer himself.

It remains as one of the greatest and decisive services of the Reichsfuehrer SS that he inserted the theoretical concepts of the National Socialist ideology, courageously and consequentially especially in this field, into this, his own organizational mission of the construction of the SS and then clearly carried them out even at a time when the racial question was a negative concept deriving from a self-evident anti-semitism.

The Marriage Law [Heiratsbefehl]

It would naturally be meaningless and also, after a short time be worthless, to undertake the experiment to assemble a male racial elite and while so doing to by-pass present or, indeed, the future families of the men. Corresponding to this quite simple and clear perception, for which, moreover, German history affords sufficient menacing lessons in all of its periods, the SS has given itself its own appropriate fundamental laws. As the first and most important of these basic requirements, the Reichsfuehrer-SS in the year 1931 gave to the Schutzstaffeln the law which prescribes an engagement and marriage certificate for SS men.

This order has the following wording:

Munich, 31 December 1931

“Reichsfuehrer-SS

SS Command-A-No. 65

1. The SS is a band of definitely Nordic German men chosen according to certain viewpoints.

2. Corresponding to the National Socialist ideology and to the perception that the future of our folk rests in the selectiveness and preservation of the race and of the healthy inheritance of good blood, I install with effectiveness from the 1st of January 1932 the ‘Marriage Certificate’ for all unmarried members of the SS.

3. The aim striven for is the hereditarily healthy clan of a definitely Nordic German sort.

4. The marriage certificate will be distributed or denied solely and alone from a racial and hereditarily healthy viewpoint.

5. Every SS man who has the object of getting married has to procure for this purpose the marriage certificate of the Reichsfuehrer-SS.

6. SS members who though denied marriage certificates marry in spite of it, will be stricken from the SS; they will be given the choice of withdrawing.

7. The working out of the details of marriage petitions is the task of the ‘Race Office’ of the SS.

8. The Race Office of the SS directs the ‘Clan Book of the SS’ in which the families of SS members will be entered after distribution of the marriage certificate or acquiescence to the petition to enter into marriage.

9. The Reichsfuehrer-SS, the manager of the Race Office, and the specialists (Referenten) of this office are duty bound on their word of honor to secrecy.

10. It is clear to the SS that with this command it has taken a step of great significance. Derision, scorn, and failure to understand do not move us; the future belongs to us!

The Reichsfuehrer-SS H. Himmler”

This incisive command and the self-evidence of its execution demonstrate, even in the difficult years before the first victory, the self-confidence of this voluntary partnership for a determination which even at the time in which it was ordered must mean an eternal, inconceivable, encroachment on the so-called personal freedom of the individual.

The Instrument of the Fuehrer

Inside and outside of the movement, in these years, the SS had to intervene, repeatedly called upon for the protection of the National Socialist fundamental principles. From disunity over the attempt at a schism to the betrayal of the Fuehrer himself, under immeasurable difficulties and grave human sacrifices, the SS fulfilled its various missions as the instrument for unconditional preparedness for intervention for the Fuehrer. It earned for itself at this time the slogan of Adolf Hitler: “SS-man, your honor is faithfulness”.

In the whole broad Reich, in village and city, the SS, in good and self-evident comradeship with the SA in the fighting years, broke the Red and Black Terror. Long and stirring is the list of all those brave soldiers of the Black Corps who gave their lives as a pledge of their faithfulness.

They did not die in open battle, eye to eye with the opponent; they fell singly and deserted, pursued, hunted; harrassed, beaten, trampled to death, in dark alleys and courtyards, shot in the back, murdered by hostile superior forces; they gave their mortal life, and their names shine forth today, from banners and standards, their earthly immortality as a symbol of a great example which they fulfilled, completely and purely, everywhere, including those unforgettable heroes who fought against the choking gallows of an inhuman system, until even Austria returned home into the greater Reich through their sacrifice.

Responsibility for the Future

But not only the revolutionary fighting and sacrificial spirit of this National Socialist formation, its daily application and by this means the best and clear cut selectiveness, determined its existence and its ever clearer course. Far and beyond this, it was the penetrating feeling of responsibility of its leadership for a distant future which decisively determined its course.

Here, in that difficult moment, those solutions were found for all necessary questions which, indeed in the first place must be justified for the day, far and above that, however, without compromise, bore complete responsibility at the same time in itself for the way of future development.

Apart from the green table, not for the sake of momentary results, distinct from all dogma, a great eternal view of German history and a chaste consciousness of the inheritance of ancestry and the genesis of the future at the decisive point of the fighting period, and of the selectiveness of this partnership, have the peculiar and deep meaning for all missions and their execution.

When the day of the grasping of power had finally come, there were 52,000 SS men who in this spirit, bore the revolution in the van, marched into the new State which they began to help form, everywhere: in their stations and positions, in profession and in service, and in all their essential tasks.

The firm, devout ties to this great blood stream of the nation [Volk], the perception of the fulfillment of the deepest German longing for service to the nation, this welding to the firm internal unity of the exclusiveness which the SS was able to achieve, in the course of hard and full years, was the presupposition for the succeeding further greater task of the Black Corps. Only the absolute understanding of the emptiness of all personnel objectives and the final recognition of this valuelessness of smaller interests gave this formation the right to be the protective corps in State and Party as the strong arm of the Fuehrer for the internal security of the Reich in all good and evil times.

Protective Corps of Party and State

The prerequisites for this mighty mission were severe discipline and the highest sort of self-confidence as the result of continuous selection within its own ranks, but were, as well, a fanatical and convinced consciousness of duty to coming generations. Here, the hardiness of the best soldierly traditions met a new and harmonious formation with the keenness of a crystal-clear political consciousness as well as the pure, devout heart of a revolutionary of the living German Movement.

The missions which were given to the SS in the present day National Socialist State can be understood only in the knowledge of this evolution.

The protective organization of the Movement became the internal protective organization of the State after the seizure of power and after the Schutzstaffel, by renewed proof of its essentiality and the testing of its dependability on the 20th of July 1934, was elevated to be an independent component of the Party directly subordinate to the Fuehrer.

Out of the above evolution, all the latter events could fashion themselves in apparent self-evidence along these principles. With the acquisition of power within the Reich, the protective organization of the Party became, feature by feature, as a consequence of the broadening of its mission, the protective organization of the National Socialist State. In this capacity, it took over step by step the remaining usable and valuable parts of the old police. Out of the 16 state police forces, a large and strong Reich police came into existence; and, that which even the old National Socialists themselves had hardly thought to expect: out of the jailer of the rubber cudgel regime there came in existence in the new police, an active friend of the people; and even more than that, in this slow and qualitative evolution the police itself has become, in the completion of National Socialism and in the leadership of National Socialism, through this Black Corps, a part of the proud formations of the Movement.

Reichsfuehrer-SS and Chief of the German Police

The Reichsfuehrer-SS became Chief of the German Police and united its mission, as elastic as operative, with its formations into a comprehensive line of defense for fighting political as well as criminal enemies of the Nation; a line of defense in which State and Party, civil servant and political soldier labor in a complete and, therefore, for the first time in a positive manner hand in hand.

For the first time the newly attained meaning of the Police, as representative, protector, and helper of the community of the people, and thereby as real soldiers of that community of the people and of the National Socialist ideology, impressed the new features of this clear, sober countenance. For out of this original police, employed with a negative aim, an active friend and helper of the people has come into being, a rejuvenated people’s troop, whose successors are provided from the SS, so that the civil servant, both within and outside of his service, is and remains an SS-man, a champion and protector of the new State, of the community of the people and of the movement.

The Troops in Barracks

The conceivable danger, that an organization destined only for internal employment sees itself hampered in the fulfilling of the large, all-embracing missions in difficult times which demand the employment of the whole nation toward the outside. The Fuehrer met this by the creation of an active troop of the SS lodged in barracks and chosen from the SS members of long military service and politically of the best training.

Early in the year 1933 the Body Guard Regiment [Leibstandarte] of the SS, “Adolf Hitler”, arose and in the further enlargement of this SS Military Service Troop [SS-Verfuegungstruppe] there were added the active SS regiments: SS 1, “Deutschland”, in Munich; SS 2, “Germania”, in Hamburg; Aroken, Radolfszell. As well as these, there were the Technical Storm Unit [Sturmbanne], the SS Pioneer Storm Unit in Dresden and the SS Signal Corps Unit [Nachrichtensturmbanne] in Unna. The SS Junker schools in Toelz and Braunschweig provided for the training of those to become leaders of these SS Military Service Troops.

In March 1938, after the return of Austria home into the Reich, the Fuehrer gave the order to establish a fourth active SS regiment of SS General Service Troops, SS 3, “The Fuehrer”, with its stations in Vienna, Graz, and Klagenfurt. All these troops have received the finest reward for their labor: they are allowed to cooperate prominently in the creation and protection of the Greater Germany.

This chosen SS-Troop, trained during four years service under the severest conditions, offers, equally, the best rising generation for future leaders and subordinate leaders of the General SS, the Police, and the Security Service.

II. Organization

In addition to the General SS, so to speak the mother of all the other SS formations, there are the SS-militarized forces, the SS-Death Head regiments, and further, the Security Service and the Race and Settlement organizations.

The supreme headquarters of the Reichsfuehrer SS for the General SS is the SS Main Office in Berlin.

The supreme headquarters for the Security Service is the SS-Main Security Office in Berlin.

The supreme headquarters for the Race and Settlement organization is the Main Race and Settlement agency SS in Berlin.

Aside from these main offices there are the following offices which likewise are directly under the Reichsfuehrer SS and which have the same characteristics of a main office:

Personal Staff of the Reichsfuehrer SS.

Administration Chief of the SS.

Personnel Chief of the SS (these three in Berlin).

Head of the SS courts, Munich.

Chief of the Constabulary, SS-Lt. Gen. of the police Daluege, with the rank of a Chief of a Main Office [Hauptamtschef].

The SS Main Office

The SS Main Office consists of the following 13 offices which have to fulfill the following missions:

The central chancellery [ZK] is the headquarters of the Chief of the SS Main Office. It provides for the cooperation among all of its subordinate offices and examines the whole direction of management within the SS Main Office.

The management office [Fuehrungsamt] (I) deals with all affairs which pertain to the training, organization, and deployment of units of the General SS.

The personnel office (II) deals with the personnel affairs for all SS fuehrers of the General SS from SS-Second Lieutenants to SS-Captains inclusive.

The SS Administrative Office (IV) handles all the administrative affairs of the SS Main Office. It is of the same level as the Administrative Office Security Service (SD) and the Administrative Office Race and Settlement (R and S) and just as these, it is subordinate to the SS Administrative Chief as the highest administrative court of the SS.

The medical office (V) deals with all things concerned with hygienic conditions and accommodations for the SS.

The SS-Recruiting Office (VI) handles the preliminary and final acceptance of SS applicants and SS candidates into the SS. Here also, the conviction and discharge of men and non-commissioned officers is regulated as well as re-enlistment measures among other things. Its missions further include the planning and execution of all recruiting methods, the systematic comprehension and compiling of personal data of all SS members as well as the compilation of the total strength of the SS and of corresponding statistics.

The office for Security Missions (VII) handles the employment of SS units in special instances for example, at Fuehrer appearances and for visits of leading foreign government officials. In addition it is responsible for the mobilization preparations for the SS which it completes in collaboration with the Supreme Command of the Wehrmacht. Among these also come the taking in of reserves of the SS Death Head regiments for special practices in peace and the liability of military service of SS members.

The Reserve Office (VIII) is, as the name implies, responsible for the Reserve of all the SS units.

The Procurement Office (IX) provides for the procurement of articles of equipment for the whole SS.

The Office for Recreation (X) directs all measures for sport participation of the SS in all forms of sports and supervises the athletic training of the SS.

The Office of Communication (XI), the Supply Office and the Public Welfare Office (XII) and also the Educational Office (XIII) fulfill their missions which are expressed by their title.

Aside from the above named 13 offices, the following are also placed under the Chief of the SS Main Office.

The Inspector of the SS Militarized force. The Fuehrer of the SS Death Head regiment. The Inspector of the SS Border and Patrol units. The Inspector of the SS Cavalry. The Inspector of the SS Cavalry schools.

In addition, the following are under the appropriate inspectors.

The Auxiliary Work Camp Schleissheim. The SS-VT professional school St. George. The SS-Training Camp Dachau. The SS-Rest Home, Sasbachwalden. The SS-Motor School Berne. The SS-Main Cavalry school Munich. The SS-Cavalry supply institution Hamburg.

Formation structure of the General SS

The strength of the General SS, 240,000 men, is subdivided today into 14 corps, 38 divisions, 104 infantry regiments, 19 mounted regiments, 14 communication battalions, and 9 Engineer battalions as well as motorized and medical units. This General SS stands fully and wholly on call as in the fighting years except for one small part of chief Fuehrers and men.

The Corps which are presently lead by a Lt. Gen. or Maj. Gen. are subdivided into Divisions, Regiments, Battalions and Companies.

The steps in becoming an SS-man

The steps in becoming an SS man are the following:

After confirming his SS suitability and SS worthiness, the Hitler Youth upon reaching 18 becomes an SS applicant. Then he is taken over into the SS as an SS candidate on the Reichsparteitag of the same year upon presentation of the SS certificate. Then after a short period of probation he is administered the Fuehrer oath on the 9th November.

As SS candidate he earns his Army sport badge and the bronze Reich sport badge. Then he goes into the Labor service [Arbeitsdienst] and finally to the Wehrmacht either at the age of 19 or 19½—according to whichever way his age group is absorbed.

After two years, he returns from the Wehrmacht in as far as he does not want to remain as non-commissioned candidate or reenlistee. Whoever returns to the SS is still, however, a candidate. In the following period up until his coming final acceptance he will be schooled again specially and ideologically at which time he will be thoroughly taught and instructed in the fundamentals of the SS, especially regarding the marriage law and the honor laws of the SS. The SS candidate will be recognized as SS man upon fulfillment of other requirements on the 9th of November following his return from the armed forces and thereby will be finally taken into the SS.

At the same time, on this 9th of November, he has the right to wear the SS dagger and solemnly promises upon this occasion that he and his pin will always hold to the basic laws of the SS. From this day on he assumes the right and duty to defend his honor according to the honor laws of the Black Corps as is specified in the SS code.

He then remains in the active General SS as SS man until he is 35. Upon request, he then will enter the SS Reserve and upon reaching 45 he will transfer into the SS inactive Corps.

The SS Militarized forces [Verfuegungstruppen, VT]

Out of the General SS, the foundation of all SS, after the seizing of power the SS militarized forces appeared, on account of considerations which are indicated in another reference, in a slow and organizational development.

Its garrison and construction are also described in another place.

The militarized forces are constructed after the experiences of the SS upon the fundamental basis of National Socialist perception of selection, direction and education.

The SS militarized forces, in their present day form which is clearly delineated, are an active garrisoned and armed part of the SS. Those men selected and tested according to the standards of the SS have obligated themselves to a period of service of at least four years. In addition to the indoctrination for the SS man, these troops receive a full military education. The service in the militarized force counts toward the fulfillment of military service.

After termination of their obligations in the militarized forces, the SS men naturally go back into the General SS from which they came.

The SS Death Head Units

The SS Death Head units form one part of the garrisoned SS. They arose from volunteers of the General SS who were recruited for the guarding of concentration camps in 1933.

Their mission, aside from the indoctrination of the armed political soldier, is the guarding of enemies of the State who are held in concentration camps.

The SS Death Head units obligate their members to 12 years (service). It is composed mainly of men who already have fulfilled their duty to serve in the Wehrmacht. This time of service is counted completely.

The Death Head units are fundamentally similar to the SS militarized forces in construction and equipment. They consist of four regiments.

Personnel Chief of the SS

The Office of the personnel Chief of the SS is the SS-Personnel Chancellery. It handles all personnel affairs of the Fuehrer Corps of the whole SS.

Further, the Personnel Chief is Inspector of the SS Junker schools in Braunschweig and Toelz. He is responsible for the continuation of education of the forthcoming young Fuehrers from these schools.

The Fuehrer school of the General SS Munich-Dachau is also placed under the Personnel Chief.

Chief of the SS Courts

The SS-Courts, directly under the Reichsfuehrer SS, is the highest office of the SS in all cases of disciplinary or honorary jurisdiction. Its activity therefore consists, above all, in the handling of disciplinary actions; in cases of less severe nature it acts as court of appeal.

Further, the SS-Court is solely competent for the handling of cases of clemency as well as of disciplinary and also of punitive nature.