VOLUME XI SLICE VI Geodesy to Geometry (continued 5)

After many years of futile controversy the first serious weakening of the position of the dominant Neptunist school arose from the defection of some of the most prominent of Werner’s pupils. In particular Jean François D’Aubuisson de Voisins (1769-1819), who had written a treatise on the aqueous origin of the basalts of Saxony, went afterwards to Auvergne, where he was speedily a convert to the views expounded by Desmarest as to the volcanic nature of basalt. Having thus to relinquish one of the fundamental articles of the Freiberg faith, he was subsequently led to modify his adherence to others until, as he himself confessed, his views came almost wholly to agree with those of Hutton. Not less complete, and even more important, was the conversion of the great Leopold von Buch (1774-1853). He, too, was trained by Werner himself, and proved to be the most illustrious pupil of the Saxon professor. Full of admiration for the Neptunism in which he had been reared, he, in his earliest separate work, maintained the aqueous origin of basalt, and contrasted the wide field opened up to the spirit of observation by his master’s teaching with the narrower outlook offered by “the volcanic theory.” But a little further acquaintance with the facts of nature led Von Buch also to abandon his earlier prepossessions. It was a personal visit to the volcanic region of Auvergne that first opened his eyes, and led him to recant what he had believed and written about basalt. But the abandonment of so essential a portion of the Wernerian creed prepared the way for further relinquishments. When a few years later he went to Norway and found to his astonishment that granite, which he had been taught to regard as the oldest chemical precipitate from the universal ocean, could there be seen to have broken through and metamorphosed fossiliferous limestones, and to have sent veins into them, his faith in Werner’s order of the succession of the rocks in the earth’s crust received a further momentous shock. While one after another of the Freiberg doctrines crumbled away before him, he was now able to interrogate nature on a wider field than the narrow limits of Saxony, and he was thus gradually led to embrace the tenets of the opposite school. His commanding position, as the most accomplished geologist on the continent, gave great importance to his recantation of the Neptunist creed. His defection indeed was the severest blow that this creed had yet sustained. It may be said to have rung the knell of Wernerianism, which thereafter rapidly declined in influence, while Plutonism came steadily to the front, where it has ever since remained.

Although Desmarest had traced in Auvergne a long succession of volcanic eruptions, of which the oldest went back to a remote period of time, and although he had shown that this succession, coupled with the records of contemporaneous denudation, might be used in defining epochs of geological history, it was not until many years after his day that volcanic action came to be recognized as a normal part of the mechanism of our globe, which had been in operation from the remotest past, and which had left numerous records among the rocks of the terrestrial crust. During the progress of the controversy between the two great opposing factions in the later portion of the 18th and the first three decades of the 19th century, those who espoused the Vulcanist cause were intent on proving that certain rocks, which are intercalated among the stratified formations and which were claimed by the Neptunists as obviously formed by water, are nevertheless of truly igneous origin. These observers fixed their eyes on the evidence that the material of such rocks, instead of having been deposited from aqueous solution, had once been actually molten, and had in that condition been thrust between the strata, had enveloped portions of them, and had indurated or otherwise altered them. They spoke of these masses as “unerupted lavas”; and undoubtedly in innumerable instances they were right. But their zeal to establish an intrusive origin led them to overlook the proofs that some intercalated sheets of igneous material had not been injected into the strata, but had been poured out at the surface as truly volcanic discharges, and therefore belonged to the ancient periods represented by the strata between which they are interposed. It may readily be supposed that any proofs of the contemporaneous intercalation of such sheets would be eagerly seized upon by the Neptunists in favour of their aqueous theory. The influence of the ancient belief that “burning mountains” could only rise from the combustion of subterranean inflammable materials extended even into the ranks of the Vulcanists, so far at least as to lead to a general acquiescence in the assumption that volcanoes appeared to belong to a late phase in the history of the planet. It was not until after considerable progress had been made in determining the palaeontological distinctions and order of succession of the stratified formations of the earth’s crust that it became possible to trace among these formations a succession of volcanic episodes which were contemporaneous with them. In no part of the world has an ampler record of such episodes been preserved than in the British Isles. It was natural, therefore, that the subject should there receive most attention. As far back as 1820 Ami Boué (1794-1881) showed that the Old Red Sandstone of Scotland includes a great series of volcanic rocks, and that other rocks of volcanic origin are associated with the Carboniferous formations. H.T. de la Beche (1796-1855) afterwards traced proofs of contemporaneous eruptions among the Devonian rocks of the south-west of England. Adam Sedgwick (1785-1873) showed, first in the Lake District, and afterwards in North Wales, the presence of abundant volcanic sheets among the oldest divisions of the Palaeozoic series; while Roderick Impey Murchison (1792-1871) made similar discoveries among the Lower Silurian rocks. From the time of these pioneers the volcanic history of the country has been worked out by many observers until it is now known with a fulness as yet unattained in any other region.

Growth of Opinion regarding Earthquakes.—We have seen how crude were the conceptions of the ancients regarding the causes of volcanic action, and that they connected volcanoes and earthquakes as results of the commotion of wind imprisoned within subterranean caverns and passages. One of the earliest treatises, in which the phenomena of terrestrial movements were discussed in the spirit of modern science, was the posthumous collection of papers by Robert Hooke (1635-1703), entitled Lectures and Discourses of Earthquakes and Subterranean Eruptions, where the probable agency of earthquakes in upheaving and depressing land is fully considered, but without any definite pronouncement as to the author’s conception of its origin. Hooke still associated earthquakes with volcanic action, and connected both with what he called “the general congregation of sulphurous subterraneous vapours.” He conceived that some kind of “fermentation” takes place within the earth, and that the materials which catch fire and give rise to eruptions or earthquakes are analogous to those that constitute gunpowder. The first essay wherein earthquakes are treated from the modern point of view as the results of a shock that sends waves through the crust of the earth was written by the Rev. John Michell, and communicated to the Royal Society in the year 1760. Still under the old misconception that volcanoes are due to the combustion of inflammable materials, which he thought might be set on fire by the spontaneous combustion of pyritous strata, he supposed that, by the sudden access of large bodies of water to these subterranean fires, vapour is produced in such quantity and with such force as to give rise to the shock. From the centre of origin of this shock waves, he thought, are propagated through the earth, which are largest at the start and gradually diminish as they travel outwards. By drawing lines at different places in the direction of the track of these waves, he believed that the place of common intersection of these lines would be nearly the centre of the disturbance. In this way he showed that the great Lisbon earthquake of 1755 had its focus under the Atlantic, somewhere between the latitudes of Lisbon and Oporto, and he estimated that the depth at which it originated could not be much less than 1 m., and probably did not exceed 3 m. Michell, however, misconceived the character of the waves which he described, seeing that he believed them to be due to the actual propagation of the vapour itself underneath the surface of the earth. A century had almost passed after the date of his essay before modern scientific methods of observation and the use of recording instruments began to be applied to the study of earthquake phenomena. In 1846 Robert Mallet (1810-1881) published an important paper “On the Dynamics of Earthquakes” in the Transactions of the Royal Irish Academy. From that time onward he continued to devote his energies to the investigation, studying the effects of the Calabrian earthquake of 1857, experimenting on the transmission of waves of shock through various materials, caused by exploding charges of gunpowder, and collecting all the information to be obtained on the subject. His writings, and especially his work in two volumes on The First Principles of Observational Seismology, must be regarded as having laid the foundations of this branch of modern geology (see Earthquake; Seismometer).

History of the Evolution of Stratigraphical Geology.—Men had long been familiar with the evidence that the present dry land once lay under the sea, before they began to realize that the rocks, of which the land consists, contain a record of many alternations of land and sea, and relics of a long succession of plants and animals from early and simple types up to the manifold and complex forms of to-day. In countries where coal-mining had been prosecuted for generations, it had been recognized that the rocks consist of strata superposed on each other in a definite order, which was found to extend over the whole of a district. As far back as 1719 John Strachey drew attention to this fact in a communication published in the Philosophical Transactions. John Michell (1760), in the paper on earthquakes already cited, showed that he had acquired a clear understanding of the order of succession among stratified formations, and perceived that to disturbances of the terrestrial crust must be ascribed the fact that the lower or older and more inclined strata form the mountains, while the younger and more horizontal strata are spread over the plains.

In Italy G. Arduíno (1713-1795) classified the rocks in the north of the peninsula as Primitive, Secondary, Tertiary and Volcanic. A similar threefold order was announced for the Harz and Erzgebirge by J.G. Lehmann in 1756. He recognized in that region an ancient series of rocks in inclined or vertical strata, which rise to the tops of the hills and descend to an unknown depth into the interior. These masses, he thought, were contemporaneous with the making of the world. Next came the Flötzgebirge, consisting of younger sediments, disposed in flat or gently inclined sheets which overlie the first and more disturbed series, and are full of petrified remains of plants and animals. Lastly he included the mountains which have from time to time been formed by local accidents. Still more advanced were the conceptions of G.C. Füchsel, who in the year 1762 published in Latin A History of the Earth and the Sea, based on a History of the Mountains of Thuringia; and in 1773, in German, a Sketch of the most Ancient History of the Earth and Man. In these works he described the stratigraphical relations and general characters of the various geological formations in his little principality; and taking them as indicative of a general order of succession, he traced what he believed to have been a series of revolutions through which the earth has passed. In interpreting this geological history, he laid great stress on the evidence of the fossils contained in the rocks. He recognized that the various formations differ from each other in their enclosed organic remains, and that from these differences the existence of former sea-bottoms and land surfaces can be determined.

The labours of these pioneers paved the way for the advent of Werner. Though the system evolved by this teacher claimed to discard theory and to be established on a basis of observed facts, it rested on a succession of hypotheses, for which no better foundation could be shown than the belief of their author in their validity. Starting from the extremely limited stratigraphical range displayed in the geological structure of Saxony, he took it as a type for the rest of the globe, persuading himself and impressing upon his followers that the rocks of that small kingdom were to be taken as examples of his “universal formations.” The oldest portion of the series, classed by him as “Primitive,” consisted of rocks which he maintained had been deposited from chemical solution. Yet they included granite, gneiss, basalt, porphyry and serpentine, which, even in his own day, were by many observers correctly regarded as of igneous origin. A later group of rocks, to which he gave the name of “Transition,” comprised, in his belief, partly chemical, partly mechanical sediments, and contained the earliest fossil organic remains. A third group, for which he reserved Lehmann’s name “Flötz,” was made up chiefly of mechanical detritus, while youngest of all came the “Alluvial” series of loams, clays, sands, gravels and peat. It was by the gradual subsidence of the ocean that, as he believed, the general mass of the dry land emerged, the first-formed rocks being left standing up, sometimes on end, to form the mountains, while those of later date, less steeply inclined, occupied successively lower levels down to the flat alluvial accumulations of the plains. Neither Werner, nor any of his followers, ventured to account for what became of the water as the sea-level subsided, though, in despite of their antipathy to anything like speculation, they could not help suggesting, as an answer to the cogent arguments of their opponents, that “one of the celestial bodies which sometimes approach near to the earth may have been able to withdraw a portion of our atmosphere and of our ocean.” Nor was any attempt made to explain the extraordinary nature of the supposed chemical precipitates of the universal ocean. The progress of inquiry even in Werner’s lifetime disproved some of the fundamental portions of his system. Many of the chemical precipitates were shown to be masses that had been erupted in a molten state from below. His order of succession was found not to hold good; and though he tried to readjust his sequence and to introduce into it modifications to suit new facts, its inherent artificiality led to its speedy decline after his death. It must be conceded, however, that the stress which he laid upon the fact that the rocks of the earth’s crust were deposited in a definite order had an important influence in directing attention to this subject, and in preparing the way for a more natural system, based not on mere mineralogical characters, but having regard to the organic remains, which were now being gathered in ever-increasing numbers and variety from stratified formations of many different ages and from all parts of the globe.

It was in France and in England that the foundations of stratigraphy, based upon a knowledge of organic remains, were first successfully laid. Abbé J.L. Giraud-Soulavie (1752-1813), in his Histoire naturelle de la France méridionale, which appeared in seven volumes, subdivided the limestones of Vivarais into five ages, each marked by a distinct assemblage of shells. In the lowest strata, representing the first age, none of the fossils were believed by him to have any living representatives, and he called these rocks “Primordial.” In the next group a mingling of living with extinct forms was observable. The third age was marked by the presence of shells of still existing species. The strata of the fourth series were characterized by carbonaceous shales or slates, containing remains of primordial vegetation, and perhaps equivalents of the first three calcareous series. The fifth age was marked by recent deposits containing remains of terrestrial vegetation and of land animals. It is remarkable that these sagacious conclusions should have been formed and published at a time when the geologists of the Continent were engaged in the controversy about the origin of basalt, or in disputes about the character and stratigraphical position of the supposed universal formations, and when the interest and importance of fossil organic remains still remained unrecognized by the vast majority of the combatants.

The rocks of the Paris basin display so clearly an orderly arrangement, and are so distinguished for the variety and perfect preservation of their enclosed organic remains, that they could not fail to attract the early notice of observers. J. É. Guettard, G.F. Rouelle (1703-1770), N. Desmarest, A.L. Lavoisier (1743-1794) and others made observations in this interesting district. But it was reserved for Cuvier (1769-1832) and A. Brongniart (1770-1847) to work out the detailed succession of the Tertiary formations, and to show how each of these is characterized by its own peculiar assemblage of organic remains. The later progress of investigation has slightly corrected and greatly amplified the tabular arrangement established by these authors in 1808, but the broad outlines of the Tertiary stratigraphy of the Paris basin remain still as Cuvier and Brongniart left them. The most important subsequent change in the classification of the Tertiary formations was made by Sir Charles Lyell, who, conceiving in 1828 the idea of a classification of these rocks by reference to their relative proportions of living and extinct species of shells, established, in collaboration with G.P. Deshayes, the now universally accepted divisions Eocene, Miocene and Pliocene.

Long before Cuvier and Brongniart published an account of their researches, another observer had been at work among the Secondary formations of the west of England, and had independently discovered that the component members of these formations were each distinguished by a peculiar group of organic remains; and that this distinction could be used to discriminate them over all the region through which he had traced them. The remarkable man who arrived at this far-reaching generalization was William Smith (1769-1839), a land surveyor who, in the prosecution of his professional business, found opportunities of traversing a great part of England, and of putting his deductions to the test. As the result of these journeys he accumulated materials enough to enable him to produce a geological map of the country, on which the distribution and succession of the rocks were for the first time delineated. Smith’s labours laid the foundation of stratigraphical geology in England and he was styled even in his lifetime the “Father of English geology.” From his day onward the significance of fossil organic remains gained rapidly increasing recognition. Thus in England the outlines traced by him among the Secondary and Tertiary formations were admirably filled in by Thomas Webster (1773-1844); while the Cretaceous series was worked out in still greater detail in the classic memoirs of William Henry Fitton (1780-1861).

There was one stratigraphical domain, however, into which William Smith did not enter. He traced his sequence of rocks down into the Coal Measures, but contented himself with only a vague reference to what lay underneath that formation. Though some of these underlying rocks had in various countries yielded abundant fossils, they had generally suffered so much from terrestrial disturbances, and their order of succession was consequently often so much obscured throughout western Europe, that they remained but little known for many years after the stratigraphy of the Secondary and Tertiary series had been established. At last in 1831 Murchison began to attack this terra incognita on the borders of South Wales, working into it from the Old Red Sandstone, the stratigraphical position of which was well known. In a few years he succeeded in demonstrating the existence of a succession of formations, each distinguished by its own peculiar assemblage of organic remains which were distinct from those in any of the overlying strata. To these formations he gave the name of Silurian (q.v.). From the key which his researches supplied, it was possible to recognize in other countries the same order of formations and the same sequence of fossils, so that, in the course of a few years, representatives of the Silurian system were found far and wide over the globe. While Murchison was thus engaged, Sedgwick devoted himself to the more difficult task of unravelling the complicated structure of North Wales. He eventually made out the order of the several formations there, with their vast intercalations of volcanic material. He named them the Cambrian system (q.v.), and found them to contain fossils, which, however, lay for some time unexamined by him. He at first believed, as Murchison also did, that his rocks were all older than any part of the Silurian series. It was eventually discovered that a portion of them was equivalent to the lower part of that series. The oldest of Sedgwick’s groups, containing distinctive fossils, retain the name Cambrian, and are of high interest, as they enclose the remains of the earliest faunas which are yet well known. Sedgwick and Murchison rendered yet another signal service to stratigraphical geology by establishing, in 1839, on a basis of palaeontological evidence supplied by W. Lonsdale, the independence of the Devonian system (q.v.).

For many years the rocks below the oldest fossiliferous deposits received comparatively little attention. They were vaguely described as the “crystalline schists” and were often referred to as parts of the primeval crust in which no chronology was to be looked for. W.E. Logan (1798-1875) led the way, in Canada, by establishing there several vast series of rocks, partly of crystalline schists and gneisses (Laurentian) and partly of slates and conglomerates (Huronian). Later observers, both in Canada and the United States, have greatly increased our knowledge of these rocks, and have shown their structure to be much more complex than was at first supposed (see Archean System).

During the latter half of the 19th century the most important development of stratigraphical geology was the detailed working out and application of the principle of zonal classification to the fossiliferous formations—that is, the determination of the sequence and distribution of organic remains in these formations, and the arrangement of the strata into zones, each of which is distinguished by a peculiar assemblage of fossil species (see under Part VI.). The zones are usually named after one especially characteristic species. This system of classification was begun in Germany with reference to the members of the Jurassic system (q.v.) by A. Oppel (1856-1858) and F.A. von Quenstedt (1858), and it has since been extended through the other Mesozoic formations. It has even been found to be applicable to the Palaeozoic rocks, which are now subdivided into palaeontological zones. In the Silurian system, for example, the graptolites have been shown by C. Lapworth to furnish a useful basis for zonal subdivisions. The lowest fossiliferous horizon in the Cambrian rocks of Europe and North America is known as the Olenellus zone, from the prominence in it of that genus of trilobite.

Another conspicuous feature in the progress of stratigraphy during the second half of the 19th century was displayed by the rise and rapid development of what is known as Glacial geology. The various deposits of “drift” spread over northern Europe, and the boulders scattered across the surface of the plains had long attracted notice, and had even found a place in popular legend and superstition. When men began to examine them with a view to ascertain their origin, they were naturally regarded as evidences of the Noachian deluge. The first observer who drew attention to the smoothed and striated surfaces of rock that underlie the Drifts was Hutton’s friend, Sir James Hall, who studied them in the lowlands of Scotland and referred them to the action of great debacles of water, which, in the course of some ancient terrestrial convulsion, had been launched across the face of the country. Playfair, however, pointed out that the most potent geological agents for the transportation of large blocks of stone are the glaciers. But no one was then bold enough to connect the travelled boulders with glaciers on the plains of Germany and of Britain. Yet the transporting agency of ice was invoked in explanation of their diffusion. It came to be the prevalent belief among the geologists of the first half of the 19th century, that the fall of temperature, indicated by the gradual increase in the number of northern species of shells in the English Crag deposits, reached its climax during the time of the Drift, and that much of the north and centre of Europe was then submerged beneath a sea, across which floating icebergs and floes transported the materials of the Drift and dropped the scattered boulders. As the phenomena are well developed around the Alps, it was necessary to suppose that the submergence involved the lowlands of the Continent up to the foot of that mountain chain—a geographical change so stupendous as to demand much more evidence than was adduced in its support. At last Louis Agassiz (1807-1873), who had varied his palaeontological studies at Neuchâtel by excursions into the Alps, was so much struck by the proofs of the former far greater extension of the Swiss glaciers, that he pursued the investigation and satisfied himself that the ice had formerly extended from the Alpine valleys right across the great plain of Switzerland, and had transported huge boulders from the central mountains to the flanks of the Jura. In the year 1840 he visited Britain and soon found evidence of similar conditions there. He showed that it was not by submergence in a sea cumbered with floating ice, but by the former presence of vast glaciers or sheets of ice that the Drift and erratic blocks had been distributed. The idea thus propounded by him did not at once command complete approval, though traces of ancient glaciers in Scotland and Wales were soon detected by native geologists, particularly by W. Buckland, Lyell, J.D. Forbes and Charles Maclaren. Robert Chambers (1802-1871) did good service in gathering additional evidence from Scotland and Norway in favour of Agassiz’s views, which steadily gained adherents until, after some quarter of a century, they were adopted by the great majority of geologists in Britain, and subsequently in other countries. Since that time the literature of geology has been swollen by a vast number of contributions in which the history of the Glacial period, and its records both in the Old and New World, have been fully discussed.

Rise and Progress of Palaeontological Geology.—As this branch of the science deals with the evidence furnished by fossil organic remains as to former geographical conditions, it early attracted observers who, in the superficial beds of marine shells found at some distance from the coast, saw proofs of the former submergence of the land under the sea. But the occurrence of fossils embedded in the heart of the solid rocks of the mountains offered much greater difficulties of explanation, and further progress was consequently slow. Especially baneful was the belief that these objects were mere sports of nature, and had no connexion with any once living organisms. So long as the true organic origin of the fossil plants and animals contained in the rocks was in dispute, it was hardly possible that much advance could be made in their systematic study, or in the geological deductions to be drawn from them. One good result of the controversy, however, was to be seen in the large collections of these “formed stones” that were gathered together in the cabinets and museums of the 17th and 18th centuries. The accumulation and comparison of these objects naturally led to the production of treatises in which they were described and not unfrequently illustrated by good engravings. Switzerland was more particularly noted for the number and merit of its works of this kind, such as that of K.N. Lang (Historia lapidum figuratorum Helvetiae, 1708) and those of Johann Jacob Scheuchzer (1672-1733). In England, also, illustrated treatises were published both by men who looked on fossils as mere freaks of nature, and by those who regarded them as proofs of Noah’s flood. Of the former type were the works of Martin Lister (1638-1712) and Robert Plot (Natural History of Oxfordshire, 1677). The Celtic scholar Edward Llwyd (1660-1709) wrote a Latin treatise containing good plates of a thousand fossils in the Ashmolean Museum, Oxford, and J. Woodward, in 1728-1729, published his Natural History of the Fossils of England, already mentioned, wherein he described his own extensive collection, which he bequeathed to the University of Cambridge, where it is still carefully preserved. The most voluminous and important of all these works, however, appeared at a later date at Nuremberg. It was begun by G.W. Knorr (1705-1761), who himself engraved for it a series of plates, which for beauty and accuracy have seldom been surpassed. After his death the work was continued by J.E.I. Walch (1725-1778), and ultimately consisted of four massive folio volumes and nearly 300 plates under the title of Lapides diluvii universalis testes. Although the authors supposed their fossils to be relics of Noah’s flood, their work must be acknowledged to mark a distinct onward stage in the palaeontological department of geology.

It was in France that palaeontological geology began to be cultivated in a scientific spirit. The potter Bernard Palissy, as far back as 1580, had dwelt on the importance of fossil shells as monuments of revolutions of the earth’s surface; but the observer who first undertook the detailed study of the subject was Jean Etienne Guettard, who began in 1751 to publish his descriptions of fossils in the form of memoirs presented to the Academy of Sciences of Paris. To him they were not only of deep interest as monuments of former types of existence, but they had an especial value as records of the changes which the country had undergone from sea to land and from land to sea. More especially noteworthy was a monograph by him which appeared in 1765 bearing the title “On the accidents that have befallen Fossil Shells compared with those which are found to happen to shells now living in the Sea.” In this treatise he showed that the fossils have been encrusted with barnacles and serpulae, have been bored into by other organisms, and have often been rounded or broken before final entombment; and he inferred that these fossils must have lived and died on the sea-floor under similar conditions to those which obtain on the sea-floor to-day. His argument was the most triumphant that had ever been brought against the doctrine of lusus naturae, and that of the efficacy of Noah’s flood—doctrines which still held their ground in Guettard’s day. When Soulavie, Cuvier and Brongniart in France, and William Smith in England, showed that the rock formations of the earth’s crust could be arranged in chronological order, and could be recognized far and wide by means of their enclosed organic remains, the vast significance of these remains in geological research was speedily realized, and palaeontological geology at once entered on a new and enlarged phase of development. But apart from their value as chronological monuments, and as witnesses of former conditions of geography, fossils presented in themselves a wide field of investigation as types of life that had formerly existed, but had now passed away. It was in France that this subject first took definite shape as an important branch of science. The mollusca of the Tertiary deposits of the Paris basin became, in the hands of Lamarck, the basis on which invertebrate palaeontology was founded. The same series of strata furnished to Cuvier the remains of extinct land animals, of which, by critical study of their fragmentary bones and skeletons, he worked out restorations that may be looked on as the starting-point of vertebrate palaeontology. These brilliant researches, rousing widespread interest in such studies, showed how great a flood of light could be thrown on the past history of the earth and its inhabitants. But the full significance of these extinct types of life could not be understood so long as the doctrine of the immutability of species, so strenuously upheld by Cuvier, maintained its sway among naturalists. Lamarck, as far back as the year 1800, had begun to propound his theory of evolution and the transformation of species; but his views, strongly opposed by Cuvier and the great body of naturalists of the day, fell into neglect. Not until after the publication in 1859 of the Origin of Species by Charles Darwin were the barriers of old prejudice in this matter finally broken down. The possibility of tracing the ancestry of living forms back into the remotest ages was then perceived; the time-honoured fiction that the stratified formations record a series of catastrophes and re-creations was finally dissipated; and the earth’s crust was seen to contain a noble, though imperfect, record of the grand evolution of organic types of which our planet has been the theatre.

Development of Petrographical Geology.—Theophrastus, the favourite pupil of Aristotle, wrote a treatise On Stones, which has come down to our own day, and may be regarded as the earliest work on petrography. At a subsequent period Pliny, in his Natural History, collected all that was known in his day regarding the occurrence and uses of minerals and rocks. But neither of these works is of great scientific importance, though containing much interesting information. Minerals from their beauty and value attracted notice before much attention was paid to rocks, and their study gave rise to the science of mineralogy long before geology came into existence. When rocks began to be more particularly scrutinized, it was chiefly from the side of their usefulness for building and other economic purposes. The occurrence of marine shells in many of them had early attracted attention to them. But their varieties of composition and origin did not become the subject of serious study until after Linnaeus and J.G. Wallerius in the 18th century had made a beginning. The first important contribution to this department of the science was that of Werner, who in 1786 published a classification and description of rocks in which he arranged them in two divisions, simple and compound, and further distinguished them by various external characters and by their relative age. The publication of this scheme may be said to mark the beginning of scientific petrography. Werner’s system, however, had the serious defect that the chronological order in which he grouped the rocks, and the hypothesis by which he accounted for them as chemical precipitates from the original ocean, were both alike contrary to nature. It was hardly possible indeed that much progress could be made in this branch of geology until chemistry and mineralogy had made greater advances; and especially until it was possible to ascertain the intimate chemical and mineralogical composition, and the minute structure of rocks. The study, however, continued to be pursued in Germany, where the influence of Werner’s enthusiasm still led men to enter the petrographical rather than the palaeontological domain. The resources of modern chemistry were pressed into the service, and analyses were made and multiplied to such a degree that it seemed as if the ultimate chemical constitution of every type of rock had now been thoroughly revealed. The condition of the science in the middle of the 19th century was well shown by J.L.A. Roth, who in 1861 collected about 1000 trustworthy analyses which up to that time had been made. But though the chemical elements of the rocks had been fairly well determined, the manner in which they were combined in the compound rocks could for the most part be only more or less plausibly conjectured. As far back as 1831 an account was published of a process devised by William Nicol of Edinburgh, whereby sections of fossil wood could be cut, mounted on glass, and reduced to such a degree of transparency as to be easily examined under a microscope. Henry Sorby, of Sheffield, having seen Nicol’s preparations, perceived how admirably adapted the process was for the study of the minute structure and composition of rocks. In 1858 he published in the Quarterly Journal of the Geological Society a paper “On the Microscopical Structure of Crystals.” This essay led to a complete revolution of petrographical methods and gave a vast impetus to the study of rocks. Petrology entered upon a new and wider field of investigation. Not only were the mineralogical constituents of the rocks detected, but minute structures were revealed which shed new light on the origin and history of these mineral masses, and opened up new paths in theoretical geology. In the hands of H. Vogelsang, F. Zirkel, H. Rosenbusch, and a host of other workers in all civilized countries, the literature of this department of the science has grown to a remarkable extent. Armed with the powerful aid of modern optical instruments, geologists are now able with far more prospect of success to resume the experiments begun a century before by de Saussure and Hall. G.A. Daubrée, C. Friedel, E. Sarasin, F. Fouqué and A. Michel Lévy in France, C. Doelter y Cisterich and E. Hussak of Gratz, J. Morozewicz of Warsaw and others, have greatly advanced our knowledge by their synthetical analyses, and there is every reason to hope that further advances will be made in this field of research.

Rise of Physiographical Geology.—Until stratigraphical geology had advanced so far as to show of what a vast succession of rocks the crust of the earth is built up, by what a long and complicated series of revolutions these rocks have come to assume their present positions, and how enormous has been the lapse of time which all these changes represent, it was not possible to make a scientific study of the surface features of our globe. From ancient times it had been known that many parts of the land had once been under the sea; but down even to the beginning of the 19th century the vaguest conceptions continued to prevail as to the operations concerned in the submergence and elevation of land, and as to the processes whereby the present outlines of terrestrial topography were determined. We have seen, for instance, that according to the teaching of Werner the oldest rocks were first precipitated from solution in the universal ocean to form the mountains, that the vertical position of their strata was original, that as the waters subsided successive formations were deposited and laid bare, and that finally the superfluous portion of the ocean was whisked away into space by some unexplained co-operation of another planetary body. Desmarest, in his investigation of the volcanic history of Auvergne, was the first observer to perceive by what a long process of sculpture the present configuration of the land has been brought about. He showed conclusively that the valleys have been carved out by the streams that flow in them, and that while they have sunk deeper and deeper into the framework of the land, the spaces of ground between them have been left as intervening ridges and hills. De Saussure learnt a similar lesson from his studies of the Alps, and Hutton and Playfair made it a cardinal feature in their theory of the earth. Nevertheless the idea encountered so much opposition that it made but little way until after the middle of the 19th century. Geologists preferred to believe in convulsions of nature, whereby valleys were opened and mountains were upheaved. That the main features of the land, such as the great mountain-chains, had been produced by gigantic plication of the terrestrial crust was now generally admitted, and also that minor fractures and folds had probably initiated many of the valleys. But those who realized most vividly the momentous results achieved by ages of subaerial denudation perceived that, as Hutton showed, even without the aid of underground agency, the mere flow of water in streams across a mass of land must in course of time carve out just such a system of valleys as may anywhere be seen. It was J.B. Jukes who, in 1862, first revived the Huttonian doctrine, and showed how completely it explained the drainage-lines in the south of Ireland. Other writers followed in quick succession until, in a few years, the doctrine came to be widely recognized as one of the established principles of modern geology. Much help was derived from the admirable illustrations of land-sculpture and river-erosion supplied from the Western Territories and States of the American Union.

Another branch of physiographical geology which could only come into existence after most of the other departments of the science had made large progress, deals with the evolution of the framework of each country and of the several continents and oceans of the globe. It is now possible, with more or less confidence, to trace backward the history of every terrestrial area, to see how sea and land have there succeeded each other, how rivers and lakes have come and gone, how the crust of the earth has been ridged up at widely separated intervals, each movement determining some line of mountains or plains, how the boundaries of the oceans have shifted again and again in the past, and thus how, after so prolonged a series of revolutions, the present topography of each country, and of the globe as a whole, has been produced. In the prosecution of this subject maps have been constructed to show what is conjectured to have been the distribution of sea and land during the various geological periods in different parts of the world, and thus to indicate the successive stages through which the architecture of the land has been gradually evolved. The most noteworthy contribution to this department of the science is the Antlitz der Erde of Professor Suess of Vienna. This important and suggestive work has been translated into French and English.

Part II.—Cosmical Aspects

Before geology had attained to the position of an inductive science, it was customary to begin investigations into the history of the earth by propounding or adopting some more or less fanciful hypothesis in explanation of the origin of our planet, or even of the universe. Such preliminary notions were looked upon as essential to a right understanding of the manner in which the materials of the globe had been put together. One of the distinguishing features of Hutton’s Theory of the Earth consisted in his protest that it is no part of the province of geology to discuss the origin of things. He taught that in the materials from which geological evidence is to be compiled there can be found “no traces of a beginning, no prospect of an end.” In England, mainly to the influence of the school which he founded, and to the subsequent rise of the Geological Society of London, which resolved to collect facts instead of fighting over hypotheses, is due the disappearance of the crude and unscientific cosmologies by which the writings of the earlier geologists were distinguished.

But there can now be little doubt that in the reaction against those visionary and often grotesque speculations, geologists were carried too far in an opposite direction. In allowing themselves to believe that geology had nothing to do with questions of cosmogony, they gradually grew up in the conviction that such questions could never be other than mere speculation, interesting or amusing as a theme for the employment of the fancy, but hardly coming within the domain of sober and inductive science. Nor would they soon have been awakened out of this belief by anything in their own science. It is still true that in the data with which they are accustomed to deal, as comprising the sum of geological evidence, there can be found no trace of a beginning, though the evidence furnished by the terrestrial crust shows a general evolution of organic forms from some starting-point which cannot be seen. The oldest rocks which have been discovered on any part of the globe have probably been derived from other rocks older than themselves. Geology by itself has not yet revealed, and is little likely ever to reveal, a trace of the first solid crust of our globe. If, then, geological history is to be compiled from direct evidence furnished by the rocks of the earth, it cannot begin at the beginning of things, but must be content to date its first chapter from the earliest period of which any record has been preserved among the rocks.

Nevertheless, though geology in its usual restricted sense has been, and must ever be, unable to reveal the earliest history of our planet, it no longer ignores, as mere speculation, what is attempted in this subject by its sister sciences. Astronomy, physics and chemistry have in late years all contributed to cast light on the earlier stages of the earth’s existence, previous to the beginning of what is commonly regarded as geological history. But whatever extends our knowledge of the former conditions of our globe may be legitimately claimed as part of the domain of geology. If this branch of inquiry, therefore, is to continue worthy of its name as the science of the earth, it must take cognizance of these recent contributions from other sciences. It must no longer be content to begin its annals with the records of the oldest rocks, but must endeavour to grope its way through the ages which preceded the formation of any rocks. Thanks to the results achieved with the telescope, the spectroscope and the chemical laboratory, the story of these earliest ages of our earth is every year becoming more definite and intelligible.

Up to the present time no definite light has been thrown by physics on the origin and earliest condition of our globe. The famous nebular theory (q.v.) of Kant and Laplace sketched the supposed evolution of the solar system from a gaseous nebula, slowly rotating round a more condensed central portion of its mass, which eventually became the sun. As a consequence of increased rapidity of rotation resulting from cooling and contraction, the nebula acquired a more and more lenticular form, until at last it threw off from its equatorial protuberance a ring of matter. Subsequently the same process was repeated, and other similar rings successively separated from the parent mass. Each ring went through a corresponding series of changes until it ultimately became a planet, with or without one or more attendant satellites. The intimate relationship of our earth to the sun and the other planets was, in this way, shown. But there are some serious physical difficulties in the way of the acceptance of the nebular hypothesis. Another explanation is given by the meteoritic hypothesis, according to which, out of the swarms of meteorites with which the regions of space are crowded, the sun and planets have been formed by gradual accretion.

According to these theoretical views we should expect to find a general uniformity of composition in the constituent matter of the solar system. For many years the only available evidence on this point was derived from the meteorites (q.v.) which so constantly fall from outer space upon the surface of the earth. These bodies were found to consist of elements, all of which had been recognized as entering into the constitution of the earth. But the discoveries of spectroscopic research have made known a far more widely serviceable method of investigation, which can be applied even to the luminous stars and nebulae that lie far beyond the bounds of the solar system. By this method information has been obtained regarding the constitution of the sun, and many of our terrestrial metals, such as iron, nickel and magnesium, have been ascertained to exist in the form of incandescent vapour in the solar atmosphere. The present condition of the sun probably represents one of the phases through which stars and planets pass in their progress towards becoming cool and dark bodies in space. If our globe was at first, like its parent sun, an incandescent mass of probably gaseous matter, occupying much more space than it now fills, we can conceive that it has ever since been cooling and contracting until it has reached its present form and dimensions, and that it still retains a high internal temperature. Its oblately spheroidal form is such as would be assumed by a rotating mass of matter in the transition from a vaporous and self-luminous or liquid condition to one of cool and dark solidity. But it has been claimed that even a solid spherical globe might develop, under the influence of protracted rotation, such a shape as the earth at present possesses.

The observed increase of temperature downwards in our planet has hitherto been generally accepted as a relic and proof of an original high temperature and mobility of substance. Recently, however, the validity of this proof has been challenged on the ground that the ascertained amount of radium in the rocks of the outer crust is more than sufficient to account for the observed downward increase of temperature. Too little, however, is known of the history and properties of what is called radium to afford a satisfactory ground on which to discard what has been, and still remains, the prevalent belief on this subject.

An important epoch in the geological history of the earth was marked by the separation of the moon from its mass (see Tide). Whether the severance arose from the rupture of a surrounding ring or the gradual condensation of matter in such a ring, or from the ejection of a single mass of matter from the rapidly rotating planet, it has been shown that our satellite was only a few thousand miles from the earth’s surface, since when it has retreated to its present distance of 240,000 m. Hence the influence of the moon’s attraction, and all the geological effects to which it gives rise, attained their maximum far back in the development of the globe, and have been slowly diminishing throughout geological history.

The sun by virtue of its vast size has not yet passed out of the condition of glowing gas, and still continues to radiate heat beyond the farthest planet of the solar system. The earth, however, being so small a body in comparison, would cool down much more quickly. Underneath its hot atmosphere a crust would conceivably begin to form over its molten surface, though the interior might still possess a high temperature and, owing to the feeble conducting power of rocks, would remain intensely hot for a protracted series of ages.

Full information regarding the form and size of the earth, and its relations to the other planetary members of the solar system, will be found in the articles Planet and Solar System. For the purposes of geological inquiry the reader will bear in mind that the equatorial diameter of our globe is estimated to be about 7925 m., and the polar diameter about 7899 m.; the difference between these two sums representing the amount of flattening at the poles (about 26½ m.). The planet has been compared in shape to an orange, but it resembles an orange which has been somewhat squeezed, for its equatorial circumference is not a regular circle but an ellipse, of which the major axis lies in long. 8° 15′ W.—on a meridian which cuts the north-west corner of America, passing through Portugal and Ireland, and the north-east corner of Asia in the opposite hemisphere.

The rotation of the earth on its axis exerts an important influence on the movements of the atmosphere, and thereby affects the geological operations connected with these movements. The influence of rotation is most marked in the great aerial circulation between the poles and the equator. Currents of air, which set out in a meridional direction from high latitudes towards the equator, come from regions where the velocity due to rotation is small to where it is greater, and they consequently fall behind. Thus, in the northern hemisphere a north wind, as it moves away from its northern source of origin, is gradually deflected more and more towards the west and becomes a north-east current; while in the opposite hemisphere a wind making from high southern latitudes towards the equator becomes, from the same cause, a south-east current. Where, on the other hand, the air moves from the equatorial to the polar regions its higher velocity of rotation carries it eastward, so that on the south side of the equator it becomes a north-west current and on the north side a south-west current. It is to this cause that the easting and westing of the great atmospheric currents are to be attributed, as is familiarly exemplified in the trade winds.

The atmospheric circulation thus deflected influences the circulation of the ocean. The winds which persistently blow from the north-east on the north side of the equator, and from the south-east on the south side, drive the superficial waters onwards, and give rise to converging oceanic currents which unite to form the great westerly equatorial current.

A more direct effect of terrestrial rotation has been claimed in the case of rivers which flow in a meridional direction. It has been asserted that those, which in the northern hemisphere flow from north to south, like the Volga, by continually passing into regions where the velocity of rotation is increasingly greater, are thrown more against their western than their eastern banks, while those whose general course is in an opposite direction, like the Irtisch and Yenesei, press more upon their eastern sides. There cannot be any doubt that the tendency of the streams must be in the directions indicated. But when the comparatively slow current and constantly meandering course of most rivers are taken into consideration, it may be doubted whether the influence of rotation is of much practical account so far as river-erosion is concerned.

One of the cosmical relations of our planet which has been more especially prominent in geological speculations relates to the position of the earth’s axis of rotation. Abundant evidence has now been obtained to prove that at a comparatively late geological period a rich flora, resembling that of warm climates at the present day, existed in high latitudes even within less than 9° of the north pole, where, with an extremely low temperature and darkness lasting for half of the year, no such vegetation could possibly now exist. It has accordingly been maintained by many geologists that the axis of rotation must have shifted, and that when the remarkable Arctic assemblage of fossil plants lived the region of their growth must have lain in latitudes much nearer to the equator of the time.

The possibility of any serious displacement of the rotational axis since a very early period in the earth’s history has been strenuously denied by astronomers, and their arguments have been generally, but somewhat reluctantly, accepted by geologists, who find themselves confronted with a problem which has hitherto seemed insoluble. That the axis is not rigidly stable, however, has been postulated by some physicists, and has now been demonstrated by actual observation and measurement. It is admitted that by the movement of large bodies of water the air over the surface of the globe, and more particularly by the accumulation of vast masses of snow and ice in different regions, the position of the axis might be to some extent shifted; more serious effects might follow from widespread upheavals or depressions of the surface of the lithosphere. On the assumption of the extreme rigidity of the earth’s interior, however, the general result of mathematical calculation is to negative the supposition that in any of these ways within the period represented by what is known as the “geological record,” that is, since the time of the oldest known sedimentary formations, the rotational axis has ever been so seriously displaced as to account for such stupendous geological events as the spread of a luxuriant vegetation far up into polar latitudes. If, however, the inside of the globe possesses a great plasticity than has been allowed, the shifting of the axis might not be impossible, even to such an extent as would satisfy the geological requirements. This question is one on which the last word has not been said, and regarding which judgment must remain in suspense.

In recent years fresh information bearing on the minor devagations of the pole has been obtained from a series of several thousand careful observations made in Europe and North America. It has thus been ascertained that the pole wanders with a curiously irregular but somewhat spiral movement, within an amplitude of between 40 and 50 ft., and completes its erratic circuit in about 428 days. It was not supposed that its movement had any geological interest, but Dr John Milne has recently pointed out that the times of sharpest curvature in the path of the pole coincide with the occurrence of large earthquakes, and has suggested that, although it can hardly be assumed that this coincidence shows any direct connexion between earthquake frequency and changes in the position of the earth’s axis, both effects may not improbably arise from the same redistribution of surface material by ocean currents and meteorological causes.

If for any reason the earth’s centre of gravity were sensibly displaced, momentous geological changes would necessarily ensue. That the centre of gravity does not coincide with the centre of figure of the globe, but lies to the south of it, has long been known. This greater aggregation of dense material in the southern hemisphere probably dates from the early ages of the earth’s consolidation, and it is difficult to believe that any readjustment of the distribution of this material in the earth’s interior is now possible. But certain rearrangements of the hydrosphere on the surface of the globe may, from time to time, cause a shifting of the centre of gravity, which will affect the level of the ocean. The accumulation of enormous masses of ice around the pole will give rise to such a displacement, and will thus increase the body of oceanic water in the glaciated hemisphere. Various calculations have been made of the effect of the transference of the ice-cap from one pole to the other, a revolution which may possibly have occurred more than once in the past history of the globe. James Croll estimated that if the mass of ice in the southern hemisphere be assumed to be 1000 ft. thick down to lat. 60°, its removal to the opposite hemisphere would raise the level of the sea 80 ft. at the north pole, while the Rev. Osmond Fisher made the rise as much as 409 ft. The melting of the ice would still further raise the sea-level by the addition of so large a volume of water to the ocean. To what extent superficial changes of this kind have operated in geological history remains an unsolved problem, but their probable occurrence in the past has to be recognized as one of the factors that must be considered in tracing the revolutions of the earth’s surface.

The Age of the Earth.—Intimately connected with the relations of our globe to the sun and the other members of the solar system is the question of the planet’s antiquity—a subject of great geological importance, regarding which much discussion has taken place since the middle of the 19th century. Though an account of this discussion necessarily involves allusion to departments of geology which are more appropriately referred to in later parts of this article, it may perhaps be most conveniently included here.

Geologists were for many years in the habit of believing that no limit could be assigned to the antiquity of the planet, and that they were at liberty to make unlimited drafts on the ages of the past. In 1862 and subsequent years, however, Lord Kelvin (then Sir William Thomson) pointed out that these demands were opposed to known physical facts, and that the amount of time required for geological history was not only limited, but must have been comprised within a comparatively narrow compass. His argument rested on three kinds of evidence: (1) the internal heat and rate of cooling of the earth; (2) the tidal retardation of the earth’s rotation; and (3) the origin and age of the sun’s heat.

1. Applying Fourier’s theory of thermal conductivity, Lord Kelvin contended that in the known rate of increase of temperature downward and beneath the surface, and the rate of loss of heat from the earth, we have a limit to the antiquity of the planet. He showed, from the data available at the time, that the superficial consolidation of the globe could not have occurred less than 20 million years ago, or the underground heat would have been greater than it is; nor more than 400 million years ago, otherwise the underground temperature would have shown no sensible increase downwards. He admitted that very wide limits were necessary. In subsequently discussing the subject, he inclined rather towards the lower than the higher antiquity, but concluded that the limit, from a consideration of all the evidence, must be placed within some such period of past time as 100 millions of years.

2. The argument from tidal retardation proceeds on the admitted fact that, owing to the friction of the tide-wave, the rotation of the earth is retarded, and is, therefore, much slower now than it must have been at one time. Lord Kelvin affirmed that had the globe become solid some 10,000 million years ago, or indeed any high antiquity beyond 100 million years, the centrifugal force due to the more rapid rotation must have given the planet a very much greater polar flattening than it actually possesses. He admitted, however, that, though 100 million years ago that force must have been about 3% greater than now, yet “nothing we know regarding the figure of the earth, and the disposition of land and water, would justify us in saying that a body consolidated when there was more centrifugal force by 3% than now, might not now be in all respects like the earth, so far as we know it at present.”

3. The third argument, based upon the age of the sun’s heat, is confessedly less to be relied on than the two previous ones. It proceeds upon calculations as to the amount of heat which would be available by the falling together of masses from space, which gave rise by their impact to our sun. The vagueness of the data on which this argument rests may be inferred from the fact that in one passage P.G. Tait placed the limit of time during which the sun has been illuminating the earth as, “on the very highest computation, not more than about 15 or 20 millions of years”; while, in another sentence of the same volume, he admitted that, “by calculations in which there is no possibility of large error, this hypothesis [of the origin of the sun’s heat by the falling together of masses of matter] is thoroughly competent to explain 100 millions of years’ solar radiation at the present rate, perhaps more.” In more recently reviewing his argument, Lord Kelvin expressed himself in favour of more strictly limiting geological time than he had at first been disposed to do. He insists that the time “was more than 20 and less than 40 millions of years and probably much nearer 20 than 40.” Geologists appear to have reluctantly brought themselves to believe that perhaps, after all, 100 millions of years might suffice for the evolution of geological history. But when the time was cut down to 15 or 20 millions they protested that such a restricted period was insufficient for that evolution, and though they did not offer any effective criticism of the arguments of the physicists they felt convinced that there must be some flaw in the premises on which these arguments were based.

By degrees, however, there have arisen among the physicists themselves grave doubts as to the validity of the physical evidence on which the limitation of the earth’s age has been founded, and at the same time greater appreciation has been shown of the signification and strength of the geological proofs of the high antiquity of our planet. In an address from the chair of the Mathematical Section of the British Association in 1886, Professor (afterwards Sir) George Darwin reviewed the controversy, and pronounced the following deliberate judgment in regard to it: “In considering these three arguments I have adduced some reasons against the validity of the first [tidal friction], and have endeavoured to show that there are elements of uncertainty surrounding the second [secular cooling of the earth]; nevertheless, they undoubtedly constitute a contribution of the first importance to physical geology. Whilst, then, we may protest against the precision with which Professor Tait seeks to deduce results from them, we are fully justified in following Sir William Thomson, who says that ‘the existing state of things on the earth, life on the earth—all geological history showing continuity of life—must be limited within some such period of past time as 100 million years’.” Lord Kelvin has never dealt with the geological and palaeontological objections against the limitation of geological time to a few millions of years. But Professor Darwin, in the address just cited, uttered the memorable warning: “At present our knowledge of a definite limit to geological time has so little precision that we should do wrong summarily to reject theories which appear to demand longer periods of time than those which now appear allowable.” In his presidential address to the British Association at Cape Town in 1905 he returned to the subject, remarking that the argument derived from the increase of underground temperature “seems to be entirely destroyed” by the discovery of the properties of radium. He thinks that “it does not seem extravagant to suppose that 500 to 1000 million years may have elapsed since the birth of the moon.” He has “always believed that the geologists were more nearly correct than the physicists, notwithstanding the fact that appearances were so strongly against them,” and he concludes thus: “It appears, then, that the physical argument is not susceptible of a greater degree of certainty than that of the geologists, and the scale of geological time remains in great measure unknown” (see also Tide, chap. viii.).

In an address to the mathematical section of the American Association for the Advancement of Science in 1889, the vice-president of the section, R.S. Woodward, thus expressed himself with regard to the physical arguments brought forward by Lord Kelvin and Professor Tait in limitation of geological time: “Having been at some pains to look into this matter, I feel bound to state that, although the hypothesis appears to be the best which can be formulated at present, the odds are against its correctness. Its weak links are the unverified assumptions of an initial uniform temperature and a constant diffusivity. Very likely these are approximations, but of what order we cannot decide. Furthermore, if we accept the hypothesis, the odds appear to be against the present attainment of trustworthy numerical results, since the data for calculation, obtained mostly from observations on continental areas, are far too meagre to give satisfactory average values for the entire mass of the earth.”

Still more emphatic is the protest made from the physical side by Professor John Perry. He has attacked each of the three lines of argument of Lord Kelvin, and has impugned the validity of the conclusions drawn from them. The argument from tidal retardation he dismisses as fallacious, following in this contention the previous criticism of the Rev. Maxwell Close and Sir George Darwin. In dealing with the argument based on the secular cooling of the earth, he holds it to be perfectly allowable to assume a much higher conductivity for the interior of the globe, and that such a reasonable assumption would enable us greatly to increase our estimate of the earth’s antiquity. As for the third argument, from the age of the sun’s heat, he points out that the sun may have been repeatedly fed by a supply of meteorites from outside, while the earth may have been protected from radiation, and been able to retain much of its heat by being enveloped in a dense atmosphere. Remarking that “almost anything is possible as to the present internal state of the earth,” he concludes thus: “To sum up, we can find no published record of any lower maximum age of life on the earth, as calculated by physicists, than 400 millions of years. From the three physical arguments Lord Kelvin’s higher limits are 1000, 400 and 500 million years. I have shown that we have reasons for believing that the age, from all these, may be very considerably underestimated. It is to be observed that if we exclude everything but the arguments from mere physics, the probable age of life on the earth is much less than any of the above estimates; but if the palaeontologists have good reasons for demanding much greater times, I see nothing from the physicists’ point of view which denies them four times the greatest of these estimates.”

A fresh line of argument against Lord Kelvin’s limitation of the antiquity of our globe has recently been started by the remarkable discoveries in radio-activity. From the ascertained properties of radium it appears to be possible that our estimates of solar heat, as derived from the theory of gravitation, may have to be augmented ten or twenty times; that stores of radium and similar bodies within the earth may have indefinitely deferred the establishment of the present temperature gradient from the surface inward; that consequently the earth may have remained for long ages at a temperature not greatly different from that which it now possesses, and hence that the times during which our globe has supported animal and vegetable life may be very much longer than that allowed in the estimates previously made by physicists from other data (see Radioactivity).

The arguments from the geological side against the physical contention that would limit the age of our globe to some 10 or 20 millions of years are mainly based on the observed rates of geological and biological changes at the present time upon land and sea, and on the nature, physical history and organic contents of the stratified crust of the earth. Unfortunately, actual numerical data are not obtainable in many departments of geological activity, and even where they can be procured they do not yet rest on a sufficiently wide collection of accurate and co-ordinated observations. But in some branches of dynamical geology, material exists for, at least, a preliminary computation of the rate of change. This is more especially the case in respect of the wide domain of denudation. The observational records of the action of the sea, of springs, rivers and glaciers are becoming gradually fuller and more trustworthy. A method of making use of these records for estimating the rate of denudation of the land has been devised. Taking the Mississippi as a general type of river action, it has been shown that the amount of material conveyed by this stream into the sea in one year is equivalent to the lowering of the general surface of the drainage basin of the river by 1⁄6000 of a foot. This would amount to one foot in 6000 years and 1000 ft. in 6 million years. So that at the present rate of waste in the Mississippi basin a whole continent might be worn away in a few millions of years.

It is evident that as deposition and denudation are simultaneous processes, the ascertainment of the rate at which solid material is removed from the surface of the land supplies some necessary information for estimating the rate at which new sedimentary formations are being accumulated on the floor of the sea, and for a computation of the length of time that would be required at the present rate of change for the deposition of all the stratified rocks that enter into the composition of the crust of our globe. If the thickness of these rocks be assumed to be 100,000 ft., and if we could suppose them to have been laid down over as wide an area as that of the drainage basins from the waste of which they were derived, then at the present rate of denudation their accumulation would require some 600 millions of years. But, as Dr A.R. Wallace has justly pointed out, the tract of sea-floor over which the material derived from the waste of the terrestrial surface is laid down is at present much less than that from which this material is worn away. We have no means, however, of determining what may have been the ratio between the two areas in past time. Certainly ancient marine sedimentary rocks cover at the present day a much more extensive area than that in which they are now being elaborated. If we take the ratio postulated by Dr Wallace—1 to 19—the 100,000 ft. of sedimentary strata would require 31 millions of years for their accumulation. It is quite possible, however, that this ratio may be much too high. There are reasons for believing that the proportion of coast-line to land area has been diminishing during geological time; in other words, that in early times the land was more insular and is now more continental. So that the 31 millions of years may be much less than the period that would be required, even on the supposition of continuous uninterrupted denudation and sedimentation, during the whole of the time represented by the stratified formations.

But no one who has made himself familiar with the actual composition of these formations and the detailed structure of the terrestrial crust can fail to recognize how vague, imperfect and misleading are the data on which such computations are founded. It requires no prolonged acquaintance with the earth’s crust to impress upon the mind that one all-important element is omitted, and indeed can hardly be allowed for from want of sufficiently precise data, but the neglect of which must needs seriously impair the value of all numerical calculations made without it. The assumption that the stratified formations can be treated as if they consisted of a continuous unbroken sequence of sediments, indicating a vast and uninterrupted process of waste and deposition, is one that is belied on every hand by the actual structure of these formations. It can only give us a minimum of the time required; for, instead of an unbroken series, the sedimentary formations are full of “unconformabilities”—gaps in the sequence of the chronological records—as if whole chapters and groups of chapters had been torn out of a historical work. It can often be shown that these breaks of continuity must have been of vast duration, and actually exceeded in chronological importance thick groups of strata lying below and above them (see Part VI.). Moreover, even among the uninterrupted strata, where no such unconformabilities exist, but where the sediments follow each other in apparently uninterrupted sequence, and might be thought to have been deposited continuously at the same general rate, and without the intervention of any pause, it can be demonstrated that sometimes an inch or two of sediment might, on certain horizons, represent the deposit of an enormously longer period than a hundred or a thousand times the same amount of sediment on other horizons. A prolonged study of these questions leads to a profound conviction that in many parts of the geological record the time represented by sedimentary deposits may be vastly less than the time which is not so represented.

It has often been objected that the present rate of geological change ought not to be taken as a measure of the rate in past time, because the total sum of terrestrial energy has been steadily diminishing, and geological processes must consequently have been more vigorous in former ages than they are now. Geologists do not pretend to assert that there has been no variation or diminution in the activities of the various processes which they have to study. What they do insist on is that the present rate of change is the only one which we can watch and measure, and which will thus supply a statistical basis for any computations on the subject. But it has been dogmatically affirmed that because terrestrial energy has been diminishing therefore all kinds of geological work must have been more vigorously and more rapidly carried on in former times than now; that there were far more abundant and more stupendous volcanoes, more frequent and more destructive earthquakes, more gigantic upheavals and subsidences, more powerful oceanic waves and tides, more violent atmospheric disturbances with heavier rainfall and more active denudation.

It is easy to make these assertions, and they look plausible; but, after all, they rest on nothing stronger than assumption. They can be tested by an appeal to the crust of the earth, in which the geological history of our planet has been so fully recorded. Had such portentous manifestations of geological activity ever been the normal condition of things since the beginning of that history, there ought to be a record of them in the rocks. But no evidence for them has been found there, though it has been diligently sought for in all quarters of the globe. We may confidently assert that while geological changes may quite possibly have taken place on a gigantic scale in the earliest ages of the earth’s existence, of which no geological record remains, there is no proof that they have ever done so since the time when the very oldest of the stratified formations were deposited. There is no need to maintain that they have always been conducted precisely on the same scale as now, or to deny that they may have gradually become less vigorous as the general sum of terrestrial energy has diminished. But we may unhesitatingly affirm that no actual evidence of any such progressive diminution of activity has been adduced from the geological record in the crust of the earth: that, on the contrary, no appearances have been detected there which necessarily demand the assumption of those more powerful operations postulated by physicists, or which are not satisfactorily explicable by reference to the existing scale of nature’s processes.

That this conclusion is warranted even with regard to the innate energy of the globe itself will be seen if we institute a comparison between the more ancient and the more recent manifestations of that energy. Take, for example, the proofs of gigantic plication, fracture and displacement within the terrestrial crust. These, as they have affected the most ancient rocks of Europe, have been worked out in great detail in the north-west of Scotland. But they are not essentially different from or on a greater scale than those which have been proved to have affected the Alps, and to have involved strata of so recent a date as the older Tertiary formations. On the contrary, it may be doubted whether any denuded core of an ancient mountain-chain reveals traces of such stupendous disturbances of the crust as those which have given rise to the younger mountain-chains of the globe. It may, indeed, quite well have been the rule that instead of diminishing in intensity of effect, the consequences of terrestrial contraction have increased in magnitude, the augmenting thickness of the crust offering greater resistance to the stresses, and giving rise to vaster plications, faults, thrust-planes and metamorphism, as this growing resistance had to be overcome.

The assertion that volcanic action must have been more violent and more persistent in ancient times than it is now has assuredly no geological evidence in its support. It is quite true that there are vastly more remains of former volcanoes scattered over the surface of the globe than there are active craters now, and that traces of copious eruptions of volcanic material can be followed back into some of the oldest parts of the geological record. But we have no proof that ever at any one time in geological history there have been more or larger or more vigorous volcanoes than those of recent periods. It may be said that the absence of such proof ought not to invalidate the assertion until a far wider area of the earth’s surface has been geologically studied. But most assuredly, as far as geological investigation has yet gone, there is an overwhelming body of evidence to show that from the earliest epochs in geological history, as registered in the stratified rocks, volcanic action has manifested itself very much as it does now, but on a less rather than on a greater scale. Nowhere can this subject be more exhaustively studied than in the British Isles, where a remarkably complete series of volcanic eruptions has been chronicled ranging from the earliest Palaeozoic down to older Tertiary time. The result of a prolonged study of British volcanic geology has demonstrated that, even to minute points of detail, there has been a singular uniformity in the phenomena from beginning to end. The oldest lavas and ashes differ in no essential respect from the youngest. Nor have they been erupted more copiously or more frequently. Many successive volcanic periods have followed each other after prolonged intervals of repose, each displaying the same general sequence of phenomena and similar evidence of gradual diminution and extinction. The youngest, instead of being the feeblest, were the most extensive outbursts in the whole of this prolonged series.

If now we turn for evidence of the alleged greater activity of all the epigene or superficial forces, and especially for proofs of more rapid denudation and deposition on the earth’s surface, we search for it in vain among the stratified formations of the terrestrial crust. Had the oldest of these rocks been accumulated in a time of great atmospheric perturbation, of torrential rains, colossal tides and violent storms, we might surely expect to find among the sediments some proof of such disturbed meteorological and geographical conditions. We should look, on the one hand, for tumultuous accumulations of coarse unworn detritus, rapidly swept by rains, floods and waves from land to sea, and on the other hand, for an absence of any evidence of the tranquil and continuous deposit of such fine laminated silt as could only settle in quiet water. But an appeal to the geological record is made in vain for any such proofs. The oldest sediments, like the youngest, reveal the operation only of such agents and such rates of activity as are still to be witnessed in the accumulation of the same kind of deposits. If, for instance, we search the most ancient thick sedimentary formation in Britain—the Torridon Sandstone of north-west Scotland, which is older than the oldest fossiliferous deposits—we meet with nothing which might not be found in any Palaeozoic, Mesozoic or Cainozoic group of similar sediments. We see an accumulation, at least 8000 or 10,000 ft. thick, of consolidated sand, gravel and mud, such as may be gathering now on the floor of any large mountain-girdled lake. The conglomerates of this ancient series are not pell-mell heaps of angular detritus, violently swept away from the land and huddled promiscuously on the sea-floor. They are, in general, built up of pebbles that have been worn smooth, rounded and polished by prolonged attrition in running water, and they follow each other on successive platforms with intervening layers of finer sediment. The sandstones are composed of well water-worn sand, some of which has been laid down so tranquilly that its component grains have been separated out in layers according to their specific gravity, in such manner that they now present dark laminae in which particles of magnetic iron, zircon and other heavy minerals have been sifted out together, just as iron-sand may be seen gathered into thin sheets on sandy beaches at the present day. Again, the same series of primeval sediments includes intercalations of fine silt, which has been deposited as regularly and intermittently there as it has been among the most recent formations. These bands of shale have been diligently searched for fossils, as yet without success; but they may eventually disclose organic remains older than any hitherto found in Europe.

We now come to the consideration of the palaeontological evidence as to the value of geological time. Here the conclusions derived from a study of the structure of the sedimentary formations are vastly strengthened and extended. In the first place, the organization of the most ancient plants and animals furnishes no indication that they had to contend with any greater violence of storm, flood, wave or ocean-current than is familiar to their modern descendants. The oldest trees, shrubs, ferns and club-mosses display no special structures that suggest a difference in the general conditions of their environment. The most ancient crinoids, sponges, crustaceans, arachnids and molluscs were as delicately constructed as those of to-day, and their remains are often found in such perfect preservation as to show that neither during their lifetime nor after their death were they subject to any greater violence of the elements than their living representatives now experience. Of much more cogency, however, is the evidence supplied by the grand upward succession of organic forms, from the most ancient stratified rocks up to the present day. No biologist now doubts for a moment that this marvellous succession is the result of a gradual process of evolution from lower to higher types of organization. There may be differences of opinion as to the causes which have governed this process and the order of the steps through which it has advanced, but no one who is conversant with the facts will now venture to deny that it has taken place, and that, on any possible explanation of its progress, it must have demanded an enormous lapse of time. In the Cambrian or oldest fossiliferous formations there is already a large and varied fauna, in which the leading groups of invertebrate life are represented. On no tenable hypothesis can these be regarded as the first organisms that came into being on our planet. They must have had a long ancestry, and as Darwin first maintained, the time required for their evolution may have been “as long as, or probably far longer than, the whole interval from the Silurian [Cambrian] age to the present day.” The records of these earliest eras of organic development have unfortunately not survived the geological revolutions of the past; at least, they have not yet been recovered. But it cannot be doubted that they once existed and registered their testimony to the prodigious lapse of time prior to the deposition of the most ancient fossiliferous formations which have escaped destruction.

The impressive character of the evidence furnished by the sequence of organic forms throughout the great series of fossiliferous strata can hardly be fully realized without a detailed and careful study of the subject. Professor E.B. Poulton, in an address to the zoological section of the British Association at the Liverpool Meeting in 1896, showed how overwhelming are the demands which this evidence makes for long periods of time, and how impossible it is of comprehension unless these demands be conceded. The history of life upon the earth, though it will probably always be surrounded with great and even insuperable difficulties, becomes broadly comprehensible in its general progress when sufficient time is granted for the evolution which it records; but it remains unintelligible on any other conditions.

Taken then as a whole, the body of evidence, geological and palaeontological, in favour of the high antiquity of our globe is so great, so manifold, and based on such an ever-increasing breadth of observation and reflection, that it may be confidently appealed to in answer to the physical arguments which would seek to limit that antiquity to ten or twenty millions of years. In the present state of science it is out of our power to state positively what must be the lowest limit of the age of the earth. But we cannot assume it to be much less, and it may possibly have been much more, than the 100 millions of years which Lord Kelvin was at one time willing to concede.2

Part III.—Geognosy. The Investigation of the Nature and Composition of the Materials of which the Earth Consists

This division of the science is devoted to a description of the parts of the earth—of the atmosphere and ocean that surround the planet, and more especially of the solid materials that underlie these envelopes and extend downwards to an unknown distance into the interior. These various constituents of the globe are here considered as forms of matter capable of being analysed, and arranged according to their composition and the place they take in the general composition of the globe.

Viewed in the simplest way the earth may be regarded as made up of three distinct parts, each of which ever since an early period of planetary history has been the theatre of important geological operations. (1) An envelope of air, termed the atmosphere, which surrounds the whole globe; (2) A lower and less extensive envelope of water, known as the hydrosphere (Gr. ὕδωρ, water) which, constituting the oceans and seas, covers nearly three-fourths of the underlying solid surface of the planet; (3) A globe, called the lithosphere (Gr. λίθος, stone), the external part of which, consisting of solid stone, forms the crust, while underneath, and forming the vast mass of the interior, lies the nucleus, regarding the true constitution of which we are still ignorant.

1. The Atmosphere.—The general characters of the atmosphere are described in separate articles (see especially Atmosphere; Meteorology). Only its relations to geology have here to be considered. As this gaseous envelope encircles the whole globe it is the most universally present and active of all the agents of geological change. Its efficacy in this respect arises partly from its composition, and the chemical reactions which it effects upon the surface of the land, partly from its great variations in temperature and moisture, and partly from its movements.

Many speculations have been made regarding the chemical composition of the atmosphere during former geological periods. There can indeed be little doubt that it must originally have differed greatly from its present condition. If the whole mass of the planet originally existed in a gaseous state, there would be practically no atmosphere. The present outer envelope of air may be considered to be the surviving relic of this condition, after all the other constituents have been incorporated into the hydrosphere and lithosphere. The oxygen, which now forms fully a half of the outer crust of the earth, was doubtless originally, whether free or in combination, part of the atmosphere. So, too, the vast beds of coal found all over the world, in geological formations of many different ages, represent so much carbonic acid once present in the air. The chlorides and other salts in the sea may likewise partly represent materials carried down out of the atmosphere in the primitive condensation of the aqueous vapour, though they have been continually increased ever since by contributions from the drainage of the land. It has often been suggested that, during the Carboniferous period, the atmosphere must have been warmer and more charged with aqueous vapour and carbon dioxide than at the present day, to admit of so luxuriant a flora as that from which the coal-seams were formed. There seems, however, to be at present no method of arriving at any certainty on this subject. Lastly, the amount of carbonic acid absorbed in the weathering of rocks at the surface, and the consequent production of carbonates, represents an enormous abstraction of this gas.

As at present constituted, the atmosphere is regarded as a mechanical mixture of nearly four volumes of nitrogen and one of oxygen, together with an average of 3.5 parts of carbon dioxide in every 10,000 parts of air, and minute quantities of various other gases and solid particles. Of the vapours contained in it by far the most important is that of water which, although always present, varies greatly in amount according to variations in temperature. By condensation the water vapour appears in visible form as dew, mist, cloud, rain, hail, snow and ice, and in these forms includes and carries down some of the other vapours, gases and solid particles present in the air. The circulation of water from the atmosphere to the land, from the land to the sea, and again from the sea to the land, forms the great geological process whereby the habitable condition of the planet is maintained and the surface of the land is sculptured (Part IV.).

2. The Hydrosphere.—The water envelope covers nearly three-fourths of the surface of the earth, and forms the various oceans and seas which, though for convenience of reference distinguished by separate names, are all linked together in one great body. The physical characters of this vast envelope are discussed in separate articles (see Ocean and Oceanography). Viewed from the geological standpoint, the features of the sea that specially deserve attention are first the composition of its waters, and secondly its movements.

Sea-water is distinguished from that of ordinary lakes and rivers by its greater specific gravity and its saline taste. Its average density is about 1.026, but it varies even within the same ocean, being least where large quantities of fresh water are added from rain or melting snow and ice, and greatest where evaporation is most active. That sea-water is heavier than fresh arises from the greater proportion of salts which it contains in solution. These salts constitute about three and a half parts in every hundred of water. They consist mainly of chlorides of sodium and magnesium, the sulphates of magnesium, calcium and potassium, with minuter quantities of magnesium bromide and calcium carbonate. Still smaller proportions of other substances have been detected, gold for example having been found in the proportion of 1 part in 15,180,000.

That many of the salts have existed in the sea from the time of its first condensation out of the primeval atmosphere appears to be probable. It is manifest, however, that, whatever may have been the original composition of the oceans, they have for a vast section of geological time been constantly receiving mineral matter in solution from the land. Every spring, brook and river removes various salts from the rocks over which it moves, and these substances, thus dissolved, eventually find their way into the sea. Consequently sea-water ought to contain more or less traceable proportions of every substance which the terrestrial waters can remove from the land, in short, of probably every element present in the outer shell of the globe, for there seems to be no constituent of this earth which may not, under certain circumstances, be held in solution in water. Moreover, unless there be some counteracting process to remove these mineral ingredients, the ocean water ought to be growing, insensibly perhaps, but still assuredly, saltier, for the supply of saline matter from the land is incessant.

To the geologist the presence of mineral solutions in sea-water is a fact of much importance, for it explains the origin of a considerable part of the stratified rocks of the earth’s crust. By evaporation the water has given rise to deposits of rock-salt, gypsum and other materials. The lime contained in solution, whether as sulphate or carbonate, has been extracted by many tribes of marine animals, which have thus built up out of their remains vast masses of solid limestone, of which many mountain-chains largely consist.