VOLUME XI SLICE VI Geodesy to Geometry (continued 4)

In tropical forests primitive tribes depend on the collection of wild fruits, and in a minor degree on the chase of wild animals, for their food. Clothing is unnecessary; hence there is little occasion for exercising the mental faculties beyond Influence of environment on man. the sense of perception to avoid enemies, or the inventive arts beyond what is required for the simplest weapons and the most primitive fortifications. When the pursuit of game becomes the chief occupation of a people there is of necessity a higher development of courage, skill, powers of observation and invention; and these qualities are still further enhanced in predatory tribes who take by force the food, clothing and other property prepared or collected by a feebler people. The fruit-eating savage cannot stray beyond his woods which bound his life as the water bounds that of a fish; the hunter is free to live on the margin of forests or in open country, while the robber or warrior from some natural stronghold of the mountains sweeps over the adjacent plains and carries his raids into distant lands. Wide grassy steppes lead to the organization of the people as nomads whose wealth consists in flocks and herds, and their dwellings are tents. The nomad not only domesticates and turns to his own use the gentler and more powerful animals, such as sheep, cattle, horses, camels, but even turns some predatory creatures, like the dog, into a means of defending their natural prey. They hunt the beasts of prey destructive to their flocks, and form armed bands for protection against marauders or for purposes of aggression on weaker sedentary neighbours. On the fertile low grounds along the margins of rivers or in clearings of forests, agricultural communities naturally take their rise, dwelling in villages and cultivating the wild grains, which by careful nurture and selection have been turned into rich cereals. The agriculturist as a rule is rooted to the soil. The land he tills he holds, and acquires a closer connexion with a particular patch of ground than either the hunter or the herdsman. In the temperate zone, where the seasons are sharply contrasted, but follow each other with regularity, foresight and self-denial were fostered, because if men did not exercise these qualities seed-time or harvest might pass into lost opportunities and the tribes would suffer. The more extreme climates of arid regions on the margins of the tropics, by the unpredictable succession of droughts and floods, confound the prevision of uninstructed people, and make prudence and industry qualities too uncertain in their results to be worth cultivating. Thus the civilization of agricultural peoples of the temperate zone grew rapidly, yet in each community a special type arose adapted to the soil, the crop and the climate. On the seashore fishing naturally became a means of livelihood, and dwellers by the sea, in virtue of the dangers to which they are exposed from storm and unseaworthy craft, are stimulated to a higher degree of foresight, quicker observation, prompter decision and more energetic action in emergencies than those who live inland. The building and handling of vessels also, and the utilization of such uncontrollable powers of nature as wind and tide, helped forward mechanical invention. To every type of coast there may be related a special type of occupation and even of character; the deep and gloomy fjord, backed by almost impassable mountains, bred bold mariners whose only outlet for enterprise was seawards towards other lands—the viks created the vikings. On the gently sloping margin of the estuary of a great river a view of tranquil inland life was equally presented to the shore-dweller, and the ocean did not present the only prospect of a career. Finally the mountain valley, with its patches of cultivable soil on the alluvial fans of tributary torrents, its narrow pastures on the uplands only left clear of snow in summer, its intensified extremes of climates and its isolation, almost equal to that of an island, has in all countries produced a special type of brave and hardy people, whose utmost effort may bring them comfort, but not wealth, by honest toil, who know little of the outer world, and to whom the natural outlet for ambition is marauding on the fertile plains. The highlander and viking, products of the valleys raised high amid the mountains or half-drowned in the sea, are everywhere of kindred spirit.

It is in some such manner as these that the natural conditions of regions, which must be conformed to by prudence and utilized by labour to yield shelter and food, have led to the growth of peoples differing in their ways of life, thought and speech. The initial differences so produced are confirmed and perpetuated by the same barriers which divide the faunal or floral regions, the sea, mountains, deserts and the like, and much of the course of past history and present politics becomes clear when the combined results of differing race and differing environment are taken into account.49

The specialization which accompanies the division of labour has important geographical consequences, for it necessitates communication between communities and the interchange of their products. Density of population. Trade makes it possible to work mineral resources in localities where food can only be grown with great difficulty and expense, or which are even totally barren and waterless, entirely dependent on supplies from distant sources.

The population which can be permanently supported by a given area of land differs greatly according to the nature of the resources and the requirements of the people. Pastoral communities are always scattered very thinly over large areas; agricultural populations may be almost equally sparse where advanced methods of agriculture and labour-saving machinery are employed; but where a frugal people are situated on a fertile and inexhaustible soil, such as the deltas and river plains of Egypt, India and China, an enormous population may be supported on a small area. In most cases, however, a very dense population can only be maintained in regions where mineral resources have fixed the site of great manufacturing industries. The maximum density of population which a given region can support is very difficult to determine; it depends partly on the race and standard of culture of the people, partly on the nature and origin of the resources on which they depend, partly on the artificial burdens imposed and very largely on the climate. Density of population is measured by the average number of people residing on a unit of area; but in order to compare one part of the world with another the average should, strictly speaking, be taken for regions of equal size or of equal population; and the portions of the country which are permanently uninhabitable ought to be excluded from the calculation.50 Considering the average density of population within the political limits of countries, the following list is of some value; the figures for a few smaller divisions of large countries are added (in brackets) for comparison:

Average Population on 1 sq. m. (For 1900 or 1901.)

Country. Density of pop. Country. Density of pop.

(Saxony) 743* Ceylon 141**

Belgium 589* Greece 97

Java 568** European Turkey 90

(England and Wales) 558 Spain 97

(Bengal) 495** European Russia 55**

Holland 436 Sweden 30

United Kingdom 344 United States 25

Japan 317 Mexico 18

Italy 293 Norway 18

China proper 270** Persia 15

German Empire 270 New Zealand 7

Austria 226 Argentina 5

Switzerland 207 Brazil 4.5

France 188 Eastern States of

Indian Empire 167** Australia 3

Denmark 160** Dominion of Canada 1.5

Hungary 154** Siberia 1

Portugal 146 West Australia 0.2

* Almost exclusively industrial.

** Almost exclusively agricultural.

The movement of people from one place to another without the immediate intention of returning is known as migration, and according to its origin it may be classed as centrifugal (directed from a particular area) and centripetal (directed towards Migration. a particular area). Centrifugal migration is usually a matter of compulsion; it may be necessitated by natural causes, such as a change of climate leading to the withering of pastures or destruction of agricultural land, to inundation, earthquake, pestilence or to an excess of population over means of support; or to artificial causes, such as the wholesale deportation of a conquered people; or to political or religious persecution. In any case the people are driven out by some adverse change; and when the urgency is great they may require to drive out in turn weaker people who occupy a desirable territory, thus propagating the wave of migration, the direction of which is guided by the forms of the land into inevitable channels. Many of the great historic movements of peoples were doubtless due to the gradual change of geographical or climatic conditions; and the slow desiccation of Central Asia has been plausibly suggested as the real cause of the peopling of modern Europe and of the medieval wars of the Old World, the theatres of which were critical points on the great natural lines of communication between east and west.

In the case of centripetal migrations people flock to some particular place where exceptionally favourable conditions have been found to exist. The rushes to gold-fields and diamond-fields are typical instances; the growth of towns on coal-fields and near other sources of power, and the rapid settlement of such rich agricultural districts as the wheat-lands of the American prairies and great plains are other examples.

There is, however, a tendency for people to remain rooted to the land of their birth, when not compelled or induced by powerful external causes to seek a new home.

Thus arises the spirit of patriotism, a product of purely geographical conditions, thereby differing from the sentiment of loyalty, which is of racial origin. Where race and soil conspire to evoke both loyalty and patriotism in a people, the moral Political geography. qualities of a great and permanent nation are secured. It is noticeable that the patriotic spirit is strongest in those places where people are brought most intimately into relation with the land; dwellers in the mountain or by the sea, and, above all, the people of rugged coasts and mountainous archipelagoes, have always been renowned for love of country, while the inhabitants of fertile plains and trading communities are frequently less strongly attached to their own land.

Amongst nomads the tribe is the unit of government, the political bond is personal, and there is no definite territorial association of the people, who may be loyal but cannot be patriotic. The idea of a country arises only when a nation, either homogeneous or composed of several races, establishes itself in a region the boundaries of which may be defined and defended against aggression from without. Political geography takes account of the partition of the earth amongst organized communities, dealing with the relation of races to regions, and of nations to countries, and considering the conditions of territorial equilibrium and instability.

The definition of boundaries and their delimitation is one of the most important parts of political geography. Natural boundaries are always the most definite and the strongest, lending themselves most readily to defence against aggression. Boundaries. The sea is the most effective of all, and an island state is recognized as the most stable. Next in importance comes a mountain range, but here there is often difficulty as to the definition of the actual crest-line, and mountain ranges being broad regions, it may happen that a small independent state, like Switzerland or Andorra, occupies the mountain valleys between two or more great countries. Rivers do not form effective international boundaries, although between dependent self-governing communities they are convenient lines of demarcation. A desert, or a belt of country left purposely without inhabitants, like the mark, marches or debatable lands of the middle ages, was once a common means of separating nations which nourished hereditary grievances. The “buffer-state” of modern diplomacy is of the same ineffectual type. A less definite though very practical boundary is that formed by the meeting-line of two languages, or the districts inhabited by two races. The line of fortresses protecting Austria from Italy lies in some places well back from the political boundary, but just inside the linguistic frontier, so as to separate the German and Italian races occupying Austrian territory. Arbitrary lines, either traced from point to point and marked by posts on the ground, or defined as portions of meridians and parallels, are now the most common type of boundaries fixed by treaty. In Europe and Asia frontiers are usually strongly fortified and strictly watched in times of peace as well as during war. In South America strictly defined boundaries are still the exception, and the claims of neighbouring nations have very frequently given rise to war, though now more commonly to arbitration.51

The modes of government amongst civilized peoples have little influence on political geography; some republics are as arbitrary and exacting in their frontier regulations as some absolute monarchies. It is, however, to be noticed that absolute Forms of government. monarchies are confined to the east of Europe and to Asia, Japan being the only established constitutional monarchy east of the Carpathians. Limited monarchies are (with the exception of Japan) peculiar to Europe, and in these the degree of democratic control may be said to diminish as one passes eastwards from the United Kingdom. Republics, although represented in Europe, are the peculiar form of government of America and are unknown in Asia.

The forms of government of colonies present a series of transitional types from the autocratic administration of a governor appointed by the home government to complete democratic self-government. The latter occurs only in the temperate possessions of the British empire, in which there is no great preponderance of a coloured native population. New colonial forms have been developed during the partition of Africa amongst European powers, the sphere of influence being especially worthy of notice. This is a vaguer form of control than a protectorate, and frequently amounts merely to an agreement amongst civilized powers to respect the right of one of their number to exercise government within a certain area, if it should decide to do so at any future time.

The central governments of all civilized countries concerned with external relations are closely similar in their modes of action, but the internal administration may be very varied. In this respect a country is either centralized, like the United Kingdom or France, or federated of distinct self-governing units like Germany (where the units include kingdoms, at least three minor types of monarchies, municipalities and a crown land under a nominated governor), or the United States, where the units are democratic republics. The ultimate cause of the predominant form of federal government may be the geographical diversity of the country, as in the cantons occupying the once isolated mountain valleys of Switzerland, the racial diversity of the people, as in Austria-Hungary, or merely political expediency, as in republics of the American type.

The minor subdivisions into provinces, counties and parishes, or analogous areas, may also be related in many cases to natural features or racial differences perpetuated by historical causes. The territorial divisions and subdivisions often survive the conditions which led to their origin; hence the study of political geography is allied to history as closely as the study of physical geography is allied to geology, and for the same reason.

The aggregation of population in towns was at one time mainly brought about by the necessity for defence, a fact indicated by the defensive sites of many old towns. In later times, towns have been more often founded in proximity to Towns. valuable mineral resources, and at critical points or nodes on lines of communication. These are places where the mode of travelling or of transport is changed, such as seaports, river ports and railway termini, or natural resting-places, such as a ford, the foot of a steep ascent on a road, the entrance of a valley leading up from a plain into the mountains, or a crossing-place of roads or railways.52 The existence of a good natural harbour is often sufficient to give origin to a town and to fix one end of a line of land communication.

In countries of uniform surface or faint relief, roads and railways may be constructed in any direction without regard to the configuration. In places where the low ground is marshy, roads and railways often follow the ridge-lines of hills, Lines of communication. or, as in Finland, the old glacial eskers, which run parallel to the shore. Wherever the relief of the land is pronounced, roads and railways are obliged to occupy the lowest ground winding along the valleys of rivers and through passes in the mountains. In exceptional cases obstructions which it would be impossible or too costly to turn are overcome by a bridge or tunnel, the magnitude of such works increasing with the growth of engineering skill and financial enterprise. Similarly the obstructions offered to water communication by interruption through land or shallows are overcome by cutting canals or dredging out channels. The economy and success of most lines of communication depend on following as far as possible existing natural lines and utilizing existing natural sources of power.53

Commercial geography may be defined as the description of the earth’s surface with special reference to the discovery, production, transport and exchange of commodities. The transport concerns land routes and sea routes, the latter being Commercial geography. the more important. While steam has been said to make a ship independent of wind and tide, it is still true that a long voyage even by steam must be planned so as to encounter the least resistance possible from prevailing winds and permanent currents, and this involves the application of oceanographical and meteorological knowledge. The older navigation by utilizing the power of the wind demands a very intimate knowledge of these conditions, and it is probable that a revival of sailing ships may in the present century vastly increase the importance of the study of maritime meteorology.

The discovery and production of commodities require a knowledge of the distribution of geological formations for mineral products, of the natural distribution, life-conditions and cultivation or breeding of plants and animals and of the labour market. Attention must also be paid to the artificial restrictions of political geography, to the legislative restrictions bearing on labour and trade as imposed in different countries, and, above all, to the incessant fluctuations of the economic conditions of supply and demand and the combinations of capitalists or workers which affect the market.54 The term “applied geography” has been employed to designate commercial geography, the fact being that every aspect of scientific geography may be applied to practical purposes, including the purposes of trade. But apart from the applied science, there is an aspect of pure geography which concerns the theory of the relation of economics to the surface of the earth.

It will be seen that as each successive aspect of geographical science is considered in its natural sequence the conditions become Conclusion. more numerous, complex, variable and practically important. From the underlying abstract mathematical considerations all through the superimposed physical, biological, anthropological, political and commercial development of the subject runs the determining control exercised by crust-forms acting directly or indirectly on mobile distributions; and this is the essential principle of geography.

(H. R. M.)

1 A concise sketch of the whole history of geographical method or theory as distinguished from the history of geographical discovery (see later section of this article) is only to be found in the introduction to H. Wagner’s Lehrbuch der Geographie, vol. i. (Leipzig, 1900), which is in every way the most complete treatise on the principles of geography.

2 History of Ancient Geography (Cambridge, 1897), p. 70.

3 See J.L. Myres, “An Attempt to reconstruct the Maps used by Herodotus,” Geographical Journal, viii. (1896), p. 605.

4 Geschichte der wissenschaftlichen Erdkunde der Griechen (Leipzig, 1891), Abt. 3, p. 60.

5 Bunbury’s History of Ancient Geography (2 vols., London, 1879), Müller’s Geographi Graeci minores (2 vols., Paris, 1855, 1861) and Berger’s Geschichte der wissenschaftlichen Erdkunde der Griechen (4 vols., Leipzig, 1887-1893) are standard authorities on the Greek geographers.

6 The period of the early middle ages is dealt with in Beazley’s Dawn of Modern Geography (London; part i., 1897; part ii., 1901; part iii., 1906); see also Winstedt, Cosmos Indicopleustes (1910).

7 From translator’s preface to the English version by Mr Dugdale (1733), entitled A Complete System of General Geography, revised by Dr Peter Shaw (London, 1756).

8 Printed in Schriften zur physischen Geographie, vol. vi. of Schubert’s edition of the collected works of Kant (Leipzig, 1839). First published with notes by Rink in 1802.

9 History of Civilization, vol. i. (1857).

10 See H.J. Mackinder in British Association Report (Ipswich), 1895, p. 738, for a summary of German opinion, which has been expressed by many writers in a somewhat voluminous literature.

11 H. Wagner’s year-book, Geographische Jahrbuch, published at Gotha, is the best systematic record of the progress of geography in all departments; and Haack’s Geographen Kalender, also published annually at Gotha, gives complete lists of the geographical societies and geographers of the world.

12 This phrase is old, appearing in one of the earliest English works on geography, William Cuningham’s Cosmographical Glasse conteinyng the pleasant Principles of Cosmographie, Geographie, Hydrographie or Navigation (London, 1559).

13 See also S. Günther, Handbuch der mathematischen Geographie (Stuttgart, 1890).

14 “On the Height of the Land and the Depth of the Ocean,” Scot. Geog. Mag. iv. (1888), p. 1. Estimates had been made previously by Humboldt, De Lapparent, H. Wagner, and subsequently by Penck and Heiderich, and for the oceans by Karstens.

15 Petermanns Mitteilungen, xxv. (1889), p. 17.

16 Proc. Roy. Soc. Edin. xvii. (1890) p. 185.

17 Comptes rendus Acad. Sci. (Paris, 1890), vol. iii. p. 994.

18 “Areal und mittlere Erhebung der Landflächen sowie der Erdkruste” in Gerland’s Beiträge zur Geophysik, ii. (1895) p. 667. See also Nature, 54 (1896), p. 112.

19 Petermanns Mitteilungen, xxxv. (1889) p. 19.

20 The areas of the continental shelf and lowlands are approximately equal, and it is an interesting circumstance that, taken as a whole, the actual coast-line comes just midway on the most nearly level belt of the earth’s surface, excepting the ocean floor. The configuration of the continental slope has been treated in detail by Nansen in Scientific Results of Norwegian North Polar Expedition, vol. iv. (1904), where full references to the literature of the subject will be found.

21 British Association Report (Edinburgh, 1892), p. 699.

22 Das Antlitz der Erde (4 vols., Leipzig, 1885, 1888, 1901). Translated under the editorship of E. de Margerie, with much additional matter, as La Face de la terre, vols. i. and ii. (Paris, 1897, 1900), and into English by Dr Hertha Sollas as The Face of the Earth, vols. i. and ii. (Oxford, 1904, 1906).

23 Élie de Beaumont, Notice sur les systèmes de montagnes (3 vols., Paris, 1852).

24 Vestiges of the Molten Globe (London, 1875).

25 See J.W. Gregory, “The Plan of the Earth and its Causes,” Geog. Journal, xiii. (1899) p. 225; Lord Avebury, ibid. xv. (1900) p. 46; Marcel Bertrand, “Déformation tétraédrique de la terre et déplacement du pôle,” Comptes rendus Acad. Sci. (Paris, 1900), vol. cxxx. p. 449; and A. de Lapparent, ibid. p. 614.

26 See A.E.H. Love, “Gravitational Stability of the Earth,” Phil. Trans. ser. A. vol. ccvii. (1907) p. 171.

27 Rumpf, in German, the language in which this distinction was first made.

28 Lehrbuch der Geographie (Hanover and Leipzig, 1900), Bd. i. S. 245, 249.

29 See, for example, F.G. Hahn’s Insel-Studien (Leipzig, 1883).

30 See Geographical Journal, xxii. (1903) pp. 191-194.

31 The most important works on the classification of land forms are F. von Richthofen, Führer für Forschungsreisende (Berlin, 1886); G. de la Noë and E. de Margerie, Les Formes du terrain (Paris, 1888); and above all A. Penck, Morphologie der Erdoberfläche (2 vols., Stuttgart, 1894). Compare also A. de Lapparent, Leçons de géographie physique (2nd ed., Paris, 1898), and W.M. Davis, Physical Geography (Boston, 1899).

32 “Geomorphologie als genetische Wissenschaft,” in Report of Sixth International Geog. Congress (London, 1895), p. 735 (English Abstract, p. 748).

33 On this subject see J. Geikie, Earth Sculpture (London, 1898); J.E. Marr, The Scientific Study of Scenery (London, 1900); Sir A. Geikie, The Scenery and Geology of Scotland (London, 2nd ed., 1887); Lord Avebury (Sir J. Lubbock), The Scenery of Switzerland (London, 1896) and The Scenery of England (London, 1902).

34 Some geographers distinguish a mountain from a hill by origin; thus Professor Seeley says “a mountain implies elevation and a hill implies denudation, but the external forms of both are often identical.” Report VI. Int. Geog. Congress (London, 1895), p. 751.

35 “Mountains,” in Scot. Geog. Mag. ii. (1896) p. 145.

36 Führer für Forschungsreisende, pp. 652-685.

37 See, for a summary of river-action, A. Phillipson, Studien über Wasserscheiden (Leipzig, 1886); also I.C. Russell, River Development, (London, 1898) (published as The Rivers of North America, New York, 1898).

38 W.M. Davis, “The Geographical Cycle,” Geog. Journ. xiv. (1899) p. 484.

39 A. Penck, “Potamology as a Branch of Physical Geography,” Geog. Journ. x. (1897) p. 619.

40 See, for instance, E. Wisotzki, Hauptfluss und Nebenfluss (Stettin, 1889). For practical studies see official reports on the Mississippi, Rhine, Seine, Elbe and other great rivers.

41 F.A. Forel, Handbuch der Seenkunde: allgemeine Limnologie (Stuttgart, 1901); F.A. Forel, “La Limnologie, branche de la géographie,” Report VI. Int. Geog. Congress (London, 1895), p. 593; also Le Léman (2 vols., Lausanne, 1892, 1894); H. Lullies, “Studien über Seen,” Jubiläumsschrift der Albertus-Universität (Königsberg, 1894); and G.R. Credner, “Die Reliktenseen,” Petermanns Mitteilungen, Ergänzungshefte 86 and 89 (Gotha., 1887, 1888).

42 J. Murray, “Drainage Areas of the Continents,” Scot. Geog. Mag. ii. (1886) p. 548.

43 Wagner, Lehrbuch der Geographie (1900), i. 586.

44 For details, see A.R. Wallace, Geographical Distribution of Animals and Island Life; A. Heilprin, Geographical and Geological Distribution of Animals (1887); O. Drude, Handbuch der Pflanzengeographie; A. Engler, Entwickelungsgeschichte der Pflanzenwelt; also Beddard, Zoogeography (Cambridge, 1895); and Sclater, The Geography of Mammals (London, 1899).

45 See particularly A. de Lapparent, Traité de géologie (4th ed., Paris, 1900).

46 Estimate for 1900. H. Wagner, Lehrbuch der Geographie, i. P. 658.

47 Estimate for year not stated. A.H. Keane in International Geography, p. 108.

48 In Proc. R. G. S. xiii. (1891) p. 27.

49 On the influence of land on people see Shaler, Nature and Man in America (New York and London, 1892); and Ellen C. Semple’s American History and its Geographic Conditions (Boston, 1903).

50 See maps of density of population in Bartholomew’s great large-scale atlases, Atlas of Scotland and Atlas of England.

51 For the history of territorial changes in Europe, see Freeman, Historical Geography of Europe, edited by Bury (Oxford), 1903; and for the official definition of existing boundaries, see Hertslet, The Map of Europe by Treaty (4 vols., London, 1875, 1891); The Map of Africa by Treaty (3 vols., London, 1896). Also Lord Curzon’s Oxford address on Frontiers (1907).

52 For numerous special instances of the determining causes of town sites, see G.G. Chisholm, “On the Distribution of Towns and Villages in England,” Geographical Journal (1897), ix. 76, x. 511.

53 The whole subject of anthropogeography is treated in a masterly way by F. Ratzel in his Anthropogeographie (Stuttgart, vol. i. 2nd ed., 1899, vol. ii. 1891), and in his Politische Geographie (Leipzig, 1897). The special question of the reaction of man on his environment is handled by G.P. Marsh in Man and Nature, or Physical Geography as modified by Human Action (London, 1864).

54 For commercial geography see G.G. Chisholm, Manual of Commercial Geography (1890).

GEOID (from Gr. γῆ, the earth), an imaginary surface employed by geodesists which has the property that every element of it is perpendicular to the plumb-line where that line cuts it. Compared with the “spheroid of reference” the surface of the geoid is in general depressed over the oceans and raised over the great land masses. (See Earth, Figure of the.)

GEOK-TEPE, a former fortress of the Turkomans, in Russian Transcaspia, in the oasis of Akhal-tekke, on the Transcaspian railway, 28 m. N.W. of Askabad. It consisted of a walled enclosure 1¾ m. in circuit, the wall being 18 ft. high and 20 to 30 ft. thick. In December 1880 the place was attacked by 6000 Russians under General Skobelev, and after a siege of twenty-three days was carried by storm, although the defenders numbered 25,000. A monument and a small museum commemorate the event.

GEOLOGY (from Gr. γῆ, the earth, and λόγος, science), the science which investigates the physical history of the earth. Its object is to trace the structural progress of our planet from the earliest beginnings of its separate existence, through its various stages of growth, down to the present condition of things. It seeks to determine the manner in which the evolution of the earth’s great surface features has been effected. It unravels the complicated processes by which each continent has been built up. It follows, even into detail, the varied sculpture of mountain and valley, crag and ravine. Nor does it confine itself merely to changes in the inorganic world. Geology shows that the present races of plants and animals are the descendants of other and very different races which once peopled the earth. It teaches that there has been a progressive development of the inhabitants, as well as one of the globe on which they have dwelt; that each successive period in the earth’s history, since the introduction of living things, has been marked by characteristic types of the animal and vegetable kingdoms; and that, however imperfectly the remains of these organisms have been preserved or may be deciphered, materials exist for a history of life upon the planet. The geographical distribution of existing faunas and floras is often made clear and intelligible by geological evidence; and in the same way light is thrown upon some of the remoter phases in the history of man himself. A subject so comprehensive as this must require a wide and varied basis of evidence. It is one of the characteristics of geology to gather evidence from sources which at first sight seem far removed from its scope, and to seek aid from almost every other leading branch of science. Thus, in dealing with the earliest conditions of the planet, the geologist must fully avail himself of the labours of the astronomer. Whatever is ascertainable by telescope, spectroscope or chemical analysis, regarding the constitution of other heavenly bodies, has a geological bearing. The experiments of the physicist, undertaken to determine conditions of matter and of energy, may sometimes be taken as the starting-points of geological investigation. The work of the chemical laboratory forms the foundation of a vast and increasing mass of geological inquiry. To the botanist, the zoologist, even to the unscientific, if observant, traveller by land or sea, the geologist turns for information and assistance.

But while thus culling freely from the dominions of other sciences, geology claims as its peculiar territory the rocky framework of the globe. In the materials composing that framework, their composition and arrangement, the processes of their formation, the changes which they have undergone, and the terrestrial revolutions to which they bear witness, lie the main data of geological history. It is the task of the geologist to group these elements in such a way that they may be made to yield up their evidence as to the march of events in the evolution of the planet. He finds that they have in large measure arranged themselves in chronological sequence,—the oldest lying at the bottom and the newest at the top. Relics of an ancient sea-floor are overlain by traces of a vanished land-surface; these are in turn covered by the deposits of a former lake, above which once more appear proofs of the return of the sea. Among these rocky records lie the lavas and ashes of long-extinct volcanoes. The ripple left upon the shore, the cracks formed by the sun’s heat upon the muddy bottom of a dried-up pool, the very imprint of the drops of a passing rainshower, have all been accurately preserved, and yield their evidence as to geographical conditions often widely different from those which exist where such markings are now found.

But it is mainly by the remains of plants and animals imbedded in the rocks that the geologist is guided in unravelling the chronological succession of geological changes. He has found that a certain order of appearance characterizes these organic remains, that each great group of rocks is marked by its own special types of life, and that these types can be recognized, and the rocks in which they occur can be correlated even in distant countries, and where no other means of comparison would be possible. At one moment he has to deal with the bones of some large mammal scattered through a deposit of superficial gravel, at another time with the minute foraminifers and ostracods of an upraised sea-bottom. Corals and crinoids crowded and crushed into a massive limestone where they lived and died, ferns and terrestrial plants matted together into a bed of coal where they originally grew, the scattered shells of a submarine sand-bank, the snails and lizards which lived and died within a hollow-tree, the insects which have been imprisoned within the exuding resin of old forests, the footprints of birds and quadrupeds, the trails of worms left upon former shores—these, and innumerable other pieces of evidence, enable the geologist to realize in some measure what the faunas and floras of successive periods have been, and what geographical changes the site of every land has undergone.

It is evident that to deal successfully with these varied materials, a considerable acquaintance with different branches of science is needful. Especially necessary is a tolerably wide knowledge of the processes now at work in changing the surface of the earth, and of at least those forms of plant and animal life whose remains are apt to be preserved in geological deposits, or which in their structure and habitat enable us to realize what their forerunners were. It has often been insisted that the present is the key to the past; and in a wide sense this assertion is eminently true. Only in proportion as we understand the present, where everything is open on all sides to the fullest investigation, can we expect to decipher the past, where so much is obscure, imperfectly preserved or not preserved at all. A study of the existing economy of nature ought thus to be the foundation of the geologist’s training.

While, however, the present condition of things is thus employed, we must obviously be on our guard against the danger of unconsciously assuming that the phase of nature’s operations which we now witness has been the same in all past time, that geological changes have always or generally taken place in former ages in the manner and on the scale which we behold to-day, and that at the present time all the great geological processes, which have produced changes in the past eras of the earth’s history, are still existent and active. As a working hypothesis we may suppose that the nature of geological processes has remained constant from the beginning; but we cannot postulate that the action of these processes has never varied in energy. The few centuries wherein man has been observing nature obviously form much too brief an interval by which to measure the intensity of geological action in all past time. For aught we can tell the present is an era of quietude and slow change, compared with some of the eras which have preceded it. Nor perhaps can we be quite sure that, when we have explored every geological process now in progress, we have exhausted all the causes of change which, even in comparatively recent times, have been at work.

In dealing with the geological record, as the accessible solid part of the globe is called, we cannot too vividly realize that at the best it forms but an imperfect chronicle. Geological history cannot be compiled from a full and continuous series of documents. From the very nature of its origin the record is necessarily fragmentary, and it has been further mutilated and obscured by the revolutions of successive ages. And even where the chronicle of events is continuous, it is of very unequal value in different places. In one case, for example, it may present us with an unbroken succession of deposits many thousands of feet in thickness, from which, however, only a few meagre facts as to geological history can be gleaned. In another instance it brings before us, within the compass of a few yards, the evidence of a most varied and complicated series of changes in physical geography, as well as an abundant and interesting suite of organic remains. These and other characteristics of the geological record become more apparent and intelligible as we proceed in the study of the science.

Classification.—For systematic treatment the subject may be conveniently arranged in the following parts:—

1. The Historical Development of Geological Science.—Here a brief outline will be given of the gradual growth of geological conceptions from the days of the Greeks and Romans down to modern times, tracing the separate progress of the more important branches of inquiry and noting some of the stages which in each case have led up to the present condition of the science.

2. The Cosmical Aspects of Geology.—This section embraces the evidence supplied by astronomy and physics regarding the form and motions of the earth, the composition of the planets and sun, and the probable history of the solar system. The subjects dealt with under this head are chiefly treated in separate articles.

3. Geognosy.—An inquiry into the materials of the earth’s substance. This division, which deals with the parts of the earth, its envelopes of air and water, its solid crust and the probable condition of its interior, especially treats of the more important minerals of the crust, and the chief rocks of which that crust is built up. Geognosy thus lays a foundation of knowledge regarding the nature of the materials constituting the mass of the globe, and prepares the way for an investigation of the processes by which these materials are produced and altered.

4. Dynamical Geology studies the nature and working of the various geological processes whereby the rocks of the earth’s crust are formed and metamorphosed, and by which changes are effected upon the distribution of sea and land, and upon the forms of terrestrial surfaces. Such an inquiry necessitates a careful examination of the existing geological economy of nature, and forms a fitting introduction to an inquiry into the geological changes of former periods.

5. Geotectonic or Structural Geology has for its object the architecture of the earth’s crust. It embraces an inquiry into the manner in which the various materials composing this crust have been arranged. It shows that some have been formed in beds or strata of sediment on the floor of the sea, that others have been built up by the slow aggregation of organic forms, that others have been poured out in a molten condition or in showers of loose dust from subterranean sources. It further reveals that, though originally laid down in almost horizontal beds, the rocks have subsequently been crumpled, contorted and dislocated, that they have been incessantly worn down, and have often been depressed and buried beneath later accumulations.

6. Palaeontological Geology.—This branch of the subject, starting from the evidence supplied by the organic forms which are found preserved in the crust of the earth, includes such questions as the relations between extinct and living types, the laws which appear to have governed the distribution of life in time and in space, the relative importance of different genera of animals in geological inquiry, the nature and use of the evidence from organic remains regarding former conditions of physical geography. Some of these problems belong also to zoology and botany, and are more fully discussed in the articles Palaeontology and Palaeobotany.

7. Stratigraphical Geology.—This section might be called geological history. It works out the chronological succession of the great formations of the earth’s crust, and endeavours to trace the sequence of events of which they contain the record. More particularly, it determines the order of succession of the various plants and animals which in past time have peopled the earth, and thus ascertains what has been the grand march of life upon this planet.

8. Physiographical Geology, proceeding from the basis of fact laid down by stratigraphical geology regarding former geographical changes, embraces an inquiry into the origin and history of the features of the earth’s surface—continental ridges and ocean basins, plains, valleys and mountains. It explains the causes on which local differences of scenery depend, and shows under what very different circumstances, and at what widely separated intervals, the hills and mountains, even of a single country, have been produced.

Most of the detail embraced in these several sections is relegated to separate articles, to which references are here inserted. The following pages thus deal mainly with the general principles and historical development of the science:—

Part I.—Historical Development

Geological Ideas among the Greeks and Romans.—Many geological phenomena present themselves in so striking a form that they could hardly fail to impress the imagination of the earliest and rudest races of mankind. Such incidents as earthquakes and volcanic eruptions, destructive storms on land and sea, disastrous floods and landslips suddenly strewing valleys with ruin, must have awakened the terror of those who witnessed them. Prominent features of landscape, such as mountain-chains with their snows, clouds and thunderstorms, dark river-chasms that seem purposely cleft open in order to give passage to the torrents that rush through them, crags with their impressive array of pinnacles and recesses must have appealed of old, as they still do, to the awe and wonder of those who for the first time behold them. Again, banks of sea-shells in far inland districts would, in course of time, arrest the attention of the more intelligent and reflective observers, and raise in their minds some kind of surmise as to how such shells could ever have come there. These and other conspicuous geological problems found their earliest solution in legends and myths, wherein the more striking terrestrial features and the elemental forces of nature were represented to be the manifestation of the power of unseen supernatural beings.

The basin of the Mediterranean Sea was especially well adapted, from its physical conditions, to be the birth-place of such fables. It is a region frequently shaken by earthquakes, and contains two distinct centres of volcanic activity, one in the Aegean Sea and one in Italy. It is bounded on the north by a long succession of lofty snow-capped mountain-ranges, whence copious rivers, often swollen by heavy rains or melted snows, carry the drainage into the sea. On the south it boasts the Nile, once so full of mystery; likewise wide tracts of arid desert with their dreaded dust storms. The Mediterranean itself, though an inland sea, is subject to gales, which, on exposed coasts, raise breakers quite large enough to give a vivid impression of the power of ocean waves. The countries that surround this great sheet of water display in many places widely-spread deposits full of sea shells, like those that still live in the neighbouring bays and gulfs. Such a region was not only well fitted to supply subjects for mythology, but also to furnish, on every side, materials which, in their interest and suggestiveness, would appeal to the reason of observant men.

It was natural, therefore, that the early philosophers of Greece should have noted some of these geological features, and should have sought for other explanations of them than those to be found in the popular myths. The opinions entertained in antiquity on these subjects may be conveniently grouped under two heads: (1) Geological processes now in operation, and (2) geological changes in the past.

1. Contemporary Processes.—The geological processes of the present time are partly at work underground and partly on the surface of the earth. The former, from their frequently disastrous character, received much attention from Greek and Earthquakes and volcanoes. Roman authors. Aristotle, in his Meteorics, cites the speculations of several of his predecessors which he rejects in favour of his own opinion to the effect that earthquakes are due to the generation of wind within the earth, under the influence of the warmth of the sun and the internal heat. Wind, being the lightest and most rapidly moving body, is the cause of motion in other bodies, and fire, united with wind, becomes flame, which is endowed with great rapidity of motion. Aristotle looked upon earthquakes and volcanic eruptions as closely connected with each other, the discharge of hot materials to the surface being the result of a severe earthquake, when finally the wind rushes out with violence, and sometimes buries the surrounding country under sparks and cinders, as had happened at Lipari. These crude conceptions of the nature of volcanic action, and the cause of earthquakes, continued to prevail for many centuries. They are repeated by Lucretius, who, however, following Anaximenes, includes as one of the causes of earthquakes the fall of mountainous masses of rock undermined by time, and the consequent propagation of gigantic tremors far and wide through the earth. Strabo, having travelled through the volcanic districts of Italy, was able to recognize that Vesuvius had once been an active volcano, although no eruption had taken place from it within human memory. He continued to hold the belief that volcanic energy arose from the movement of subterranean wind. He believed that the district around the Strait of Messina, which had formerly suffered from destructive earthquakes, was seldom visited by them after the volcanic vents of that region had been opened, so as to provide an escape for the subterranean fire, wind, water and burning masses. He cites in his Geography a number of examples of widespread as well as local sinkings of land, and alludes also to the uprise of the sea-bottom. He likewise regards some islands as having been thrown up by volcanic agency, and others as torn from the mainland by such convulsions as earthquakes.

The most detailed account of earthquake phenomena which has come down to us from antiquity is that of Seneca in his Quaestiones Naturales. This philosopher had been much interested in the accounts given him by survivors and witnesses of the earthquake which convulsed the district of Naples in February A.D. 63. He distinguished several distinct movements of the ground: 1st, the up and down motion (succussio); 2nd, the oscillatory motion (inclinatio); and probably a third, that of trembling or vibration. While admitting that some earthquakes may arise from the collapse of the walls of subterranean cavities, he adhered to the old idea, held by the most numerous and important previous writers, that these commotions are caused mainly by the movements of wind imprisoned within the earth. As to the origin of volcanic outbursts he supposed that the subterranean wind in struggling for an outlet, and whirling through the chasms and passages, meets with great store of sulphur and other combustible substances, which by mere friction are set on fire. The elder Pliny reiterates the commonly accepted opinion as to the efficacy of wind underground. In discussing the phenomena of earthquakes he remarks that towns with many culverts and houses with cellars suffer less than others, and that at Naples those houses are most shaken which stand on hard ground. It thus appears that with regard to subterranean geological operations, no advance was made during the time of the Greeks and Romans as to the theoretical explanation of these phenomena; but a considerable body of facts was collected, especially as to the effects of earthquakes and the occurrence of volcanic eruptions.

The superficial processes of geology, being much less striking than those of subterranean energy, naturally attracted less attention in antiquity. The operations of rivers, however, which so intimately affect a human population, were watched with Action of rivers. more or less care. Herodotus, struck by the amount of alluvial silt brought down annually by the Nile and spread over the flat inundated land, inferred that “Egypt is the gift of the river.” Aristotle, in discussing some of the features of rivers, displays considerable acquaintance with the various drainage-systems on the north side of the Mediterranean basin. He refers to the mountains as condensers of the atmospheric moisture, and shows that the largest rivers rise among the loftiest high grounds. He shows how sensibly the alluvial deposits carried down to the sea increase the breadth of the land, and cites some parts of the shores of the Black Sea, where, in sixty years, the rivers had brought down such a quantity of material that the vessels then in use required to be of much smaller draught than previously, the water shallowing so much that the marshy ground would, in course of time, become dry land. Strabo supplies further interesting information as to the work of rivers in making their alluvial plains and in pushing their deltas seaward. He remarks that these deltas are prevented from advancing farther outward by the ebb and flow of the tides.

2. Past Processes.—The abundant well-preserved marine shells exposed among the upraised Tertiary and post-Tertiary deposits in the countries bordering the Mediterranean are not infrequently alluded to in Greek and Latin literature. Occurrences of fossils. Xenophanes of Colophon (614 B.C.) noticed the occurrence of shells and other marine productions inland among the mountains, and inferred from them that the land had risen out of the sea. A similar conclusion was drawn by Xanthus the Lydian (464 B.C.) from shells like scallops and cockles, which were found far from the sea in Armenia and Lower Phrygia. Herodotus, Eratosthenes, Strato and Strabo noted the vast quantities of fossil shells in different parts of Egypt, together with beds of salt, as evidence that the sea had once spread over the country. But by far the most philosophical opinions on the past mutations of the earth’s surface are those expressed by Aristotle in the treatise already cited. Reviewing the evidence of these changes, he recognized that the sea now covers tracts that were once dry land, and that land will one day reappear where there is now sea. These alternations are to be regarded as following each other in a certain order and periodicity. But they are apt to escape our notice because they require successive periods of time, which, compared with our brief existence, are of enormous duration, and because they are brought about so imperceptibly that we fail to detect them in progress. In a celebrated passage in his Metamorphoses, Ovid puts into the mouth of the philosopher Pythagoras an account of what was probably regarded as the Pythagorean view of the subject in the Augustan age. It affirms the interchange of land and sea, the erosion of valleys by descending rivers, the washing down of mountains into the sea, the disappearance of the rivers and the submergence of land by earthquake movements, the separation of some islands from, and the union of others with, the mainland, the uprise of hills by volcanic action, the rise and extinction of burning mountains. There was a time before Etna began to glow, and the time is coming when the mountain will cease to burn.

From this brief sketch it will be seen that while the ancients had accumulated a good deal of information regarding the occurrence of geological changes, their interpretations of the phenomena were to a considerable extent mere fanciful speculation. They had acquired only a most imperfect conception of the nature and operation of the geological processes; and though many writers realized that the surface of the earth has not always been, and will not always remain, as it is now, they had no glimpse of the vast succession of changes of that surface which have been revealed by geology. They built hypotheses on the slenderest basis of fact, and did not realize the necessity of testing or verifying them.

Progress of Geological Conceptions in the Middle Ages.—During the centuries that succeeded the fall of the Western empire little progress was made in natural science. The schoolmen in the monasteries and other seminaries were content to take their science from the literature of Greece and Rome. The Arabs, however, not only collected and translated that literature, but in some departments made original observations themselves. To one of the most illustrious of their number, Avicenna, the translator of Aristotle, a treatise has been ascribed, in which singularly modern ideas are expressed regarding mountains, some of which are there stated to have been produced by an uplifting of the ground, while others have been left prominent, owing to the wearing away of the softer rocks around them. In either case, it is confessed that the process would demand long tracts of time for its completion.

After the revival of learning the ancient problem presented by fossil shells imbedded in the rocks of the interior of many countries received renewed attention. But the conditions for its solution were no longer what they had been in the days of the philosophers of antiquity. Men were not now free to adopt and teach any doctrine they pleased on the subject. The Christian church had meanwhile arisen to power all over Europe, and adjudged as heretics all who ventured to impugn any of her dogmas. She taught that the land and the sea had been separated on the third day of creation, before the appearance of any animal life, which was not created until the fifth day. To assert that the dry land is made up in great part of rocks that were formed in the sea, and are crowded with the remains of animals, was plainly to impugn the veracity of the Bible. Again, it had come to be the orthodox belief that only somewhere about 6000 years had elapsed since the time of Adam and Eve. If any thoughtful observer, impressed with the overwhelming force of the evidence that the fossiliferous formations of the earth’s crust must have taken long periods of time for their accumulation, ventured to give public expression to his conviction, he ran considerable risk of being proceeded against as a heretic. It was needful, therefore, to find some explanation of the facts of nature, which would not run counter to the ecclesiastical system of the day. Various such interpretations were proposed, doubtless in an honest endeavour at reconciliation. Three of these deserve special notice: (1) Many able observers and diligent collectors of fossils persuaded themselves that these objects never belonged to organisms of any kind, but should be regarded as mere “freaks of nature,” having no more connexion with any once living creature than the frost patterns on a window. They were styled “formed” or “figured” stones, “lapides sui generis,” and were asserted to be due to some inorganic imitative process within the earth or to the influence of the stars. (2) Observers who could not resist the evidence of their senses that the fossil shells once belonged to living animals, and who, at the same time, felt the necessity of accounting for the presence of marine organisms in the rocks of which the dry land is largely built up, sought a way out of the difficulty by invoking the Deluge of Noah. Here was a catastrophe which, they said, extended over the whole globe, and by which the entire dry land was submerged even up to the tops of the high hills. True, it only lasted one hundred and fifty days, but so little were the facts then appreciated that no difficulty seems to have been generally felt in crowding the accumulation of the thousands of feet of fossiliferous formations into that brief space of time. (3) Some more intelligent men in Italy, recognizing that these interpretations could not be upheld, fell back upon the idea that the rocks in which fossil shells are imbedded might have been heaped up by repeated and vigorous eruptions from volcanic centres. Certain modern eruptions in the Aegean Sea and in the Bay of Naples had drawn attention to the rapidity with which hills of considerable size could be piled around an active crater. It was argued that if Monte Nuovo near Naples could have been accumulated to a height of nearly 500 ft. in two days, there seemed to be no reason against believing that, during the time of the Flood, and in the course of the centuries that have elapsed since that event, the whole of the fossiliferous rocks might have been deposited. Unfortunately for this hypothesis it ignored the fact that these rocks do not consist of volcanic materials.

So long as the fundamental question remained in dispute as to the true character and history of the stratified portion of the earth’s crust containing organic remains, geology as a science could not begin its existence. The diluvialists (those who relied on the hypothesis of the Flood) held the field during the 16th, 17th and a great part of the 18th century. They were looked on as the champions of orthodoxy; and, on that account, they doubtless wielded much more influence than would have been gained by them from the force of their arguments. Yet during those ages there were not wanting occasional observers who did good service in combating the prevalent misconceptions, and in preparing the way for the ultimate triumph of truth. It was more especially in Italy, where many of the more striking phenomena of geology are conspicuously displayed, that the early pioneers of the science arose, and that for several generations the most marked progress was made towards placing the investigations of the past history of the earth upon a basis of careful observation and scientific deduction. One of the first of Leonardo da Vinci; Fracastorio; Falloppio. these leaders was Leonardo da Vinci (1452-1519), who, besides his achievements in painting, sculpture, architecture and engineering, contributed some notable observations regarding the great problem of the origin of fossil shells. He ridiculed the notion that these objects could have been formed by the influence of the stars, and maintained that they had once belonged to living organisms, and therefore that what is now land was formerly covered by the sea. Girolamo Fracastorio (1483-1553) claimed that the shells could never have been left by the Flood, which was a mere temporary inundation, but that they proved the mountains, in which they occur, to have been successively uplifted out of the sea. On the other hand, even an accomplished anatomist like Gabriello Falloppio (1523-1562) found it easier to believe that the bones of elephants, teeth of sharks, shells and other fossils were mere earthy inorganic concretions, than that the waters of Noah’s Flood could ever nave reached as far as Italy.

By much the most important member of this early band of Italian writers was undoubtedly Nicolas Steno (1631-1687), who, though born in Copenhagen, ultimately settled in Florence. Having made a European reputation as an anatomist, Nicolas Steno. his attention was drawn to geological problems by finding that the rocks of the north of Italy contained what appeared to be sharks’ teeth closely resembling those of a dog-fish, of which he had published the anatomy. Cautiously at first, for fear of offending orthodox opinions, but afterwards more boldly, he proclaimed his conviction that those objects had once been part of living animals, and that they threw light on some of the past history of the earth. He published in 1669 a small tract, De solido intra solidum naturaliter contento, in which he developed the ideas he had formed of this history from an attentive study of the rocks. He showed that the stratified formations of the hills and valleys consist of such materials as would be laid down in the form of sediment in turbid water; that where they contain marine productions this water is proved to have been the sea; that diversities in their composition point to commingling of currents, carrying different kinds of sediment of which the heaviest would first sink to the bottom. He made original and important observations on stratification, and laid down some of the fundamental axioms in stratigraphy. He reasoned that as the original position of strata was approximately horizontal, when they are found to be steeply inclined or vertical, or bent into arches, they have been disrupted by subterranean exhalations, or by the falling in of the roofs of underground cavernous spaces. It is to this alteration of the original position of the strata that the inequalities of the earth’s surface, such as mountains, are to be ascribed, though some have been formed by the outburst of fire, ashes and stones from inside the earth. Another effect of the dislocation has been to provide fissures, which serve as outlets for springs. Steno’s anatomical training peculiarly fitted him for dealing authoritatively with the question of the nature and origin of the fossils contained in the rocks. He had no hesitation in affirming that, even if no shells had ever been found living in the sea, the internal structure of these fossils would demonstrate that they once formed parts of living animals. And not only shells, but teeth, bones and skeletons of many kinds of fishes had been quarried out of the rocks, while some of the strata had skulls, horns and teeth of land-animals. Illustrating his general principles by a sketch of what he supposed to have been the past history of Tuscany, he added a series of diagrams which show how clearly he had conceived the essential elements of stratigraphy. He thought he could perceive the records of six successive phases in the evolution of the framework of that country, and was inclined to believe that a similar chronological sequence would be found all over the world. He anticipated the objections that would be brought against his views on account of the insuperable difficulty in granting the length of time that would be required for all the geographical vicissitudes which his interpretation required. He thought that many of the fossils must be as old as the time of the general deluge, but he was careful not to indulge in any speculation as to the antiquity of the earth.

To the Italian school, as especially typified in Steno, must be assigned the honour of having thus begun to lay firmly and truly the first foundation stones of the modern science of geology. The same school included Antonio Vallisneri Lazzaro Moro. (1661-1730), who surpassed his predecessors in his wider and more exact knowledge of the fossiliferous rocks that form the backbone of the Italian peninsula, which he contended were formed during a wide and prolonged submergence of the region, altogether different from the brief deluge of Noah. There was likewise Lazzaro Moro (1687-1740), who did good service against the diluvialists, but the fundamental feature of his system of nature lay in the preponderant part which, unaware of the great difference between volcanic materials and ordinary sediment, he assigned to volcanic action in the production of the sedimentary rocks of the earth’s crust. He supposed that in the beginning the globe was completely surrounded with water, beneath which the solid earth lay as a smooth ball. On the third day of creation, however, vast fires were kindled inside the globe, whereby the smooth surface of stone was broken up, and portions of it, appearing above the water, formed the earliest land. From that time onward, volcanic eruptions succeeded each other, not only on the emerged land, but on the sea-floor, over which the ejected material spread in an ever augmenting thickness of sedimentary strata. In this way Moro carried the history of the stratified rocks beyond the time of the Flood back to the Creation, which was supposed to have been some 1600 years earlier; and he brought it down to the present day, when fresh sedimentary deposits are continually accumulating. He thus incurred no censure from the ecclesiastical guardians of the faith, and he succeeded in attracting increased public attention to the problems of geology. The influence of his teaching, however, was subsequently in great part due to the Carmelite friar Generelli, who published an eloquent exposition of Moro’s views.

The Cosmogonists and Theories of the Earth.—While in Italy substantial progress was made in collecting information regarding the fossiliferous formations of that country, and in forming conclusions concerning them based upon more or less accurate observations, the tendency to mere fanciful speculation, which could not be wholly repressed in any country, reached a remarkable extravagance in England. In proportion as materials were yet lacking from which to construct a history of the evolution of our planet in accordance with the teaching of the church, imagination supplied the place of ascertained fact, and there appeared during the last twenty years of the 18th century a group of English cosmogonists, who, by the sensational character of their speculations, aroused general attention both in Britain and on the continent. It may be doubted, however, whether the effect of their writings was not to hinder the advance of true science by diverting men from the observation of nature into barren controversy over unrealities. It is not needful here to do more than mention the names of Thomas Burnet, whose Sacred Theory of the Earth appeared in 1681, and William Whiston, whose New Theory of the Earth was published in 1696. Hardly less fanciful than these writers, though his practical acquaintance with rocks and fossils was infinitely greater, was John Woodward, whose Essay towards a Natural History of the Earth dates from 1695. More important as a contribution to science was the catalogue of the large collection of fossils, which he had made from the rocks of England and which he bequeathed to the university of Cambridge. This catalogue appeared in 1728-1729 with the title of An attempt towards a Natural History of the Fossils of England.

A striking contrast to these cosmogonists is furnished by another group, which arose in France and Germany, and gave to the world the first rational ideas concerning the probable primeval evolution of our globe. The earliest of these pioneers was Descartes. the illustrious philosopher René Descartes (1596-1650). He propounded a scheme of cosmical development in which he represented the earth, like the other planets, to have been originally a mass of glowing material like the sun, and to have gradually cooled on the outside, while still retaining an incandescent, self-luminous nucleus. Yet with this noble conception, which modern science has accepted, Descartes could not shake himself free from the time-honoured error in regard to the origin of volcanic action. He thought that certain exhalations within the earth condense into oil, which, when in violent motion, enters into the subterranean cavities, where it passes into a kind of smoke. This smoke is from time to time ignited by a spark of fire and, pressing violently against its containing walls, gives rise to earthquakes. If the flame breaks through to the surface at the top of a mountain, it may escape with enormous energy, hurling forth much earth mingled with sulphur or bitumen, and thus producing a volcano. The mountain might burn for a long time until at last its store of fuel in the shape of sulphur or bitumen would be exhausted. Not only did the philosopher refrain from availing himself of the high internal temperature of the globe as the source of volcanic energy, he even did not make use of it as the cause of the ignition of his supposed internal fuel, but speculated on the kindling of the subterranean fires by the spirits or gases setting fire to the exhalations, or by the fall of masses of rock and the sparks produced by their friction or percussion.

The ideas of Descartes regarding planetary evolution were enlarged and made more definite by Wilhelm Gottfried Leibnitz (1646-1716), whose teaching has largely influenced all subsequent speculation on the subject. In his great tract, the Protogaea (published in 1749, Leibnitz. thirty-three years after his death), he traced the probable passage of our earth from an original condition of incandescent vapour into that of a smooth molten globe, which, by continuous cooling, acquired an external solid crust and rugose surface. He thought that the more ancient rocks, such as granite and gneiss, might be portions of the earliest outer crust; and that as the external solidification advanced, immense subterranean cavities were left which were filled with air and water. By the collapse of the roofs of these caverns, valleys might be originated at the surface, while the solid intervening walls would remain in place and form mountains. By the disruption of the crust, enormous bodies of water were launched over the surface of the earth, which swept vast quantities of sediment together, and thus gave rise to sedimentary deposits. After many vicissitudes of this kind, the terrestrial forces calmed down, and a more stable condition of things was established.

An important feature in the cosmogony of Leibnitz is the prominent place which he assigned to organic remains in the stratified rocks of the crust. Ridiculing the foolish attempts to account for the presence of these objects by calling them “sports of nature,” he showed that they are to be regarded as historical monuments; and he adduced a number of instances wherein successive platforms of strata, containing organic remains, bear witness to a series of advances and retreats of the sea. He recognized that some of the fossils appeared to have nothing like them in the living world of to-day, but some analogous forms might yet be found, he thought, in still unexplored parts of the earth; and even if no living representatives should ever be discovered, many types of animals might have undergone transformation during the great changes which had affected the surface of the earth. In spite of his clear realization of the vast store of potential energy residing within the highly heated interior of the earth, Leibnitz continued to regard volcanic action as due to the combustion of inflammable substances enclosed within the terrestrial crust, such as stone-coal, naphtha and sulphur.

Appealing to a much wider public than Descartes or Leibnitz, and basing his speculations on a wider acquaintance with the organic and inorganic realms of nature, G.L.L. de Buffon (1707-1788) was undoubtedly one of the most influential forces Buffon. that in Europe guided the growth of geological ideas during the 18th century. He published in 1749 a Theory of the Earth, in which he adopted views similar to those of Descartes and Leibnitz as to planetary evolution; but though he realized the importance of fossils as records of former conditions of the earth’s surface, he accounted for them by supposing that they had been deposited from a universal ocean, a large part of which had subsequently been engulfed into caverns in the interior of the globe. Thirty years later, after having laboured with skill and enthusiasm in all branches of natural history, he published another work, his famous Époques de la nature (1778), which is specially remarkable as the first attempt to deal with the history of the earth in a chronological manner, and to compute, on a basis of experiment, the antiquity of the several stages of this history. His experiments were made with globes of cast iron, and could not have yielded results of any value for his purpose; but in so far as his calculations were not mere random guesses but had some kind of foundation on experiment, they deserve respectful recognition. He divided the history of our earth into six periods of unequal duration, the whole comprising a period of some 70,000 or 75,000 years. He supposed that the stage of incandescence, before the globe had consolidated to the centre, lasted 2936 years, and that about 35,000 years elapsed before the surface had cooled sufficiently to be touched, and therefore to be capable of supporting living things. Terrestrial animal life, however, was not introduced until 55,000 or 60,000 years after the beginning of the world or about 15,000 years before our time. Looking into the future, he foresaw that, by continued refrigeration, our globe will eventually become colder than ice, and this fair face of nature, with its manifold varieties of plant and animal life, will perish after having existed for 132,000 years.

Buffon’s conception of the operation of the geological agents did not become broader or more accurate in the interval between the appearance of his two treatises. He still continued to believe in the lowering of the ocean by subsidence into vast subterranean cavities, with a consequent emergence of land. He still looked on volcanoes as due to the burning of “pyritous and combustible stones,” though he now called in the co-operation of electricity. He calculated that the first volcanoes could not arise until some 50,000 years after the beginning of the world, by which time a sufficient extent of dense vegetation had been buried in the earth to supply them with fuel. He appears to have had but an imperfect acquaintance with the literature of his own time. At least there can be little doubt that had he availed himself of the labours of his own countryman, Jean Etienne Guettard (1715-1786), of Giovanni Arduíno (1714-1795) in Italy, and of Johann Gottlob Lehmann (d. 1767) and George Christian Füchsel (1722-1773) in Germany, he would have been able to give to his “epochs” a more definite succession of events and a greater correspondence with the facts of nature.

Among the writers of the 18th century, who formed philosophical conceptions of the system of processes by which the life of our earth as a habitable globe is carried on, a foremost place must be assigned to James Hutton (1726-1797). Educated for the medical profession, James Hutton. he studied at Edinburgh and at Paris, and took his doctor’s degree at Leiden. But having inherited a small landed property in Berwickshire, he took to agriculture, and after putting his land into excellent order, let his farm and betook himself to Edinburgh, there to gratify the scientific tastes which he had developed early in life. He had been more especially led to study minerals and rocks, and to meditate on the problems which they suggest as to the constitution and history of the earth. His journeys in Britain and on the continent of Europe had furnished him with material for reflection; and he had gradually evolved a system or theory in which all the scattered facts could be arranged so as to show their mutual dependence and their place in the orderly mechanism of the world. He used to discuss his views with one or two of his friends, but refrained from publishing them to the world until, on the foundation of the Royal Society of Edinburgh, he communicated an outline of his doctrine to that learned body in 1785. Some years later he expanded this first essay into a larger work in two volumes, which were published in 1795 with the title of Theory of the Earth, with Proofs and Illustrations.

Hutton’s teaching has exercised a profound influence on modern geology. This influence, however, has arisen less from his own writings than from the account of his doctrines given by his friend John Playfair in the classic work entitled John Playfair. Illustrations of the Huttonian Theory, published in 1802. Hutton wrote in so prolix and obscure a style as rather to repel than attract readers. Playfair, on the other hand, expressed himself in such clear and graceful language as to command general attention, and to gain wide acceptance for his master’s views. Unlike the older cosmogonists, Hutton refrained from trying to explain the origin of things, and from speculations as to what might possibly have been the early history of our globe. He determined from the outset to interpret the past by what can be seen to be the present order of nature; and he refused to admit the operation of causes which cannot be shown to be part of the actual terrestrial system. Like other observers who had preceded him, he recognized in the various rocks composing the dry land evidence of former geographical conditions very different from those which now prevail. He saw that the vast majority of rocks consist of hardened sediments and must have been deposited in the sea. He could distinguish among them an older or Primary series, and a younger or Secondary series; and did not dispute the existence of a Tertiary series claimed by Peter Simon Pallas (1741-1811). He believed that these various aqueous accumulations had been consolidated by subterranean heat, that the oldest and lowest rocks had suffered most from this action, that into these more deep-seated masses subsequent veins and larger bodies of molten matter were injected from below, and thus that what was originally loose detritus eventually became changed in such crystalline schists as are now found in mountain-chains. In the course of these terrestrial revolutions sedimentary strata, originally more or less nearly horizontal, have been pushed upward, dislocated, crumpled, placed on end, and even elevated to form ranges of lofty mountains. Hutton looked upon these disturbances as due to the expansive power of subterranean heat; but he did not attempt to sketch the mechanism of the process, and he expressly declined to offer any conjecture as to how the land so elevated remains in that position. He thought that the interior of our planet may “be a fluid mass, melted, but unchanged by the action of heat”; and, far from connecting volcanoes with the combustion of inflammable substances, as had been the prevalent belief for so many centuries, he looked upon them as a beneficent provision of “spiracles to the subterranean furnace, in order to prevent the unnecessary elevation of land and fatal effects of earthquakes.”

A distinguishing feature of the Huttonian philosophy is to be seen in the breadth of its conceptions regarding the geological operations continually in progress on the surface of the globe. Hutton saw that the land is undergoing a ceaseless process of degradation, through the influence of the air, frost, rain, rivers and the sea, and that in course of time, if no countervailing agency should intervene, the whole of the dry land will be washed away into the sea. But he also perceived that this universal erosion is not everywhere carried on at the same rate; that it is specially active along the channels of torrents and rivers, and that, owing to this difference these channels are gradually deepened and widened, until the complicated valley-system of a country is carved out. He recognized that the detritus worn away from the land must be spread out over the floor of the sea, so as to form there strata similar to those that compose most of the dry land. As he could detect in the structure of land convincing evidence that former sea floors had been elevated to form the continents and islands of to-day, he could look forward to future ages, when the same subterranean agency which had raised up the present land would again be employed to uplift the bed of the existing ocean, thus to renew the surface of our earth as a habitable globe, and to start a fresh cycle of erosion and deposition.

Though Hutton was not unaware that organic remains abound in many of the stratified rocks, he left them out of consideration in the elaboration of his theory. It was otherwise with one of his French contemporaries, the illustrious J.B. Lamarck. Lamarck (1744-1829), who, after having attained great eminence as a botanist, turned to zoology when he was nearly fifty years of age, and before long rose to even greater distinction in that department of science. His share in the classification and description of the mollusca and in founding invertebrate palaeontology, his theory of organic evolution and his philosophical treatment of many biological questions have been tardily recognized, but his contributions to geology have been less generally acknowledged. When he accepted the “professorship of zoology; of insects, of worms and of microscopic animals” at the Museum of Natural History, Paris, in 1793, he at once entered with characteristic ardour and capacity into the new field of research then opened to him. In dealing with the mollusca he considered not merely the living but also the extinct forms, especially the abundant, varied and well-preserved genera and species furnished by the Tertiary deposits of the Paris basin, of which he published descriptions and plates that proved of essential service in the stratigraphical work of Cuvier and Alexandre Brongniart (1770-1847). His labours among these relics of ancient seas and lakes led him to ponder over the past history of the globe, and as he was seldom dilatory in making known the opinions he had formed, he communicated some of his conclusions to the National Institute in 1799. These, including a further elaboration of his views, he published in 1802 in a small volume entitled Hydrogéologie.

This treatise, though it did not reach a second edition and has never been reprinted, deserves an honourable place in geological literature. Its object, the author states, was to present some important and novel considerations, which he thought should form the basis of a true theory of the earth. He entirely agreed with the doctrine of the subaerial degradation of the land and the erosion of valleys by running water. Not even Playfair could have stated this doctrine more emphatically, and it is worthy of notice that Playfair’s Illustrations of the Huttonian Theory appeared in the same year with Lamarck’s book. The French naturalist, however, carried his conclusions so far as to take no account of any great movements of the terrestrial crust, which might have produced or modified the main physical features of the surface of the globe. He thought that all mountains, except such as were thrown up by volcanic agency or local accidents, have been cut out of plains, the original surfaces of which are indicated by the crests and summits of these elevations.

Lamarck, in reflecting upon the wide diffusion of fossil shells and the great height above the sea at which they are found, conceived the extraordinary idea that the ocean basin has been scoured out by the sea, and that, by an impulse communicated to the waters through the influence chiefly of the moon, the sea is slowly eating away the eastern margins of the continents, and throwing up detritus on their western coasts, and is thus gradually shifting its basin round the globe. He would not admit the operation of cataclysms; but insisted as strongly as Hutton on the continuity of natural processes, and on the necessity of explaining former changes of the earth’s surface by causes which can still be seen to be in operation. As might be anticipated from his previous studies, he brought living things and their remains into the forefront of his theory of the earth. He looked upon fossils as one of the chief means of comprehending the revolutions which the surface of the earth has undergone; and in his little volume he again and again dwells on the vast antiquity to which these revolutions bear witness. He acutely argues, from the condition of fossil shells, that they must have lived and died where their remains are now found.

In the last part of his treatise Lamarck advances some peculiar opinions in physics and chemistry, which he had broached eighteen years before, but which had met with no acceptance among the scientific men of his time. He believed that the tendency of all compound substances is to decay, and thereby to be resolved into their component constituents. Yet he saw that the visible crust of the earth consists almost wholly of compound bodies. He therefore set himself to solve the problem thus presented. Perceiving that the biological action of living organisms is constantly forming combinations of matter, which would never have otherwise come into existence, he proceeded to draw the extraordinary conclusion that the action of plant and animal life (the Pouvoir de la vie) upon the inorganic world is so universal and so potent, that the rocks and minerals which form the outer part of the earth’s crust are all, without exception, the result of the operations of once living bodies. Though this sweeping deduction must be allowed to detract from the value of Lamarck’s work, there can be no doubt that he realized, more fully than any one had done before him, the efficacy of plants and animals as agents of geological change.

The last notable contributor to the cosmological literature of geology was another illustrious Frenchman, the comparative anatomist Cuvier (1769-1832). He was contemporary with Lamarck, but of a very different type of mind. The Cuvier. brilliance of his speculations, and the charm with which he expounded them, early gained for him a prominent place in the society of Paris. He too was drawn by his zoological studies to investigate fossil organic remains, and to consider the former conditions of the earth’s surface, of which they are memorials. It was among the vertebrate organisms of the Paris basin that he found his chief material, and from them that he prepared the memoirs which led to him being regarded as the founder of vertebrate palaeontology. But beyond their biological interest, they awakened in him a keen desire to ascertain the character and sequence of the geographical revolutions to which they bear witness. He approached the subject from an opposite and less philosophical point of view than that of Lamarck, coming to it with certain preconceived notions, which affected all his subsequent writings. While Lamarck was by instinct an evolutionist, who sought to trace in the history of the past the operation of the same natural processes as are still at work, Cuvier, on the other hand, was a catastrophist, who invoked a succession of vast cataclysms to account for the interruptions in the continuity of the geological record.

In a preliminary Discourse prefixed to his Recherches sur les ossemens fossiles (1821) Cuvier gave an outline of what he conceived to have been the past history of our globe, so far as he had been able to comprehend it from his investigations of the Tertiary formations of France. He believed that in that history evidence can be recognized of the occurrence of many sudden and disastrous revolutions, which, to judge from their effects on the animal life of the time, must have exceeded in violence anything we can conceive at the present day, and must have been brought about by other agencies than those which are now in operation. Yet, in spite of these catastrophes, he saw that there has been an upward progress in the animal forms inhabiting the globe, until the series ended in the advent of man. He could not, however, find any evidence that one species has been developed from another, for in that case there should have been traces of intermediate forms among the stratified formations, where he affirmed that they had never been found. A prominent position in the Discourse is given to a strenuous argument to disprove the alleged antiquity of some nations, and to show that the last great catastrophe occurred not more than some 5000 or 6000 years ago. Cuvier thus linked himself with those who in previous generations had contended for the efficacy of the Deluge. But his researches among fossil animals had given him a far wider outlook into the geological past, and had opened up to him a succession of deeply interesting problems in the history of life upon the earth, which, though he had not himself material for their solution, he could foresee would be cleared up in the future.

Gradual Shaping of Geology into a Distinct Branch of Science.—It will be seen from the foregoing historical sketch that it was only after the lapse of long centuries, and from the labours of many successive generations of observers and writers, that what we now know as the science of geology came to be recognized as a distinct department of natural knowledge, founded upon careful and extended study of the structure of the earth, and upon observation of the natural processes, which are now at work in changing the earth’s surface. The term “geology,”1 descriptive of this branch of the investigation of nature, was not proposed until the last quarter of the 18th century by Jean André De Luc (1727-1817) and Horace Benedict De Saussure (1740-1749). But the science was then in a markedly half-formed condition, theoretical speculation still in large part supplying the place of deductions from a detailed examination of actual fact. In 1807 a few enterprising spirits founded the Geological Society of London for the special purpose of counteracting the prevalent tendency and confining their intention “to investigate the mineral structure of the earth.” The cosmogonists and framers of Theories of the Earth were succeeded by other schools of thought. The Catastrophists saw in the composition of the crust of the earth distinct evidence that the forces of nature were once much more stupendous in their operation than they now are, and that they had from time to time devastated the earth’s surface; extirpating the races of plants and animals, and preparing the ground for new creations of organized life. Then came the Uniformitarians, who, pushing the doctrines of Hutton to an extreme which he did not propose, saw no evidence that the activity of the various geological causes has ever seriously differed from what it is at present. They were inclined to disbelieve that the stratified formations of the earth’s crust furnish conclusive evidence of a gradual progression, from simple types of life in the oldest strata to the most highly developed forms in the youngest; and saw no reason why remains of the higher vertebrates should not be met with among the Palaeozoic formations. Sir Charles Lyell (1797-1875) was the great leader of this school. His admirably clear and philosophical presentations of geological facts which, with unwearied industry, he collected from the writings of observers in all parts of the world, impressed his views upon the whole English-speaking world, and gave to geological science a coherence and interest which largely accelerated its progress. In his later years, however, he frankly accepted the views of Darwin in regard to the progressive character of the geological record.

The youngest of the schools of geological thought is that of the Evolutionists. Pointing to the whole body of evidence from inorganic and organic nature, they maintain that the history of our planet has been one of continual and unbroken development from the earliest cosmical beginnings down to the present time, and that the crust of the earth contains an abundant, though incomplete, record of the successive stages through which the plant and animal kingdoms have reached their existing organization. The publication of Darwin’s Origin of Species in 1859, in which evolution was made the key to the history of the animal and vegetable kingdoms, produced an extraordinary revolution in geological opinion. The older schools of thought rapidly died out, and evolution became the recognized creed of geologists all over the world.

Development of Opinion regarding Igneous Rocks.—So long as the idea prevailed that volcanoes are caused by the combustion of inflammable substances underground, there could be no rational conception of volcanic action and its products. Even so late as the middle of the 18th century, as above remarked, such a good observer as Lazzaro Moro drew so little distinction between volcanic and other rocks that he could believe the fossiliferous formations to have been mainly formed of materials ejected from eruptive vents. After his time the notion continued to prevail that all the rocks which form the dry land were laid down under water. Even streams of lava, which were seen to flow from an active crater, were regarded only as portions of sedimentary or other rocks, which had been melted by the fervent heat of the burning inflammable materials that had been kindled underground. In spite of the speculations of Descartes and Leibnitz, it was not yet generally comprehended that there exists beneath the terrestrial crust a molten magma, which, from time to time, has been injected into that crust, and has pierced through it, so as to escape at the surface with all the energy of an active volcano. What we now recognize to be memorials of these former injections and propulsions were all confounded with the rocks of unquestionably aqueous origin. The last great teacher by whom these antiquated doctrines were formulated into a system Werner. and promulgated to the world was Abraham Gottlob Werner (1749-1815), the most illustrious German mineralogist and geognost of the second half of the 18th century. While still under twenty-six years of age, he was appointed teacher of mining and mineralogy at the Mining Academy of Freiberg in Saxony—a post which he continued to fill up to the end of his life. Possessed of great enthusiasm for his subject, clear, methodical and eloquent in his exposition of it, he soon drew around him men from all parts of the world, who repaired to study under the great oracle of what he called geognosy (Gr. γῆ, the earth, γνῶσις, knowledge) or earth-knowledge. Reviving doctrines that had been current long before his time, he taught that the globe was once completely surrounded with an ocean, from which the rocks of the earth’s crust were deposited as chemical precipitates, in a certain definite order over the whole planet. Among these “universal formations” of aqueous origin were included many rocks, which have long been recognized to have been once molten, and to have risen from below into the upper parts of the terrestrial crust. Werner, following the old tradition, looked upon volcanoes as modern features in the history of the planet, which could not have come into existence until a sufficient amount of vegetation had been buried to furnish fuel for their maintenance. Hence he attached but little importance to them, and did not include in his system of rocks any division of volcanic or igneous materials. From the predominant part assigned by him to the sea in the accumulation of the materials of the visible part of the earth, Werner and his school were known as “Neptunists.”

But many years before the Saxon professor began to teach, clear evidence had been produced from central France that basalt, one of the rocks claimed by him as a chemical precipitate and a universal formation, is a lava which has been poured Origin of basalt. out in a molten state at various widely separated periods of time and at many different places. So far back as 1752 J.E. Guettard (1715-1786) had shown that the basaltic rocks of Auvergne are true lavas, which have flowed out in streams from groups of once active cones. Eleven years later the observation was confirmed and greatly extended by Nicholas Desmarest (1725-1815), who, during a long course of years, worked out and mapped the complicated volcanic records of that interesting region, and demonstrated to all who were willing impartially to examine the evidence the true volcanic nature of basalt. These views found acceptance from some observers, but they were vehemently opposed by the followers of Werner, who, by the force of his genius, made his theoretical conceptions predominate all over Europe. The controversy as to the origin of basalt was waged with great vigour during the later decades of the 18th century. Desmarest took no part in it. He had accumulated such conclusive proof of the correctness of his deductions, and had so fully expounded the clearness of the evidence in their favour furnished by the region of Auvergne, that, when any one came to consult him on the subject, he contented himself with giving the advice to “go and see.” While the debate was in progress on the continent, the subject was approached from a new and independent point of view by Hutton in Scotland. This illustrious philosopher, as already stated, realized the importance of the internal heat of the globe in consolidating the sedimentary rocks, and believed that molten material from the earth’s interior has been protruded from below into the overlying crust. Some of the material thus injected could be recognized, he thought, in granite and in the various dark massive rocks which, known in Scotland under the name of “whinstone,” were afterwards called “Trap,” and are now grouped under various names, such as basalt, dolerite and diorite. So important a share did Hutton thus assign to the internal heat in the geological evolution of the planet, that he and those who adopted the same opinions were styled “Plutonists,” or, especially where they concerned themselves with the volcanic origin of basalt, “Vulcanists.” The geological world was thus divided into two hostile camps, that of the Neptunists or Wernerians, and that of the Plutonists, Vulcanists or Huttonians.