Commodore ANSON’s VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. (continued 2)

The 28th, at nine in the morning, we parted with the Trial and both the prizes.

The 30th we saw the main land of Chili. This day we began to exercise our people with small arms, which was the first time we had done it since we came into those seas, and which we continued at all proper opportunities during the voyage.

On the 1st of October we came in sight of the high land of Valparaiso, bearing N. E. half E. at the distance of about 14 leagues. This city lies in the latitude of 32 deg. 58 min. S. its longitude from London is by my account 80 deg. 37 min. W.

On the 5th, the Commodore, being informed that there were murmurings amongst the people, because the prize-money was not immediately divided, ordered the articles of war to be read; and after that remonstrated to them on the danger of mutiny, and said he had heard the reason of their discontent, but assured them their properties were secured by act of parliament as firmly as any one’s own inheritance, and that the money, plate, &c. were weighed and marked in public; so that any capable person, if he pleased, might take an inventory of the whole. He then read an account of the particulars, and told them they might (if they pleased) make choice of any person to take an inventory for them, or buy their parts. This spread a visible joy, and gave content to every one. We continued cruising off the coast of Valparaiso till the 8th, when at twelve at night we broke the main-top-sail-yard in the slings, on which we unbent the top-sail and got down the broken yard. At ten in the morning we saw the high land of Choapa, and over it the Cordillera mountains, being part of that long ridge of mountains called the Andes, which run from one end of South America to the other, appearing excessively high, with their tops covered with snow.

The 14th we crossed the south Tropic to the northward, and from this time, till we were some degrees to the northward of the Equator, met with nothing but fair weather and a smooth sea.

The 21st, at noon, the high land of Morro Quemado bore E. by N. at the distance of four leagues; and here we continued cruising off and on till Nov. 2, when, about six in the morning, we saw two sail of ships standing towards us; upon which we made a clear ship, and immediately gave them chace, when we soon perceived that they were the Trial and Centurion prizes. As we had the wind of them, we brought to, and waited their coming up, when Captain Saunders came on board, and acquainted the Commodore that he had cleared the Trial pursuant to his orders, and having scuttled her, he remained by her till she sunk; but that it was not till the 4th of October before this was effected, by reason of the great swell and hollow sea; that, during his attendance on the sloop, they were all driven so far to leeward, that they were afterwards obliged to stretch a long way to the westward, to regain the ground they had lost; that in their cruise they had met no prize, nor had seen any vessel on all the coast.

Nov. the 3d, at five in the evening, the island of Asia, in lat. 13 deg. 5 min. S. long. 84 deg. 43 min. W. bore from us N. E. by E. distance five leagues.

The 5th, at four in the evening, we saw the high land of Barranca, bearing N. E. by E. distant eight or nine leagues; and half an hour after we saw a sail to the northward, to whom we gave chace, and cleared our ship for engaging. At 10 in the evening we came up with her, fired eight guns, and took her. She came from Guaiaquil, and was bound for Callao, with timber, cacao, cordage, tobacco, cacao-nuts, and a small trunk with bale goods; all of little value to us, though a very considerable loss to the Spaniards. She was called the Santa Teresa, commanded by Don Bartolo Urrunaga, with between 30 and 40 people on board, passengers included, and five or six women, besides children. Our Third Lieutenant, two other officers, and a party of sailors, were sent on board to command and take care of her; and our other prizes being far a-stern, occasioned by our chasing this ship, we lay by till four the next morning, and fired a gun every hour as a signal for their joining us. This day I find, by the difference of our dead reckoning and observations, a current to set along this coast to the northward of near a mile an hour.

The 7th, we were employed in getting aboard several necessary stores, as planks, cordage, and the like, from our last prize, for the use of the squadron. The sea here appeared for several miles of a blood-red colour, which the prisoners informed us was common in those parts, and of which mention has been made more than once already in this work. This day we found aboard the prize, in specie and plate, 50 pounds averdupois weight.

The 9th, we brought from on board the Teresa 10 serons of cacao, one of wax, and 180 fathom of three and a half rope.

The 10th, we brought from on board our first prize the Carmelo, the following goods, viz. cloth two bales, bays five ditto, sugar 182 loaves, straw mats two, tar one skin, raisins three bales, indigo four serons, cotton cloth one bale, hats two cases, and 25 loose ones, skins one parcel, chocolate one bag, camlet one bale and two parcels, silks one box, lead four pigs, and combs one small parcel.

The 12th, at five in the morning, we saw a sail, to which we gave chace; but there being very little wind, we manned and armed our barge, pinnace, and the Trial’s pinnace, and sent them to take her, and at eight they boarded and took her, and brought her to us at half an hour past 10. She was called the Carmen, commanded by Signior Marcus Marina, and came out of Payta the day before, bound to Callao, laden with iron and cloth, being a very valuable cargo. We found on board an Irishman, named John Williams, who pretended himself a prisoner amongst them, and with much seeming joy entered with us. He informed us, that, amongst other ships in the port of Payta, they left in the road a bark which was taking in 400,000 dollars, with which she would sail for Panama in a day or two at farthest; and the Spanish prisoners being examined, and confirming the intelligence, and farther giving some account of the strength of the place, the Commodore resolved to attack it this very night, and made preparations accordingly. Mr. Thomas Simmers, mate of our ship, with one midshipman and about 10 or 11 men, were sent to command and take care of this last prize. At four in the afternoon, Point Nonura bore E. by S. half S. distant eight leagues. At 10 at night, we sent our barge, pinnace, and Trial’s pinnace, to attack the town of Payta by surprize. They had 49 men well armed, and were commanded by the Lieutenants Brett, Dennis, and Hughes, who had orders, if possible, to secure the Governor of Payta, and send him prisoner on board, in order by that means to procure a supply of provisions, and a ransom for the town. Half an hour after 11 we sounded, and found 43 fathom water, the ground mud, the island of Lobos bearing N. N. E. at the distance of three or four miles. At seven in the morning, Point Onado, being the point that forms the bay of Payta, bore S. S. E. two miles distant; and the town of Payta at the same time began to open in a direct line with it, distant about four miles; soon after which we saw our British colours flying on the castle. At 10, the Trial’s boat came on board, loaded with gold and silver, corn, wrought plate, jewels, and rich moveables. They informed us, that they took the town about two in the morning; and that, though the Spaniards had some time before been apprized of our intent, they yet made a very faint resistance, having fired but two guns from their castle before our men landed, and a few small arms afterwards, when they all quitted the town with the greatest precipitation. The Governor and his family made their escape in so much haste, that his lady was handed out of a window with no other cloaths to cover her but her shift. All the inhabitants fled in the like confusion, except some negro women and children. In this action we lost one man, Peter Obrian, the Commodore’s steward, who was shot through the breast by a musquet-ball; and had two wounded, to wit, Arthur Lusk, a quarter-master, and the Spanish pilot of the Teresa, whom we had made use of as a guide; the first through the fleshy part of the arm near the shoulder, the second through the wrist, but neither dangerously: and I have had it reported from several officers then on shore, that our men ran to the attack, and fired in so irregular a manner, that it was, and still remains a doubt, whether those were not shot by our people rather than by the enemy.

The town of Payta, at the time of the attack, had a fort with eight guns mounted, which commanded the town and harbour; and the balcony of the Governor’s house, which again commanded that fort, together with several other houses, was lined with armed men, of which there might be about 400 in the town; but these people having enjoyed a long peace, and being enervated by the luxury so customary in those parts, their arms in a bad condition, and no person of experience or courage to head them, it is no wonder that they made so small a resistance, and were all driven out of the town in less than half an hour by only 49 men; but I believe the noise of two drums which we made use of, together with the suddenness of the surprize, contributed to intimidate them, and facilitated our success.

On our getting possession of the castle, our commanding-officer very inconsiderately ordered the guns to be thrown over the walls, which accordingly was executed; but some time after reflecting on the ill consequence which might attend that proceeding, he ordered two of them to be got up and re-mounted.

At 11, our barge came on board, loaded with money, plate, and jewels. This town contains about 140 or 150 houses; there are in it two churches, which, together with the Governor’s house and castle, are the only remarkable buildings. There are several large store-houses full of rich European, Asian, and American goods, all which were destroyed when we set the town on fire; of which in its place. The town lies in latitude 5 deg. 3 min. S. and longitude from London 88 deg. 48 min. W. This afternoon we employed ourselves in getting off the plunder, and provisions of hogs and fowls, which were here in great plenty. In the evening we anchored in 10 fathom water, the town bearing from us S. by E. half E. at about three miles distance, not being able to get farther in, by reason of the flaws of wind from off the land.

From this time to the 15th we were employed in getting on board the plunder, which chiefly consisted of rich brocades, laced cloaths, bales of fine linens and woolens, Britannia’s, slays, and the like; together with a great number of hogs, some sheep and fowls, cases of Spanish brandies and wines, a great quantity of onions, olives, sweet-meats, and many other things too tedious to name; all which the sailors hoped would have been equally divided among the ships companies, but they found themselves disappointed.

We found in the road, one ship, two snows, one schooner, and two quarter-gallies, all which we took possession of. The 14th, in the morning, we saw a bark-log, as they call it, being a sort of raft made of the stumps of trees fastened together, overlaid with poles, and covered with small twigs twined mat-wise, with several people in her coming along shore from the southward. She had a sort of mast and sail in her, and at first sight we knew not what to make of her; and none of our own boats being on board, we sent the Carmen’s boat, with Mr. Langdon, a midshipman, who commanded in the second place on board that ship, and some armed people, to pursue them, who perceiving it put on shore, and made their escape over the rocks. Mr. Langdon took their bark-log, which he found to be laden with dried fish, which we suppose they were carrying to Payta for a market. This evening the Spaniards, who had all along appeared in great numbers from the hills, and were now considerably increased, making a shew of warlike preparations, as if they designed in the night to attack our people in the town, they thereupon barricaded the streets, and kept very strict watches, to prevent a surprize. Several negroes delivered themselves up, desiring to be made prisoners, that they might have some food, and more especially water, to keep them from perishing; for the country thereabouts being for many miles round quite barren and sandy, without either water or any other thing necessary for life, and the nearest town to them, named as I think Sancta Cruz, whence relief might be got, being a day and a half or two days journey off, the people who had left the town were in a starving condition, and we had melancholy accounts of several dying among them for want chiefly of water during our small stay; and yet so greatly were they infatuated or frightened, that they never offered to treat for the ransom of the place, which if they had done, I believe it would not have been destroyed; in which case, they might have secured to themselves not only their habitations, but provisions and water enough (till they could have got a fresh recruit), which we should on that condition have readily left them.

The town seems to be very unhappily situated on that and some other accounts, they having no water but what is brought them by land-carriage from several leagues off; so that they are obliged to keep very considerable quantities by them in earthen jars, not only for their own use, but for the ships who frequently touch here, where they likewise often unload, and take in fresh cargoes. They are in the same case as to grain, bread, and almost all other necessaries of life; and lie so open to an enemy, that the town has been often taken and ruined by the English, Dutch, and French; all which inconveniences, one would imagine, should tempt them to change their situation: but then the conveniency of their trade is so great, being the only proper place they can pitch on for a mart between Panama and Peru, that they prefer this lucrative convenience to all other considerations.

Among the slaves who had desired to be entertained in our service, was one, who, having been a slave in Jamaica, had on the death of his master obtained his liberty, and thereupon entered himself a servant to one of the South-Sea Company’s factors, whom he accompanied to Porto Bello and Panama, and there got into the service of a Spanish gentleman, who took a great fancy to him, and with whom he went to Lima in Peru, where this master likewise dying left him a very considerable legacy; but the power being now in the hands of his executors, they not only defrauded him of this legacy, but made him a slave a second time. He was now at Payta with one of his new masters, on his passage from Lima to Panama, when he took this opportunity to come over to us; and being a very handy fellow, and accustomed to wait on gentlemen, he was immediately taken into the Commodore’s service, came with us into England, and, I believe, continued with him till his death. This person gave us some information of the designs of the Spaniards on shore, and told us we had killed one or two of them, and wounded several others; but this account was never, that I know of, farther confirmed.

The 15th, in the morning, we sent on shore all our Spanish, and several of our Indian prisoners, keeping all the blacks and some of the Indians, to assist in working the ships, &c. To the blacks, who were all or most of them slaves, was promised their liberty in England, in case they would stand by and assist us against our enemies the Spaniards; which they all promised very cordially: but we could soon discover, that, notwithstanding their seeming condescension, most of them would have much rather continued in the service of their old masters, than fail to accept of liberty with us; not that I believe those people were in love with slavery, or would not willingly have had their liberty, but then it must be on their own terms, the Spaniards in those parts being in great awe of the Indians, whom, though they have subdued, and seem to have incorporated among them, they dare not trust, but keep these blacks as guards, and use them well. The truth is, those Indians have still preserved, by tradition from father to son, the memory of the great cruelties which the first Spaniards exercised in those parts, and are angry enough at their present hard usage. They look on themselves as the natural lords of the country, and the Spaniards as covetous intruders, and cruel inhuman tyrants; and want only opportunity to make them sensible of their resentment, and to recover their lost country and liberty. ’Tis on this account that the Spaniards are very kind to their black slaves, whom they cherish and encourage highly, and look on them in the same light of a standing militia, always ready to arm against those Indians; so that, though the negroes in all other plantations in the West-Indies are ever ready for revolts and rebellions, these, on the contrary, are always ready to defend their kind masters with their lives. In effect they live very easy, are favoured by the Spaniards, and scorn and insult the poor Indians, who in return hate and detest both them and their masters; that being all that is left in their power.

This day an order was given to Mr. Brett, the then commanding-officer on shore, to burn and destroy the town entirely, the two churches, which stood a little out of the way of the rest, only excepted; the Spaniards, as has been already said, never having made any advance towards treating for its ransom.

But now, before I entirely quit the relation of our transactions at this place, it may, perhaps, be expected, that I should give a more particular account of the booty we made, and of the loss the Spaniards sustained. I have already observed, that there were great quantities of valuable effects in the town; but, as most of them were what we could neither dispose of, nor carry away, the total of this merchandize can only be rudely guessed at. The Spaniards, in their representations sent to the Court of Madrid (as we were afterwards assured), estimated their whole loss at a million and a half of dollars; and when it is considered, that no small part of the goods we left behind us, were of the richest and most expensive species, as broad-cloths, silks, cambrics, velvets, &c. I cannot but think their valuation sufficiently moderate.

As to ourselves, the acquisition we made, though inconsiderable in comparison of what we destroyed, was yet far from despicable; for the wrought plate, dollars, and other coin, which fell into our hands, amounted to upwards of 30,000l. besides several rings, bracelets, and jewels, whose intrinsic value we could not then estimate: and over and above all this, the plunder, which became the property of the immediate captors, was very great; so that, upon the whole, it was by much the most important booty we met with upon that coast.

There remains still another matter to be related, which on account of the signal honour which our national character in those parts has thence received, and the reputation which our Commodore in particular has thereby acquired, merits a distinct and circumstantial discussion. I have already observed, that all the prisoners taken by us were, before our departure, put on shore, and discharged, amongst whom there were some persons of considerable distinction, especially a youth of about 17 years of age, son of the Vice-president of the Council of Chili. As the barbarity of the buccaniers, and the artful uses the ecclesiastics had made of it, had filled the natives of those countries with the most terrible ideas of English cruelty, we always found our prisoners, at their first coming on board us, to be extremely dejected, and under great horror and anxiety; particularly this youth, who, having never been from home before, lamented his captivity in the most moving manner, regretting, in very plaintive terms, his parents, his brothers, his sisters, and his native country; of all which, he was fully persuaded, he had taken his last farewel, believing that he was now devoted for the remaining part of his life to an abject and cruel servitude. Indeed, his companions on board, and all the Spaniards that came into our power, had the same desponding opinion of their situation. Mr. Anson constantly exerted his utmost endeavours to efface those terrifying impressions they had received of us, always taking care, that as many of the principal people among them as there was room for should dine at his table by turns; and giving the most peremptory orders, too, that they should always be treated with the utmost decency and humanity: but, notwithstanding this precaution, it was generally observed, that for the first day or two they did not quit their fears, suspecting the gentleness of their usage to be only preparatory to some unthought-of calamity. However, being at length convinced of our sincerity, they grew perfectly easy in their situation, and remarkably chearful; so that it was often disputable, whether or no they considered their being detained by us as a misfortune: for the youth I have above mentioned, who was near two months on board us, had at last so far conquered his melancholy surmises, and had taken such an affection to Mr. Anson, that it is doubtful to me, whether, if his own opinion had been asked, he would not have preferred a voyage to England in the Centurion, to the being set on shore at Payta, where he was at liberty to return to his country and friends.

This conduct of the Commodore to his prisoners, which was continued without interruption or deviation, gave them all the highest idea of his humanity and benevolence, and occasioned them, likewise, (as mankind are fond of forming general opinions) to entertain very favourable thoughts of the whole English nation. But whatever they might be disposed to think of Mr. Anson before the capture of the Teresa, their veneration for him was prodigiously increased by his conduct towards the ladies whom he took in that vessel; for, being informed that there were among them a mother and two daughters of exquisite beauty, who were of quality, he not only gave orders that they should be left in full possession of their own apartments, but also forbid, on the severest penalties, any of the common people on board from approaching them; and, that they might be the more certain of having these orders complied with, or of having the means of complaining if they were not, he permitted the pilot, who in Spanish ships is generally the second person on board, to stay with them as a guardian and protector. These were measures that seemed so different from what might have been expected from an enemy and an heretic, that the Spaniards on board, though they had themselves experienced his beneficence, were surprized at this new instance of it; and the more so, as all this was done without solicitation, and without the interposition of one friend to intercede in their favour. The ladies were so sensible of the obligations they owed him for the care and attention with which he protected them, that they absolutely refused to go on shore at Payta, till they had been permitted to wait on him on board the Centurion to return him thanks in person. Indeed, all the prisoners left us with the strongest assurances of their grateful remembrance of his uncommon treatment: a jesuit, in particular, whom the Commodore had taken, and who was an ecclesiastic of some distinction, could not help expressing himself with great thankfulness for the civilities he and his countrymen had found on board, declaring that he should consider it as his duty to do Mr. Anson justice at all times, adding that his usage of the men prisoners was such as could never be forgotten, and such as he should never fail to acknowledge upon all occasions; but that his behaviour to the ladies was so extraordinary, and so extremely honourable, that he doubted if all the regard due to his own ecclesiastical character would be sufficient to render it credible. Indeed, we were afterwards informed, that he and the rest of our prisoners had not been silent on this head; but that, both at Lima and at other places, they had given the greatest encomiums to our Commodore; that the jesuit, in particular, as we were told, on his account, interpreted in a lax and hypothetical sense, that article of his church which asserts the impossibility of heretics being saved.⁠—But to return:

After we had finished our business, set the town in flames, and got the treasure on board, Mr. Brett, the officer who commanded the attack, having collected his men together, was directing his march towards the beach where the boats waited to take them on board, when the Spaniards on the hill behind the town, observing his retreat, resolved to try if they could not precipitate his departure, and thereby lay some foundation for future boasting. To this end a party of horse, all picked men singled out for this daring enterprize, marched down the hill with much seeming resolution; so that, had we not entertained a just opinion of their prowess, we might have imagined, that, now we were upon the open beach, with no advantages of situation, they would certainly have charged us: but we presumed, and we were not mistaken, that all this was mere ostentation; for, notwithstanding the pomp and parade they at first came on with, Mr. Brett had no sooner ordered his men to halt and face about, than the enemy stopt their career, and never dared to advance a step farther.

When our people arrived at their boats and were ready to go on board, they were for some time retarded by missing one of their number; and being unable, on their mutual enquiries among each other, to inform themselves where he was left, or by what accident detained, they, after a considerable delay, resolved to get into their boats and to depart without him: but, when the last man was actually embarked, and the boats were just putting off, they heard him calling to them to take him in. The place was by this time so thoroughly on fire, and the smoke covered the beach so effectually, that they could scarcely discern him, though they heard his voice. However, the Lieutenant instantly ordered one of the boats to his relief, who found him up to the chin in water, for he had waded as far as he durst, being extremely frightened with the apprehensions of falling into the hands of an enemy, enraged, as they doubtless were, at the pillage and destruction of their town. On enquiring into the cause of his staying behind, it was found that he had taken that morning too large a dose of brandy, which had thrown him into so sound a sleep, that he did not awake till the fire came near enough to scorch him. He was strangely amazed, at first opening his eyes, to see the houses on a blaze on one side, and several Spaniards and Indians not far from him on the other. The greatness and suddenness of his fright instantly reduced him into a state of sobriety, and gave him sufficient presence of mind to push through the thickest of the smoke, as the likliest means to escape the enemy; and, making the best of his way to the beach, he ran as far into the water as he durst (for he could not swim), before he ventured to look back.

By the time our people had helped their comrade out of the water, and were making the best of their way to the squadron, the flames had taken possession of every part of the town, and burnt so furiously, both by means of the combustibles that had been distributed for that purpose, and by the slightness of the materials of which the houses were composed, and their aptitude to take fire, that it was sufficiently apparent no efforts of the enemy (though they flocked down in great numbers) could possibly put a stop to it, or prevent the entire destruction of the place, and all the merchandize contained therein. Mr. Brett had the curiosity to delineate its appearance, together with that of the ships in the harbour, as may be seen in the Plate.

Our detachment having now safely joined the squadron, the Commodore prepared to leave the place the same evening. At seven, Cape Blanco, in lat. 4 deg. 28 min. S. and long. 88 deg. 16 min. W. from London, bore from us S. S. E. half E. about seven or eight miles distant. This afternoon and the next day we were employed in taking the most useful and valuable things out of the Santa Teresa and the Payta bark: we likewise designing to take every necessary thing which we conveniently could out of the Santa Teresa, in order to destroy her, and bring our strength into a less compass, we took her in tow, and set the Payta bark on fire with the same view. The next day we destroyed the Santa Teresa in the same manner, having got out of them both some anchors, cables, hawsers, yards, and top-masts, blocks, bales of goods, and several other necessaries.

The 17th at three in the afternoon, the Gloucester, with a prize of hers in tow, joined us. This prize was called the Del Oro, and was chiefly laden with wine; however, out of her and a small boat which they took going along shore, they got, in gold, silver, and wrought plate, to about the value of 17 or 18,000l. These two were all the prizes the Gloucester took in those seas.

On board this prize of the Gloucester were two horses, which being, I suppose, fat, and probably better food than their salt beef or pork, they killed and eat them; and this, I imagine, gave ground to that fiction which one of the spurious accounts of our voyage has given, of our eagerly hunting and eating wild horses, whereas in reality we never saw nor heard of a wild horse during the voyage.

The Gloucester had chaced two or three ships which had escaped her, and one of those touched at Payta; and though they could give no certain account that the ship which had chaced them was an enemy, yet the circumstances they gave were so strong, that it put the people of Payta upon securing their treasure, and the best of their effects, not caring to be too well provided for the profit of such unwelcome visitants.

The 21st, at half past five in the morning, we saw the island of Plata, so called from Sir Francis Drake’s having, as it is said, divided the treasure he took in the South Seas at this place. At two this afternoon the port of Manta bore S. E. by E. distant about eight or nine leagues. We at this time sent six months provisions on board the Carmen; and all the ships had orders, in case of separation, for several rendezvouses on the coast of Mexico, or, in case of not meeting there, to make the best of their way to Macao, in China, where they were to await the arrival of the Commodore.

The 22d, a division was made of the plunder of Payta, and the Commodore not appearing in that affair, it was done at the pleasure, and to the entire satisfaction, of five or six (no doubt) very disinterested officers and, indeed, most things of this nature, during the course of the voyage being managed with the same discretion and honour, no room was left for complaining of particular partialities.

Here, however, we cannot help remarking a very considerable difference between the relation given by Pascoe Thomas, and that given by Mr. Walters; the former having asserted, that the Commodore did not interfere in the distribution; the latter, that it was by his prudent management, that a jealousy, which had arisen between those who were the real captors, and those who remained on board the ship, was accommodated. Mr. Walters’ account will set this matter in a true light: “And now, says he, (while the ships lay-to, in hopes of joining the Gloucester,) a jealousy, which had taken its rise at Payta, between those who had been commanded on shore for the attack, and those who had continued on board, grew to such a height, that the Commodore, being made acquainted with it, thought it necessary to interpose his authority to oppose it. The ground of this animosity was the plunder gotten at Payta, which those who had acted on shore had appropriated to themselves, considering it as a reward for the risques they had run, and the resolution they had shewn in that service. But those who had remained on board looked on this as a very partial and unjust procedure, urging, that, had it been left to their choice, they should have preferred the acting on shore to the continuing on board; that their duty while their comrades were on shore was extremely fatiguing, for, besides the labour of the day, they were constantly under arms all night, to secure the prisoners, whose numbers exceeded their own, and of whom it was then necessary to be extremely watchful, to prevent any attempts they might have formed in that critical conjuncture: that, upon the whole, it could not be denied, but that the presence of a sufficient force on board was as necessary to the success of the enterprize, as the action of the others on shore; and, therefore, those who had continued on board maintained, that they could not be deprived of their share of the plunder without manifest injustice. These were the contests amongst our men, which were carried on with great heat on both sides; and, though the plunder in question was a very trifle in comparison of the treasure taken in the place (in which there was no doubt but those on board had an equal right), yet as the obstinacy of sailors is not always regulated by the importance of the matter in dispute, the Commodore thought it necessary to put a stop to this ferment betimes. Accordingly, the morning after our leaving Payta, he ordered all hands upon the quarter-deck, where addressing himself to those who had been detached on shore, he commended their behaviour, and thanked them for their services on that occasion; but then, representing to them the reasons urged by those who had continued on board, for an equal distribution of the plunder, he told them, that he thought these reasons very conclusive, and that the expectations of their comrades were justly founded; and therefore, he insisted, that, not only the men, but all the officers likewise who had been employed in taking the place, should produce the whole of their plunder immediately upon the quarter-deck, and that it should be impartially divided amongst the whole crew, in proportion to each man’s rank and commission; and, to prevent those who had been in possession of the plunder from murmuring at this diminution of their share, the Commodore added, that, as an encouragement to others who might be hereafter employed on like services, he would give his entire share to be distributed amongst those who had been detached for the attack of the place. Thus, this troublesome affair, which, if permitted to have gone on, might, perhaps, have been attended with mischievous consequences, was, by the Commodore’s prudence, soon appeased, to the general satisfaction of the ship’s company: not but there were some few whose selfish dispositions were uninfluenced by the justice of this procedure, and who were incapable of discerning the force of equity, however glaring, when it tended to deprive them of any part of what they had once got into their hands.”

Being now joined by the Gloucester and her prize, it was resolved that we should stand to the northward, and make the best of our way either to Cape St. Lucas on California, or to Cape Corientes on the coast of Mexico. Indeed, the Commodore, when at Juan Fernandez, had determined to touch in the neighbourhood of Panama, and to endeavour to get some correspondence over land with the fleet under the command of Admiral Vernon; for when we departed from England, we left a large force at Portsmouth, which was intended to be sent to the West Indies, there to be employed in an expedition against some of the Spanish settlements. And Mr. Anson, taking it for granted that this enterprize had succeeded, and that Porto Bello perhaps might be then garrisoned by British troops, he hoped that, on his arrival at the isthmus, he should easily procure an intercourse with our countrymen on the other side, either by the Indians, who were greatly disposed in our favour, or even by the Spaniards themselves, some of whom for proper rewards might be induced to carry on this intelligence; which, after it was once begun, might be continued with very little difficulty; so that Mr. Anson flattered himself, that he might by this means have received a reinforcement of men from the other side, and that, by settling a prudent plan of operations with our Commanders in the West Indies, he might have taken even Panama itself, which would have given to the British nation the possession of that isthmus, whereby we should have been in effect masters of all the treasures of Peru.

Such were the projects which the Commodore revolved in his thoughts, at the island of Juan Fernandez, notwithstanding the feeble condition to which he was then reduced; but in examining the papers which were found on board the Carmelo, the first prize we took, we learned, that our attempt against Carthagena had failed, and that there was no probability that our fleet in that part of the world would engage in any new enterprize that would at all facilitate this plan. Mr. Anson therefore gave over all hopes of being reinforced across the isthmus, and consequently had no inducement at present to proceed to Panama, as he was incapable of attacking the place, and there was great reason to believe that, by this time, there was a general embargo on all the coast.

The only feasible measure, then, which was left us, was to steer as soon as possible to the southern parts of California, or to the adjacent coast of Mexico, there to cruise for the Manilla galleon, which we knew was now at sea, bound to the port of Acapulco; and we doubted not but to get on that station time enough to intercept her: but there was a business which we foresaw would occasion some delay, and that was the recruiting our water, it being impossible to think of venturing upon this passage to the coast of Mexico till we had procured a fresh supply. It was for some time a matter of deliberation, where we should take in this necessary article; but, by consulting the accounts of former navigators, and examining our prisoners, we at last resolved for the island of Quibo, situated at the mouth of the bay of Panama. Nor was it but on good grounds that the Commodore conceived this to be the properest place for watering the squadron. Indeed, there was a small island called Cocos, which was less out of our way than Quibo, where some of the buccaniers had pretended to find water; but none of our prisoners knew any thing of it, and it was thought too dangerous to risque the safety of the squadron, by exposing ourselves to the hazard of not meeting with water when we came there, on the mere authority of those legendary writers, of whose misrepresentations and falsities we had almost daily experience. Determined, therefore, to take in water at Quibo, we directed our course northward, being eight sail in company, and consequently having the appearance of a very formidable fleet; and on the 19th, at day-break, we discovered Cape Blanco, bearing S. S. E. half E. seven miles distant. By this time we found that our last prize, the Solidad, was far from answering the character given of her as a good sailor; and she and the Santa Teresa delaying us considerably, the Commodore commanded them to be cleared of every thing that might prove useful to the rest of the ships, and then to be burnt. And having given proper instructions, and appointed a rendezvous to the Gloucester, and to the prizes, in case of separation, we proceeded in our course for Quibo.

On the 25th, Point Manta bore S. E. by E. at seven miles distance, and there being a town of the same name in the neighbourhood, Captain Mitchell in the Gloucester took the opportunity of setting on shore several of his prisoners. The boats were now daily employed in distributing provisions on board the prizes, to compleat their stock for six months; and that the Centurion might be the better prepared to give the Manilla ship a warm reception, if happily she should fall in our way, the carpenters were ordered to fix eight stocks on the main and fore tops, which were properly fitted for the mounting of swivel guns.

On the 25th we had sight of the island of Gallo; and from hence we crossed the bay of Panama, shaping our course in a direct line for Quibo. Here we found, in a few days, a very considerable alteration in the climate; for, instead of that uniform temperature where neither the excess of heat or cold was prevalent, we had now close and sultry weather, like that we met with on the coast of Brazil. We had, besides, frequent calms and heavy rains, which we at first ascribed to the neighbourhood of the Line, where this kind of weather is observed to obtain at all seasons of the year; but, finding that it attended us for more than seven degrees of north latitude, we began to suspect that the stormy season, or, as the Spaniards call it, the Vandewals, was not yet past; though many writers, particularly Captain Shelvock, assert, that this season begins in June, and ends in November: but, perhaps, its end may not be always regular.

On the 27th, Captain Mitchell having cleared his largest prize, she was likewise set on fire; and now our fleet consisted only of five ships, and we were fortunate enough to find them all good sailors. On the 3d of December we had a view of the island of Quibo, the east end of which bore from us N. N. W. four leagues distant, and the island of Quicara W. N. W. at about the same distance. When we had thus got sight of land, we found the wind to hang westerly; and therefore, night coming on, we thought it advisable to stand off till morning, as there are said to be some shoals at the entrance of the channel. At six the next morning, Point Marrato bore N. E. half N. three or four leagues distant. In weathering this point, all the squadron, except the Centurion, were very near it; and the Gloucester, being the leeward-most ship, was forced to tack and stand to the southward; so that we lost sight of her; and, the wind proving unfavourable, we saw her no more till we quitted the island. At seven in the evening we anchored in the Canal Bueno, or Good Channel, which is at least six miles in breadth, muddy ground. Next morning an officer was dispatched on shore to discover the watering-place, who, having found it, returned before noon; and then we sent our long-boat for a load of water, and at the same time weighed and stood further in with our ships, for the convenience of being sooner supplied; so that we were little more than two days in laying in all the wood and water we wanted. Whilst the ship continued here at anchor, the Commodore, attended by some of his officers, went in a boat to examine a bay which lay to the northward, and they afterwards ranged all along the eastern side of the island. In the places where they put on shore, in the course of this expedition, they generally found the soil to be rich, and met with great plenty of excellent water. In particular, near the north-east point of the island, they discovered a natural cascade, which surpassed, as they conceived, every thing of this kind which human art had ever yet produced. It was a river of transparent water, about 40 yards wide, which rolled down a declivity of near 150 feet in length. The channel itself was very irregular, intirely composed of rocks, both its sides and bottom being made up of large detached blocks, and by these the course of the water was frequently interrupted; for in some parts it ran sloping with a rapid but uniform motion, whilst in others it tumbled over ledges of rocks with a perpendicular descent. On the neighbourhood of this stream was a fine wood; and even the huge masses of rock which over-hung the water, and which by their various projections formed the inequalities of the channel, were covered with lofty forest trees. Whilst the Commodore, with those who accompanied him, were attentively viewing this place, and were remarking the different blendings of the water, the rocks, and the wood, there came in sight, as it were to heighten and animate the prospect, a prodigious flight of mackaws, which, hovering over this spot, and often wheeling and playing on the wing above it, afforded a most brilliant appearance, by the glittering of the sun, and their variegated plumage; so that some of the spectators cannot refrain from a kind of transport when they recount the beauties which occurred in this extraordinary waterfal.

In three days we compleated our business in this place, and were impatient to depart, that we might arrive time enough on the coast of Mexico, to intercept the galleon; but the wind, being contrary, detained us a night; and next day, when we had gained an offing, while we were hovering about in hopes of getting sight of the Gloucester, we on the 20th descerned a small sail to the northward of us, to which we gave chace, and coming up with her took her. She proved to be a bark from Panama, called the Jesu Nazareno, laden with oakum, rock salt, and a small quantity of money to purchase a cargo of provisions at Cheripe, an inconsiderable village on the continent, which, however, has a good market, from whence future voyagers, in case of necessity, may be plentifully supplied.

On the 12th of September we joined the Gloucester, who informed us, that, in tacking to the southward, on her first approach towards the island, she had sprung her fore-top-mast, which had disabled her from working to windward, and prevented her from joining us sooner. We now scuttled and sunk the Jesu Nazareno, and, on the 12th of December, stood to the westward, having previously delivered fresh instructions for the conduct of the fleet. We had now little doubt of arriving soon enough upon our intended station, as we expected, upon the increasing our offing from Quibo, to fall in with the regular trade-wind; but, to our extreme vexation, we were baffled for near a month, so that it was the 25th of December before we saw the island of Cocos, which, according to our reckoning, was only 100 leagues from the continent, and even then we had the mortification to make so little way, that we did not lose sight of that island again in five days. This island we found to be in the lat. of 5 deg. 20 min. N.

We had flattered ourselves, that the uncertain and western gales we met with were owing to the neighbourhood of the continent, from which as we got more distant, we hoped to be relieved by falling in with the eastern trade-wind; but in this too being disappointed, we began at length to despair of the great purpose we had in view. This produced a general dejection among us, as we had at first considered the project as almost infallible, and had indulged ourselves in the most boundless hopes of the advantages we should thence receive. However, our despondency was, in some measure, alleviated by a favourable change of the wind; and, as we now advanced a-pace towards our station, our hopes began again to revive. On the 17th of January, we were advanced to the lat. of 12 deg. 50 min. N. and, on the 26th of January, finding ourselves to the northward of Acapulco, we tacked and stood to the eastward; with a view of making the land; and we expected, by our reckonings, to have fallen in with it on the 28th, yet, though the weather was perfectly clear, we had no sign of it at sunset; about ten at night we discovered a light on the larboard bow, bearing from us N. N. E. and, soon after, the Trial’s prize made the signal for seeing a sail. As we had none of us any doubt but that what we saw was a ship’s light, we were all extremely animated with a firm persuasion that it was the Manilla galleon, that had been so long the object of our wishes. We immediately cast off the Carmelo, and pressed forward with all our canvas, making a signal for the Gloucester to do the same. Thus we chased the light, keeping all our hands at their respective quarters, under an expectation of engaging within half an hour, as we sometimes conceived the chace to be about a mile distant, and at other times to be within reach of our guns. In this constant and eager attention we continued all night, always presuming that another quarter of an hour would bring us up to this Manilla ship, whose wealth we now estimated at round millions: but, when daylight came, we were most vexatiously disappointed, by finding that the light which had occasioned all this expectancy, was only a fire on the shore. At sun-rising, after this mortifying delusion, we found ourselves about nine leagues off land, extending from the N. W. to E. half N. On this land we observed two remarkable hammocks, which bore N. from us, and which a Spanish pilot and two Indians affirmed to be over the harbour of Acapulco; but we found them egregiously mistaken, these being in 17 deg. 56 min. whereas Acapulco lies in 17 deg. only.

Being now in the track of the Manilla galleon, it was a doubt with us, as it was near the end of January, whether she was or was not arrived: but, examining our prisoners about it, they assured us, she was sometimes known to come in after the middle of February; and they endeavoured to persuade us, that the fire we had seen on shore was a proof that she was yet at sea, it being customary, as they said, to make use of these fires as signals for her direction when she continued out longer than ordinary. On this reasoning of our prisoners, we resolved to cruise for her some days, and we accordingly spread our ships at the distance of 12 leagues from the coast, in such a manner that it was impossible she should pass us unobserved; however, not seeing her soon, we were very solicitous to gain some positive intelligence. With this view the Commodore resolved to send a boat under cover of the night into the harbour of Acapulco, to see if the Manilla ship was there or not. To execute this enterprize, the barge was dispatched the 6th of February, carrying a sufficient crew and two officers, as also a Spanish pilot and an Indian. Our barge did not return till the 11th, when the officers acquainted Mr. Anson, that they had mistaken the harbour, and that Acapulco lay a considerable distance more to the eastward, and that, not having a sufficient quantity of provisions for their passage thither, they were obliged to return to make known their disappointment. On this intelligence we made sail to the eastward, and the next day we dispatched the barge, with particular instructions to keep at a sufficient distance not to be seen from the shore. We watched six days without receiving any intelligence, so that we began to be uneasy for her safety; but on the 7th day she returned with advice, that, being at the very place they sought for, though they were then ignorant of their situation, they surprized a fishing canoe with three negroes, who told us that the Manilla galleon arrived at Acapulco on the 9th of January, but that, having delivered her cargo, she was taking in water and provisions in order to return; and that the Viceroy of Mexico had by proclamation fixed her departure from Acapulco to the 14th of March. This last news was most joyfully received by us, since we had no doubt but she must fall into our hands; and it was much more eligible to seize her on her return, than it would have been to have taken her before her arrival, as the species for which she had sold her cargo, and which she would now have on board, would be much more esteemed by us than the cargo itself. Thus we were a second time engaged in an eager expectation of meeting with this Manilla ship, which, by the fame of its wealth, we had been taught to consider as the most desireable capture that was to be made on any part of the ocean.

As it was the 19th of February when the barge returned, and brought us our intelligence, and the galleon was not to sail till the 3d of March, the Commodore resolved to continue the greatest part of the intermediate time in his present station to the westward of Acapulco, in order to avoid a discovery from the shore. During this interval we were employed in getting all things in readiness to engage; and, when the long-wished-for 3d of March came, we were all so strongly prepossessed with the certainty of our intelligence, and with an assurance of her coming out of port, that some or other of us were constantly imagining that they discovered one of our cutters returning with a signal; but, to our extreme vexation, both this day and the succeeding night passed away without any news of her approach. However, we did not yet despair, nor did we abate of our vigilance: but, after remaining till the 25th of March, we at length concluded, and we afterwards found it to be true, that we had been discovered, and that in consequence an embargo had been laid upon the galleon, and her departure postponed till the next year.

The cutters, having on that day finished their cruise before the harbour, returned to the squadron, and the signal being given for the fleet to join, it was determined to retire to Chequetan, to take in a fresh supply of water, which was then nearly exhausted. In the mean time, a cutter, commanded by Mr. Hughes, Lieutenant of the Trial’s prize, was ordered to continue off the harbour of Acapulco for 24 days, in order that, if the galleon should set sail in that time, we might be speedily informed of it.

On the 5th of April we entered the harbour of Chequetan, in lat. 17 deg. 36 min. N. about 30 leagues to the westward of Acapulco. The watering-place has the appearance of a large standing lake, without any visible outlet into the sea, from which it is separated by a part of the strand. The origin of this lake is a spring that bubbles out of the ground, near half a mile within the country. We found its water a little brackish, but more considerably so towards the sea-side; for the nearer we advanced towards the spring-head, the softer and fresher it proved. This laid us under a necessity of filling all our casks from the farthest part of the lake, which was facilitated by means of canoes which traversed the lake, and brought a number of small casks to the side next the beach; thence the water was started into larger vessels in the boats, and by that contrivance brought on board with very little trouble.

As the country hereabouts, particularly the tract of coast contiguous to Acapulco, appeared to be well peopled and cultivated, we hoped to have easily procured from thence some fresh provisions, and other refreshments, which we now stood much in need of. To facilitate these views, the Commodore, the morning after we came to an anchor, ordered a party of 40 men well armed to march into the country, and to endeavour to discover some town where they were to attempt to set on foot a correspondence with the inhabitants; for, when we had once begun this intercourse, we doubted not but by proper presents we should allure them to bring down to us whatever fruits or fresh provisions were in their power. As our prizes abounded with various sorts of coarse merchandize, which were of little consequence to us, though to them they would be extremely valuable, our people were directed on this occasion to proceed with the greatest circumspection, and to make as little ostentation of hostility as possible; for we were sensible we could find no wealth in those parts worth our notice; and what necessaries we really wanted, we expected would be better, and more abundantly supplied, by an open, amicable traffic, than by violence and force of arms. But this endeavour of opening a commerce with the inhabitants proved ineffectual, and therefore we desisted from any more attempts of the same nature, contenting ourselves with what we could procure for ourselves in the neighbourhood of the port where we lay. We caught fish in abundance; among the rest cavallies, bream, mullets, soals, fiddle-fish, and lobsters; and we here, and in no other place, met with that extraordinary fish called the torpedo, which is in shape very much resembling the fiddle-fish, and is only distinguished from it in appearance by a brown circular spot of about the bigness of a crown-piece, near the center of its back. This fish is, indeed, of a most singular nature, benumbing whoever touches it all over his body, but more particularly that limb which happens to come in immediate contact with it. The same effect, too, will be in some degree produced by touching the fish with any thing held in the hand; and it has lately been discovered, that it may be communicated like the electrical shock to a large circle, by means of a certain apparatus much more simple than that which is used in experiments in electricity.

The animals which we met with on shore were chiefly guanoes, with which the country abounds, and which are by some reckoned delicious food. We saw no beasts of prey, except we should esteem that amphibious creature the alligator as such, several of which our people discovered, but none of them very large. It is, however, certain, that there were great numbers of tygers in the woods, though none of them happened to make their appearance while we remained upon the coast. Parrots and pheasants were found in plenty, but by no means proper for food, being dry and tasteless, though they were often killed and eaten, being by some thought preferable to salt provisions.

The papah lime, and a little sour plumb, were all the fruits the woods furnished, and of these there were but a scanty portion; nor was there any other useful vegetable, except brook-lime, which, being esteemed an antiscorbutic, was frequently eaten, though from its bitterness it was exceedingly unpalatable.

While we lay at Chequetan, it was resolved, after mature deliberation, to destroy all our prizes, as the whole number of men on board our squadron did not amount to the complement of a fourth-rate man-of-war. It was therefore judged most prudent to set fire to the ships, and to divide the men between the Centurion and Gloucester, now preparing to set sail for China. Besides the necessary repairs for a voyage of such length, the removal of their stores and cargoes into the men-of-war took up so much time, that it was the end of April before we were in a condition to leave the place.

It should have been remarked, that, from this harbour of Chequetan we discovered but one pathway through the woods into the country; and as this was much beaten, we were from that circumstance convinced, that it was not unfrequented by the natives. As it passed by the spring-head, and was the only avenue by which the Spaniards could approach to surprize us, we at some distance beyond the spring-head felled several large trees, and laid them one upon another across the path, and at this barricadoe we constantly kept a guard. We, besides, ordered our men employed in watering, to have their arms always in readiness, in case of an alarm, and to march instantly to this post. And, though our principal intention herein was to prevent our being disturbed by the enemy’s horse, yet it answered another purpose, which was, to hinder our people from straggling singly into the country, where we had reason to believe they would be surprized by the Spaniards, who would doubtless be very solicitous to pick up some of them, in hopes of getting intelligence of our future designs. To avoid this inconvenience, the strictest orders were given to the centinels, to let no person whatever pass beyond this post; but, notwithstanding this precaution, we missed one Lewis Legere, who was the Commodore’s cook. As he was a Frenchman and a Roman Catholic, it was at first imagined that he had deserted with a view of betraying all that he knew to the enemy; though this appeared, by the event, to be an ill-grounded surmise; for it was afterwards known, that he had been taken by some Indians, who carried him prisoner to Acapulco, from whence he was transported to Mexico, and thence to Vera Cruz, where he was shipped on board a vessel bound to Old Spain. But, the vessel being obliged, by some accident, to put into Lisbon, Legere escaped on shore, and was by the British Consul sent from thence to England; where he gave the first authentic account of the safety of the Commodore, and of his principal transactions in the South Seas.

The relation he gave of his own seizure, was, that he rambled into the woods, at some distance from the barricadoe where he had first attempted to pass, but had been stopt and threatened to be punished; that his principal view was to gather a quantity of limes for his master’s stores; and that in this occupation he was surprized unawares by four Indians, who stript him naked, and carried him in that condition to Acapulco, exposed to the scorching heat of the sun, which at that time of the year shone with its greatest violence; that afterwards, at Mexico, his treatment was sufficiently severe; so that the whole course of his captivity was a continued instance of the hatred which the Spaniards bear to all those who endeavour to disturb them in the peaceable possession of the coasts of the South Seas. Indeed, Legere’s fortune was, upon the whole, extremely singular; as, after the hazards he had run in the Commodore’s squadron, and the severities he had suffered in his long confinement among the enemy, a more fatal disaster attended him on his return to England; for though, when he arrived in London, some of Mr. Anson’s friends interested themselves in relieving him from the poverty to which his captivity had reduced him, yet he did not long enjoy the benefit of their humanity, since he was killed in an insignificant night-brawl, the cause of which could scarcely ever be discovered.

When we were necessitated to proceed to Chequetan to recruit our water, the Commodore considered that our arrival in that harbour would soon be known at Acapulco; and therefore he hoped, that on the intelligence of our being employed in that port, the galleon might put to sea, especially as Chequetan is so very remote from the course generally steered by the galleons: he therefore ordered the cutter, as has already been noticed, to cruise twenty-four days off the port of Acapulco, and her Commander was directed, on perceiving the galleon under sail, to make the best of his way to the Commodore at Chequetan. As the Centurion was certainly a much better sailor than the galleon, Mr. Anson, in this case, resolved to have got to sea as soon as possible, and to have pursued the galleon across the Pacific Ocean; however, the Viceroy of Mexico ruined this project, by detaining the galleon in port all the year.

Towards the latter end of April, all things being in readiness for sailing, the Centurion and Gloucester weighed anchor; and, after having gained an offing, the prizes were set on fire, and a canoe fixed to a grapple in the middle of the harbour, with a bottle in it, well corked, inclosing a letter to Mr. Hughes, directing him to go back immediately to his former station before Acapulco, where he would find Mr. Anson, who resolved to cruise for him in that station some days. Indeed, it was no small mortification to us, now we were at sea, and the stormy season approaching, that we were detained by the absence of the cutter, and under a necessity of standing towards Acapulco in search of her. As the time of her cruize had been expired near a fortnight, we suspected that she had been discovered from the shore, and that the Governor of Acapulco had thereupon sent out a force to seize her; which, as she carried but six hands, was no very difficult enterprize. However, this being only conjecture, the Commodore, as soon as he was got clear of the harbour of Chequetan, stood along the coast to the eastward in search of her; and, to prevent her from passing by us in the dark, we brought-to every night, and carried lights which the cutter could not but perceive.

By the 2d of May we were advanced within three leagues of Acapulco; and, having seen nothing of our boat, we gave her over for lost; which, besides the compassionate concern for our shipmates, and for what it was apprehended they might have suffered, was in itself a misfortune, which in our present scarcity of hands we were greatly interested in; since the crew of the cutter were the flower of our people, purposely picked out for this service, as known to be, every one of them, of tried and approved resolution, and as skilful seamen as ever trod a deck. However, as it was the general belief among us that they were taken and carried into Acapulco, the Commodore’s prudence suggested a project which we hoped would recover them. This was founded on our having many Spanish and Indian prisoners on board, some of them of quality. The Commodore, therefore, wrote a letter to the Governor of Acapulco, telling him, that he would release them all, provided the Governor returned the cutter’s crew. This letter was dispatched by a Spanish officer, of whose honour we had a high opinion, and who was furnished with a launch belonging to one of our prizes, and a crew of Spaniards, who gave their parole for their return. The Spanish officer, too, besides the Commodore’s letter, carried with him a joint petition, signed by all the rest of the prisoners, beseeching the Governor to acquiesce in the terms proposed for their liberty. But while we were thus contriving their release, the centinel called out from the masthead, that he saw a boat under sail at a considerable distance to the south-eastward, which, to our unspeakable joy, upon her nearer approach, we found was our own cutter, the wan and meagre countenances of whole crew, the length of their beards, and the feeble and hollow tone of their voices, convinced us that they had suffered much greater hardships than could be expected from even the severities of a Spanish prison. They were obliged to be helped into the ship, and were immediately put to bed; where, by rest, and nourishing diet, with which they were plentifully supplied from the Commodore’s table, they recovered their health and vigour. And now we learnt that they had kept the sea the whole time of their absence, which was above six weeks; that, when they had finished their cruise, and had just begun to ply to the westward, in order to join the squadron, a strong adverse current had forced them upwards of 80 leagues to leeward, where they found every where so great a surf, that there was no possibility of landing; that they passed some days in the most dreadful situation, without water, having no other means left them to allay their thirst than sucking the blood of the turtles which they caught; that at last, giving up all hopes of succour, the heat of the climate too augmenting their necessities, and rendering their sufferings insupportable, they abandoned themselves to despair, fully persuaded that they should perish by the most terrible of all deaths; but that soon after a most unexpected incident happily relieved them; for there fell so heavy a rain, that, on spreading their sails horizontally, and putting bullets in the centers of them, they caught as much water as filled their casks; that immediately upon this fortunate supply, they stood to the westward in quest of the Commodore, and being now luckily favoured by a strong current, they joined him in less than 50 hours from that time, after having been absent in the whole full 43 days.

And now having, to our entire satisfaction, got on board our people, and the season of the year for sailing to Asia being far (we found it too far) advanced, the Commodore resolved not to wait for any return from Acapulco, but gave orders to equip two large prize launches, to carry on shore the Spanish and Indian prisoners, both from ourselves and the Gloucester; and, having given them provisions and all necessaries for Panama, whither they intended to sail, about four in the evening they left us, to the number of about 60 persons, having first, though enemies, observed the custom of sea-faring people at parting, and wished us a prosperous voyage.

From the 6th of May, the day we took our departure, we met with little remarkable for above a month, except that the true trade-wind, which is said never to fail at about sixty or seventy leagues from the shore of Mexico at the farthest, was so far from answering our expectations, that we had nothing but cross winds, squalls, rain, thunder and lightning, till by account we were 600 leagues to the westward of Acapulco, having been above 40 days in getting so far. The 9th, we found the foremast sprung in a dangerous manner, and thereupon fished and secured it very strongly.

The 22d, in the evening, we sprung a leak, making 12 inches water in a watch, and on a search found it to be on the larboard side, abreast the main hatch-way, and not quite under water. The carpenters soon stopt it with very little trouble.

The 11th of June, we found a current to set to the southward, about 24 miles a day, but could not discover whether to the east or west, for want of opportunity to try it. This was by account about 450 leagues from Acapulco; and, much about this time, abundance of scorbutic symptoms, such as blackness in the skin, hard nodes in the flesh, shortness of breath, and a general lassitude and weakness of all the parts, began to prevail, almost universally, among our people. This, with the great mortality we experienced from this distemper in our Cape Horn passage, and the time we might still expect to be at sea, having yet 1800 leagues to those islands called, by Sir Francis Drake, the Ladrones, or Islands of Thieves, from the thievish disposition of the inhabitants, but by the Spaniards the Marian Islands, where only we could expect our next refreshments; and no trade-wind being yet settled;⁠—these considerations, I say, gave us dreadful apprehensions of what this passage might terminate in; and the event shewed that we had but too much reason for them.

The 14th, at five in the evening, the Gloucester, having sprung the head of her main-mast, 12 feet below the trussel-trees, fired a gun as a signal of distress; on which we brought to, and waited for her; and, after enquiring into, and hearing the cause, we sent them on board two carpenters to assist in fishing and securing it; but the carpenters in concert, having viewed and considered the damage, reported, the next day, that the mast was unfit to stand, and would not bear repairing; but that it must be shortened 26 feet from the head, and the top-mast be set on the stump. This, therefore, was concluded on, and ordered accordingly.

The 23d, we found our own main-top-mast sprung in the wake of the cap; whereupon, we reefed it 20 inches, that is, we lowered it so much, and secured it there, and fleeted and set up the shrouds and back-stays.

The 24th, in the evening, we got the top-mast down, and put up another in its place, and a man falling overboard, we brought the ship to, and took him up safe; likewise, the slings of our crossjack-yards being broke, we fixed new ones, and the next day got up the fore-top-gallant mast and yard.

The 27th, we made the Gloucester signal, and sent our boat on board of her.

The 28th, we received from the Gloucester half an anchor-stock, for a farther security to the fore-mast.

The 29th, the Gloucester finished her jury-mast, and made sail on it. Nothing farther remarkable till

July 1st, we had fresh gales, and cloudy weather, with some lightning.

The 2d, we unbent the fore-sail, and bent another. We had, not only now, but for almost our whole passage, abundance of birds of prey, also flying fish, which are their proper food, and vast quantities of skipjacks, albicores, &c. whereof we took a great number, which contributed much to our refreshment after the loss of the tortoises, that generally leave all ships about twenty or thirty leagues off the land. I think this the more worthy of notice, because Dampier, Rogers, Cook, Cowley, and most other voyagers, some of whom have been not only once, but several times on this voyage, have reported, that they never saw a fish or fowl in this whole run. I will not say, as Mr. Cook frequently does, when any other person’s account does not happen to square exactly with what himself has observed, viz. “What credit is to be given to such authors?” never making allowances for contingencies which might or might not happen, and which would better have displayed his own impartiality, than a dogmatical condemnation of every other person, without examination. For my part, I readily believe and conclude, that this difference in our observations and accounts is really occasioned by the different seasons of the year in which we happened to perform this passage; it being a known truth, and confirmed by the experience of thousands in all ages, that most fish have their different seasons for their different rendezvouses.

The 10th, we saw three gannets, or, as they call them in Scotland, soland geese; being, by what I can learn from the most intelligent of that nation whom I have conversed with, and who often have opportunity to observe them in several different parts, of one and the same species; we likewise saw some sea weeds; both which circumstances made us imagine that some islands or shoals were not far off, those fowls never being observed to fly very far out to sea.

The 10th, we unbent the fore top-sail, and bent another.

The 12th, at noon, we were, by my account, 180 deg. 11 min. to the westward of the meridian of London, which is just 11 min. more than half round the globe, for which reason I note it. We were at this time, by my account, 1429 leagues distant from the port of Acapulco.

From this time till the 16th we had fresh gales, with squalls and rain.

The 17th and 18th, we had moderate and cloudy weather.

The 19 and 20th, fresh gales, with abundance of rain. We made this observation, that, with rainy weather, or even slight transient showers, the fish bit more freely, and were caught in greater numbers, than with fair weather; which made our fishermen the more attentive at such times. It was likewise remarked, that the Gloucester, when they could find opportunity to fish, had always much greater success than we; whether their fishermen had more art than ours, or whatever else occasioned it, the fact is true. They had also a better way of disposing of them, when taken, if I may be allowed to judge, than we; for Capt. Mitchell constantly ordered several boys, who were very dexterous at it, to catch fish for the ship’s company, especially the sick; and those were very justly and regularly divided among them: whereas our fishermen were left at liberty to make their advantage of what they took, and to prey upon their suffering shipmates; and they took care not to overslip the opportunity, for the least fish you could purchase of them would cost you a bottle of brandy; which, at this time, was worth four, or perhaps six, and sometimes even eight shillings, or half a guinea; and you must be very thankful, and acknowledge yourself to be highly obliged into the bargain, or else expect none next time, and very often fail of it notwithstanding. About this time our people began to die very fast, and, I believe, above five parts out of six of the ship’s company were ill, and expected to follow in a short time. Those, whose breath was any ways affected, dropt off immediately; but those, who were attacked first in the more remote parts of the body, languished generally a month or six weeks; the distemper advancing, in the mean time, towards the lungs, by a very regular and sensible approach. As I was myself one of those who were severely afflicted in this latter manner, I shall give such an account of its progress, as I found by experience in myself, and corroborated by the similar report of my fellow-sufferers. I was first taken, about the beginning of this month, with a slight pain on the joint of my left great toe; but, having hurt that a little while before, I imagined it to be the effect of that hurt, and minded it the less⁠—(but here I shall observe, once for all, that if ever any part of the body had received a bruise, strain, or contusion, if not perfectly cured, the scurvy was sure to attack that part first); but, in a little time, a large black spot appearing on the part affected, with very intense pains at the bone, gave me to understand my case. I now took physic often, by way of prevention, but to little purpose: several hard nodes now began to rise in my legs, thighs, and arms, and not only many more black spots appeared in the skin, but those spread, till my legs and thighs were for the most part as black as a negroe; and this accompanied with such excessive pains in the joints of the knees, ancles, and toes, as I thought, before I experienced them, that human nature could never have supported. It next advanced to the mouth; all my teeth were presently loose, and my gums, over-charged with extravasated blood, fell down almost quite over my teeth: this occasioned my breath to smell much, yet without affecting my lungs; but, I believe, one week more at sea would have ended me, and less than a month more, all the rest. One thing was very remarkable, and likewise universal, which was, that, when the distemper had far prevailed, if the afflicted person lay quiet in his hammock, he seemed to be perfectly well and hearty; but, if he was removed out of it, on any necessity, he immediately fainted away; and this was always a sure sign of the party’s dissolution.

Since our passing Cape Horn, our surgeon, Henry Ettrick, who was a very good practical surgeon, had been very busy in digesting a theory of scurvies, wherein he enumerated many cases very particularly, having been allowed to open and examine as many bodies as were abundantly sufficient for that purpose. His system was principally grounded on the observations made on a long passage in a very cold climate. He took abundance of pains to prove, by many instances, that the tone of the blood was broken by the cold nipping air, and rendered so thin, as to be unfit for circulation, or any other of the uses of life; and being thus deprived of a proper force and vigour, stagnation and death must necessarily ensue. From this supposition, he had laid it down as an infallible rule, that food of a glutinous nature, such as salt fish, bread, and several sorts of grain, were alone proper on such voyages. As for liquids, I know not which he had pitched on, as the most salutary, on this occasion. But this passage, in a very hot climate, where the symptoms were not only more dreadful, but the mortality much more quick and fatal, in proportion to the number of people, put our scheming doctor to a sad non-plus: he could not account for this on the same principles with the other; nay, they must be, in a manner, diametrically opposite. All this obliged him at last (though he was still endeavouring to reconcile contradictions), to own, that, though some of the concurrent causes of this disease were plain enough, yet the grand cause was certainly the long continuance at sea, or an entire secret; and that no cure but the shore would ever be effectual. The Commodore, on this great mortality, having by him a quantity of Ward’s pills and drops, in order to experience whether they would be of any use, first tried them on himself, and then gave what he had left to the surgeon, to administer to such of the sick people as were willing to take them. The surgeon would not recommend them to any person, but several took them; though I know of none who believed they were of any service to them. They worked most people who took them very violently, both by vomit and stool: after which, as several told me, they would seem to be a little easier, tho’ weaker, for perhaps a day or two, but then they always relapsed, and became worse than before; and this, together with the inefficacy of all that our surgeons could do in the case, sufficiently shewed the vanity of attempting the cure of this distemper at sea.

And here, before I quit this subject, I shall endeavour to remove a prejudice, under which the afflicted have long severely suffered; and that is, from the notion generally prevalent, that none but the lazy are attacked with this disorder; whereas, the direct contrary is the truth; our experience having abundantly shewn, that the most laborious, active, stirring persons were oftenest seized with this disease; and the continuation of their labour, instead of curing, only helped to kill them the sooner.

Many undeniable instances might be given of this in our voyage; and, if future voyagers will give themselves the trouble of observing this hereafter, I am certain that the event will correspond with my assertion; nor does this distemper, in a general way, incline people to indolence, till it is come to that height, that, at the least motion, the person is ready to faint. It is certain, that, if the person afflicted desires to lengthen out his life as long as he can, his best way is to stir as little as possible. This I have seen verified by many instances.

The 23d and 24th, we reefed and repaired our rigging, which had suffered much in the variable weather.

The 26th, being, according to our reckoning, 300 leagues from the Ladrones, we met with a westerly wind, which did not come about again in four days. This was a most dispiriting incident, as we were all that while forced to lie to, the current insensibly driving us out of our course.

The 27th, our gunner, Henry Kipps, died of the scurvy, being one of the most able-bodied men, as well as the most active in the ship: he had taken Ward’s medicines once or twice.

On the 28th, we had calms with much rain, and received from the Gloucester 20 casks of flour, and four of groats. Having here an occasion of mentioning flour, it may not be amiss to take notice, that since our departure from Juan Fernandez, the principal officers had always soft bread new baked, the biscuit being so much worm-eaten, it was scarce any thing but dust, and a little blow would reduce it to that state immediately. Our beef and pork were likewise very rusty and rotten; and the surgeon endeavoured to persuade us from eating it, alledging it was, though a slow, yet a sure poison; but very little other food being to be had, we were reduced to a very deplorable condition.

The 29th, in the morning, the Gloucester’s fore-cap splitting, her fore-top-mast came by the board, and, in its fall, meeting with the fore-yard, broke it in the slings. As she was hereby rendered incapable of making any sail for some time, we were under a necessity, as soon as a gale sprung up, to take her in tow, and near 20 of the healthiest and ablest of our seamen were removed from the duty of our own ship, and were continued eight or ten days together to assist in repairing her damages; but these things, mortifying as we thought them, were only the commencement of our misfortunes; for, scarce had our people finished their business in the Gloucester before we met with a most violent storm from the western board, which obliged us to lie to. This storm lasted from the 10th to the 13th of August, attended with rain, thunder, and lightning, and such a lofty and dangerous sea as I have seldom seen, and could not have believed in latitudes between the Tropics, especially for such a long duration. Most of the time we lay to, we drove to the northward; abundance of our people died daily; and, the ship proving very leaky, every person who could stir, the principal officers not excepted, was obliged to take his turn at the pumps, and all little enough to keep us above water.

The 13th of August, at 10 in the morning, the Gloucester made a signal of distress, and, being to windward, bore down towards us; but we observed she was long in wearing, rolled very much, and made bad steerage. About half an hour after noon they spoke with us, and told us that they were so leaky that they must quit their ship; that they had seven feet water in the hold; and that all the men they had capable of stirring were quite exhausted with pumping, and could work no longer. This was an additional misfortune, and seemed to be without resource; for, whilst the Gloucester’s crew were thus enfeebled, our own sick were now so much increased, and those who still remained in health so over-fatigued with labour, that it was impossible for us to lend them any aid: all, therefore, that could be done was to send our boat on board for a more particular account of the ship’s condition; as it was soon suspected, that the taking her people on board us, and then destroying the Gloucester, was the only measure that could be prosecuted in the present emergency both for the preservation of their lives and of our own.

Our boat soon returned with a representation of the melancholy state of the Gloucester, and of her several defects, signed by Capt. Mitchell and all his officers; by which it appeared, that the ship was decayed in every part; that her crew was greatly reduced; that there remained alive no more than 77 men, officers included, 18 boys, and two prisoners; that of the whole number, only 16 men and 11 boys were capable of keeping the deck, and several of these very infirm; that the water was so deep in the hold, that those who were yet alive were starving, and could neither come at fresh water nor provisions.

From this representation, which was in no one instance exaggerated, the Commodore sent immediately an order to Capt. Mitchell, to bring his people on board the Centurion, and to take out such stores as could most easily be come at, among which he was very desirous of saving two cables, and a steel-anchor; but the ship rolled so much, and the men were so excessively fatigued, that it was with the greatest difficulty the prize-money was secured (the prize-goods amounting to many thousand pounds being abandoned): nor could any more provisions be got at, than five casks of flour (three of which were spoiled by the salt-water), a small quantity of brandy, and some living stock. Even this little business was so languishingly performed, that two days were wasted in the execution, during which time three or four of the sick perished on being moved.

As the weather was now calm, and we were uncertain how far distant we might be from Guam, a settlement in possession of the enemy, to whom the wreck of such a ship with guns and ammunition on board would have been a very valuable acquisition, the Commodore judged the most effectual way to prevent her from falling into their hands was to set on fire: and accordingly, as soon as the Captain and his Officers had quitted her, the combustibles placed for that purpose were lighted, and she continued burning the whole night, and at six the next morning she blew up. Thus perished his Majesty’s ship the Gloucester; and now, it might have been expected, that, being freed from the embarrassment in which her frequent disasters had involved us, we should have proceeded on our way much brisker than we had hitherto done. However, we were soon taught, that our anxieties were not yet to be relieved.

We were at this time in the utmost distress; the ship considerably lumbered with prize-goods, and the small room we had left thronged with the sick, whose numbers were now very much increased with those from the Gloucester; the dirt, nauseousness, and stench, almost every where intolerable; more people daily disabled with the disease; no sign of land, nor but very little wind, and that not fair but variable; very bad provisions and water, and the ship very leaky; and, though we discovered the leak to be in her bows on each side the stern, it lay in such a manner that we could not stop it, nay the attempting it rather made it worse. In this distress we made the best of every little spurt of wind.

Nothing farther remarkable happened till Sunday the 22d, when, about eight in the evening, we discovered two islands, one bearing W. half S. and the other S. W. by W. at the distance of about 10 leagues. We were overjoyed at this sight, and stood toward them with all our sail; but, there being little wind, we did not get near them till the next day about noon, when being about three miles off the largest and most promising of them, which appeared very hilly and full of trees, we sent on shore one of our Lieutenants in the cutter to make discoveries, who returned at nine in the evening, and gave us but a very indifferent account of the shore. The trees were mostly cocoa-nut-trees, of which there were prodigious quantities; about 60 cocoa-nuts they brought on board with them, but they could find no water, nor any good place to anchor in: on this account it was thought fit to stand further to the southward, for some more proper place. This was a severe disappointment to most of the sick, who, on the sight of land, (or hearing that we were so near it) had begun sensibly to revive: but as persons in such circumstances are soon driven to despond, when an aid they had depended upon deserts them, so this disappointment destroyed our hopes, and increased our dejection. We feared, that, if we met with more islands in the same run, they might be either as bad, worse, or inhabited by our enemies the Spaniards, who, in our weak condition, might easily be able to hinder us from proper refreshments: add to this, how near many of us were to death, and how little we could expect to survive any time in searching for other islands. I know not whether these were the general thoughts of the sick, but I must own they were mine, and made our situation at that time appear ten times worse to me than at any other in the whole course of our voyage. I was indeed very ill, and my illness might possibly occasion every thing to appear in its worst light, yet I never was one of those who were frightened at the apprehension, or even the visible approach of death; it had no unreasonable terrors in any of its prospects to me; and I always could, and I hope always shall be ready to meet it with calmness and perfect resignation: but I believe the healthiest and stoutest at that time had probably the greatest apprehensions; and I have since heard it from many of those, that they expected all to have perished, had we been so little as three weeks longer at sea; and I much question whether they were not right in that imagination.