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The Religion of the Ancient Celts

Chapter XVIII

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FESTIVALS.

A. Geimredh (winter half) 1st quarter, Geimredh, beginning with the festival of Samhain, November 1st. 2nd quarter, Earrach, beginning February 1st (sometimes called Oimelc).

B. Samradh (summer half) 3rd quarter, Samradh, beginning with the festival of Beltane, May 1st (called also Cét-soman or Cét-samain, 1st day of Samono-s; cf. Welsh Cyntefyn). 4th quarter, Foghamar, beginning with the festival of Lugnasadh, August 1st (sometimes called Brontroghain).

These divisions began with festivals, and clear traces of three of them occur over the whole Celtic area, but the fourth has now been merged in S. Brigit's day. Beltane and Samhain marked the beginning of the two great divisions, and were perhaps at first movable festivals, according as the signs of summer or winter appeared earlier or later. With the adoption of the Roman calendar some of the festivals were displaced, e.g. in Gaul, where the Calends of January took the place of Samhain, the ritual being also transferred.

The Celtic festivals being primarily connected with agricultural and pastoral life, we find in their ritual survivals traces not only of a religious but of a magical view of things, of acts designed to assist the powers of life and growth. The proof of this will be found in a detailed examination of the surviving customs connected with them.

SAMHAIN.

Samhain may thus be regarded as, in origin, an old pastoral and agricultural festival, which in time came to be looked upon as affording assistance to the powers of growth in their conflict with the powers of blight. Perhaps some myth describing this combat may lurk behind the story of the battle of Mag-tured fought on Samhain between the Tuatha Dé Danann and the Fomorians. While the powers of blight are triumphant in winter, the Tuatha Déa are represented as the victors, though they suffer loss and death. Perhaps this enshrines the belief in the continual triumph of life and growth over blight and decay, or it may arise from the fact that Samhain was both a time of rejoicing for the ingathered harvest, and of wailing for the coming supremacy of winter and the reign of the powers of blight.

BELTANE.

The folk-survivals of the Beltane and Midsummer festivals show that both were intended to promote fertility.

MIDSUMMER.

The bonfire representing the sun, and the victims, like the tree, representing the spirit of vegetation, it is obvious why the fire had healing and fertilising powers, and why its ashes and the ashes or the flesh of the victims possessed the same powers. Brands from the fire were carried through the fields or villages, as the tree had been, or placed on the fields or in houses, where they were carefully preserved for a year. All this aided growth and prosperity, just as the smoke of the fire, drifting over the fields, produced fertility. Ashes from the fire, and probably the calcined bones or even the flesh of the victims, were scattered on the fields or preserved and mixed with the seed corn. Again, part of the flesh may have been eaten sacramentally, since, as has been seen, Pliny refers to the belief of the Celts in the eating of human flesh as most wholesome.

LUGNASAD.

Due observance of the feast produced abundance of corn, fruit, milk, and fish. Probably the ritual observed included the preservation of the last sheaf as representing the corn-spirit, giving some of it to the cattle to strengthen them, and mingling it with next year's corn to impart to it the power of the corn-spirit. It may also have included the slaying of an animal or human incarnation of the corn-spirit, whose flesh and blood quickened the soil and so produced abundance next year, or, when partaken of by the worshippers, brought blessings to them. To neglect such rites, abundant instances of which exist in folk-custom, would be held to result in scarcity. This would also explain, as already suggested, why the festival was associated with the death of Tailtiu or of Carman. The euhemerised queen-goddess Tailtiu and the woman Carman had once been corn-goddesses, evolved from more primitive corn-spirits, and slain at the feast in their female representatives. The story of their death and burial at the festival was a dim memory of this ancient rite, and since the festival was also connected with the sun-god Lug, it was easy to bring him into relationship with the earlier goddess. Elsewhere the festival, in its memorial aspect, was associated with a king, probably because male victims had come to be representatives of a corn-god who had taken the place of the goddess.

Notes in this chapter

Note 1 · Footnote 889: (return) Pliny, xvi. 45; Cæsar, vi. 18. See my article "Calendar (Celtic)" in Hastings' Encyclopædia of Rel. and Ethics, iii. Note 2 · Footnote 890: (return) O'Donovan, Book of Rights, Intro. lii f.Note 3 · Footnote 891: (return) O'Donovan, li.; Bertrand, 105; Keating, 300.Note 4 · Footnote 892: (return) Samhain may mean "summer-end," from sam, "summer," and fuin, "sunset" or "end," but Dr. Stokes (US 293) makes samani-Note 5 · Footnote 893: (return) Keating, 125, 300.Note 6 · Footnote 894: (return) See MacBain, CM ix. 328.Note 7 · Footnote 895: (return) Brand, i. 390; Ramsay, Scotland and Scotsmen in the Eighteenth Century, ii. 437; Stat. Account, xi. 621.Note 8 · Footnote 896: (return) Hazlitt, 297-298, 340; Campbell, Witchcraft, 285 f.Note 9 · Footnote 897: (return) Curtin, 72.Note 10 · Footnote 898: (return) Fitzgerald, RC vi. 254.Note 11 · Footnote 899: (return) See Chambers, Mediæval Stage, App. N, for the evidence from canons and councils regarding these.Note 12 · Footnote 900: (return) Tille, Yule and Christmas, 96.Note 13 · Footnote 901: (return) Chambers, Popular Rhymes, 166.Note 14 · Footnote 902: (return) Hutchinson, View of Northumberland, ii. 45; Thomas, Rev. de l'Hist. des Rel. xxxviii. 335 f.Note 15 · Footnote 903: (return) Patrol. Lot. xxxix. 2001.Note 16 · Footnote 904: (return) IT i. 205; RC v. 331; Leahy, i. 57.Note 17 · Footnote 905: (return) See p. 169, supra.Note 18 · Footnote 906: (return) The writer has himself seen such bonfires in the Highlands. See also Hazlitt, 298; Pennant, Tour, ii. 47; Rh[^y]s, HLNote 19 · Footnote 907: (return) Keating, 300.Note 20 · Footnote 908: (return) Joyce, SH ii. 556; RC x. 214, 225, xxiv. 172; O'Grady, ii. 374; CM ix. 209.Note 21 · Footnote 909: (return) See Mannhardt, Mythol. Forschung. 333 f.; Frazer, Adonis, passim; Thomas, Rev. de l'Hist. des Rel. xxxviii. 325 f.Note 22 · Footnote 910: (return) Hazlitt, 35; Chambers, Mediæval Stage, i. 261.Note 23 · Footnote 911: (return) Chambers, Book of Days, ii. 492; Hazlitt, 131.Note 24 · Footnote 912: (return) Hazlitt, 97; Davies, Extracts from Munic. Records of York, 270.Note 25 · Footnote 913: (return) See p. 237, supra; LL 16, 213.Note 26 · Footnote 914: (return) Chambers, Med. Stage, i. 250 f.Note 27 · Footnote 915: (return) Cormac, s.v. "Belltaine," "Bel"; Arch. Rev. i. 232.Note 28 · Footnote 916: (return) D'Arbois, ii. 136.Note 29 · Footnote 917: (return) Stokes, US 125, 164. See his earlier derivation, dividing the word into belt, connected with Lithuan. baltas, "white,Note 30 · Footnote 918: (return) Need-fire (Gael. Teinne-eiginn, "necessity fire") was used to kindle fire in time of cattle plague. See Grimm, Teut. Note 31 · Footnote 919: (return) Cormac, s.v.; Martin, 105, says that the Druids extinguished all fires until their dues were paid. This may have beenNote 32 · Footnote 920: (return) Joyce, PN i. 216; Hone, Everyday Book, i. 849, ii. 595.Note 33 · Footnote 921: (return) Pennant, Tour in Scotland, i. 291.Note 34 · Footnote 922: (return) Hazlitt, 339, 397.Note 35 · Footnote 923: (return) Hone, Everyday Book, ii. 595. See p. 215, supra.Note 36 · Footnote 924: (return) Sinclair, Stat. Account, xi. 620.Note 37 · Footnote 925: (return) Martin, 105.Note 38 · Footnote 926: (return) For these usages see Ramsay, Scotland and Scotsmen in the Eighteenth Century, ii. 439 f.; Sinclair, Stat. Account, v.Note 39 · Footnote 927: (return) New Stat. Account, Wigtownshire, 208; Hazlitt, 38, 323, 340.Note 40 · Footnote 928: (return) See Miss Owen, Folk-lore of the Musquakie Indians, 50; Frazer, Golden Bough2, ii. 205.Note 41 · Footnote 929: (return) For notices of Beltane survivals see Keating, 300; Campbell, Journey from Edinburgh, i. 143; Ramsay, Scotland and ScoNote 42 · Footnote 930: (return) Meyrac, Traditions ... des Ardennes, 68.Note 43 · Footnote 931: (return) Bertrand, 119.Note 44 · Footnote 932: (return) Ibid. 407; Gaidoz, 21; Mannhardt, Baumkultus, 514, 523; Brand, i. 8, 323.Note 45 · Footnote 933: (return) Mannhardt, op. cit. 525 f.; Frazer, Golden Bough2, iii. 319.Note 46 · Footnote 934: (return) P. 234, supra.Note 47 · Footnote 935: (return) Frazer, op. cit. i. 74; Brand, i. 222, 237, 246, 318; Hone, Everyday Book, ii. 595; Mannhardt, op. cit. 177; Grimm, TNote 48 · Footnote 936: (return) See my Childhood of Fiction, ch. v.Note 49 · Footnote 937: (return) Frazer, i. 82, ii. 247 f., 275; Mannhardt, 315 f.Note 50 · Footnote 938: (return) Martin, 117. The custom of walking deiseil round an object still survives, and, as an imitation of the sun's course, Note 51 · Footnote 939: (return) Hone, i. 846; Hazlitt, ii. 346.Note 52 · Footnote 940: (return) This account of the Midsummer ritual is based on notices found in Hone, Everyday Book; Hazlitt, ii. 347 f.; Gaidoz, LNote 53 · Footnote 941: (return) RC xvi. 51; Guiraud, Les Assemblées provinciales dans l'Empire Romain.Note 54 · Footnote 942: (return) D'Arbois, i. 215, Les Celtes, 44; Loth, Annales de Bretagne, xiii. No. 2.Note 55 · Footnote 943: (return) RC xvi. 51.Note 56 · Footnote 944: (return) Strabo, iv. 4. 6.Note 57 · Footnote 945: (return) Dion. Per. v. 570.Note 58 · Footnote 946: (return) Pliny, xxii. 1.Note 59 · Footnote 947: (return) Greg, de Glor. Conf. 477; Sulp. Sev. Vita S. Martini, 9; Pass. S. Symphor. Migne, Pat. Graec. v. 1463, 1466. The cultNote 60 · Footnote 948: (return) Anwyl, Celtic Religion, 41.Note 61 · Footnote 949: (return) See Hartland, Science of Fairy-Tales, 84 f.Note 62 · Footnote 950: (return) Professor Rh[^y]s suggests that nudity, being a frequent symbol of submission to a conqueror, acquired a similar signNote 63 · Footnote 951: (return) Adamnan, Vita S. Col. ii. 45.Note 64 · Footnote 952: (return) See Gomme, Ethnology in Folk-lore, 30 f., Village Community, 114.Note 65 · The Celtic year was not at first regulated by the solstices and equinoxes, but by some method connected with agriculture or with the seasonsNote 66 · None of the four festivals is connected with the times of equinox and solstice. This points to the fact that originally the Celtic year was Note 67 · Samhain,892 beginning the Celtic year, was an important social and religious occasion. The powers of blight were beginning their ascendancy,Note 68 · New fire was brought into each house at Samhain from the sacred bonfire,893 itself probably kindled from the need-fire by the friction of piNote 69 · Divination and forecasting the fate of the inquirer for the coming year also took place. Sometimes these were connected with the bonfire, stNote 70 · The slaughter of animals for winter consumption which took place at Samhain, or, as now, at Martinmas, though connected with economic reasonNote 71 · Other rites, connected with the Calends of January as a result of dislocation, point also in this direction. In Gaul and Germany riotous proNote 72 · Evils having been or being about to be cast off in the New Year ritual, a few more added to the number can make little difference. Hence amoNote 73 · Samhain, as has been seen, was also a festival of the dead, whose ghosts were fed at this time.905Note 74 · As the powers of growth were in danger and in eclipse in winter, men thought it necessary to assist them. As a magical aid the Samhain bonfiNote 75 · Though the sacrificial victim had come to be regarded as an offering to the powers of blight, he may once have represented a divinity of groNote 76 · This aspect of Samhain, as a festival to promote and assist festivity, is further seen in the belief in the increased activity of fairies atNote 77 · In Cormac's Glossary and other texts, "Beltane" is derived from bel-tene, "a goodly fire," or from bel-dine, because newly-born (dine) cattlNote 78 · One of the chief ritual acts at Beltane was the kindling of bonfires, often on hills. The house-fires in the district were often extinguisheNote 79 · An animal representing the spirit of vegetation may have been slain. In late survivals of Beltane at Dublin, a horse's skull and bones were Note 80 · Beltane cakes or bannocks, perhaps made of the grain of the sacred last sheaf from the previous harvest, and therefore sacramental in characNote 81 · The bonfire was a sun-charm, representing and assisting the sun. Rain-charms were also used at Beltane. Sacred wells were visited and the ceNote 82 · The idea that the powers of growth had successfully combated those of blight may have been ritually represented. This is suggested by the miNote 83 · The ritual of the Midsummer festival did not materially differ from that of Beltane, and as folk-survivals show, it was practised not only bNote 84 · The connection of such sacrifices with the periodical slaying of a representative of the vegetation-spirit has been maintained by Mannhardt Note 85 · The oldest conception of the vegetation-spirit was that of a tree-spirit which had power over rain, sunshine, and every species of fruitfulnNote 86 · Folk-survivals show that a human or an animal representative of the vegetation-spirit, brought into connection with the tree, was also slainNote 87 · In the Stone Age, as with many savages, a circle typified the sun, and as soon as the wheel was invented its rolling motion at once suggesteNote 88 · Beltane and Midsummer thus appear as twin halves of a spring or early summer festival, the intention of which was to promote fertility and hNote 89 · The 1st of August, coming midway between Beltane and Samhain, was an important festival among the Celts. In Christian times the day became LNote 90 · Cormac explains the name Lugnasad as a festival of Lugh mac Ethlenn, celebrated by him in the beginning of autumn, and the Rennes DindsenchaNote 91 · Some of the ritual of these festivals is illustrated by scattered notices in classical writers, and on the whole they support our theory thaNote 92 · At a later time, S. Gregory of Tours speaks of the image of a goddess Berecynthia drawn on a litter through the streets, fields, and vineyarNote 93 · These rites were all directed towards divinities of fertility. But in harvest customs in Celtic Scotland and elsewhere two sheaves of corn wNote 94 · Pliny speaks of the nudity of the women engaged in the cult. Nudity is an essential part of all primitive agricultural rites, and painting tNote 95 · There is thus abundant evidence of the cult of fertility, vegetation, and corn-spirits, who tended to become divinities, male or female. HerNote 96 · Many of these local cults were pre-Celtic, but we need not therefore suppose that the Celts, or the Aryans as a whole, had no such cults.952
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