Chapter XVI
Reading edition
SACRIFICE, PRAYER, AND DIVINATION.
The Semites are often considered the worst offenders in the matter of human sacrifice, but in this, according to classical evidence, they were closely rivalled by the Celts of Gaul. They offered human victims on the principle of a life for a life, or to propitiate the gods, or in order to divine the future from the entrails of the victim. We shall examine the Celtic custom of human sacrifice from these points of view first.
The purpose of the sacrifice, namely, fertility, is indicated in the poetical version of the cult of Cromm—
"Milk and corn
They would ask from him speedily,
One group of Celtic human sacrifices was thus connected with primitive agricultural ritual, but the warlike energies of the Celts extended the practice. Victims were easily obtained, and offered to the gods of war. Yet even these sacrifices preserved some trace of the older rite, in which the victim represented a divinity or spirit.
"O God of the sea, Put weed in the drawing wave, To enrich the ground, To shower on us food."
PRAYER.
DIVINATION.
Notes in this chapter
Note 1 · Footnote 790: (return) Cæsar, vi. 16.Note 2 · Footnote 791: (return) Rh[^y]s, CB4 68.Note 3 · Footnote 792: (return) Justin, xxvi. 2; Pomp. Mela, iii. 2.Note 4 · Footnote 793: (return) Diod. Sic. xxii. 9.Note 5 · Footnote 794: (return) See Jullian, 53.Note 6 · Footnote 795: (return) Servius on Æneid, iii. 57.Note 7 · Footnote 796: (return) Cæsar, vi. 16; Livy, xxxviii. 47; Diod. Sic. v. 32, xxxi. 13; Athenæus, iv. 51; Dio Cass., lxii. 7.Note 8 · Footnote 797: (return) Diod. Sic, xxxiv. 13; Strabo, iv. 4; Orosius, v. 16; Schol. on Lucan, Usener's ed. 32.Note 9 · Footnote 798: (return) Cæsar, vi. 16; Strabo, iv. 4; Diod. Sic. v. 32; Livy, xxxviii. 47.Note 10 · Footnote 799: (return) Mannhardt, Baumkultus, 529 f.Note 11 · Footnote 800: (return) Strabo, ibid. 4. 4.Note 12 · Footnote 801: (return) S. Aug. de Civ. Dei, vii. 19.Note 13 · Footnote 802: (return) Tac. Ann. xiv. 30; Strabo, iv. 4. 4.Note 14 · Footnote 803: (return) Suet. Claud. 25.Note 15 · Footnote 804: (return) Pomp. Mela, iii. 2. 18.Note 16 · Footnote 805: (return) Pliny, HN xxx. 4. 13.Note 17 · Footnote 806: (return) Dio. Cass. lxii. 6.Note 18 · Footnote 807: (return) O'Curry, MC ii. 222; Joyce, SH i. ch. 9.Note 19 · Footnote 808: (return) RC xvi. 35.Note 20 · Footnote 809: (return) LL 213b.Note 21 · Footnote 810: (return) See p. 52, supra.Note 22 · Footnote 811: (return) See, however, accounts of reckless child sacrifices in Ellis, Polynesian Researches, i. 252, and Westermarck, Moral INote 23 · Footnote 812: (return) O'Curry, MC Intro, dcxli.Note 24 · Footnote 813: (return) LU 126a. A folk-version is given by Larminie, West Irish Folk-Tales, 139.Note 25 · Footnote 814: (return) Book of Fermoy, 89a.Note 26 · Footnote 815: (return) O'Curry, MC Intro. dcxl, ii. 222.Note 27 · Footnote 816: (return) Adamnan, Vita S. Col. Reeve's ed. 288.Note 28 · Footnote 817: (return) Carmichael, Carmina Gadelica, ii. 317.Note 29 · Footnote 818: (return) Nennius, Hist. Brit. 40.Note 30 · Footnote 819: (return) Stokes, TIG xli.; O'Curry, MC ii. 9.Note 31 · Footnote 820: (return) Pliny, HN xxx. 1. The feeding of Ethni, daughter of Crimthann, on human flesh that she might sooner attain maturity mNote 32 · Footnote 821: (return) Diod. Sic. vi. 12; Paus. x. 22. 3; Amm. Marc. xxvii. 4; Livy, xxiii. 24; Solin. xxii. 3.Note 33 · Footnote 822: (return) This custom continued in Ireland until Spenser's time.Note 34 · Footnote 823: (return) Leahy, i. 158; Giraldus, Top. Hib. iii. 22; Martin, 109.Note 35 · Footnote 824: (return) Sil. Ital. iv. 213; Diod. Sic. xiv. 115; Livy, x. 26; Strabo, iv. 4. 5; Miss Hull, 92.Note 36 · Footnote 825: (return) Diod. Sic. v. 29; Strabo, iv. 4. 5.Note 37 · Footnote 826: (return) D'Arbois, v. 11; Diod. Sic. v. 29; Strabo, loc. cit.Note 38 · Footnote 827: (return) Annals of the Four Masters, 864; IT i. 205.Note 39 · Footnote 828: (return) Sil. Ital. iv. 215, v. 652; Lucan, Phar. i. 447; Livy, xxiii. 24.Note 40 · Footnote 829: (return) See p. 71, supra; CIL xii. 1077. A dim memory of head-taking survived in the seventeenth century in Eigg, where headlNote 41 · Footnote 830: (return) Belloguet, Ethnol. Gaul. iii. 100.Note 42 · Footnote 831: (return) Sil. Ital. xiii. 482; Livy, xxiii. 24; Florus, i. 39.Note 43 · Footnote 832: (return) ZCP i. 106.Note 44 · Footnote 833: (return) Loth, i. 90 f., ii. 218-219. Sometimes the weapons of a great warrior had the same effect. The bows of Gwerthevyr werNote 45 · Footnote 834: (return) See p. 338, infra. In Ireland, the brain of an enemy was taken from the head, mixed with lime, and made into a ball. Note 46 · Footnote 835: (return) L'Anthropologie, xii. 206, 711. Cf. the English tradition of the "Holy Mawle," said to have been used for the same puNote 47 · Footnote 836: (return) Arrian, Cyneg. xxxiii.Note 48 · Footnote 837: (return) Cæsar, vi. 17; Orosius, v. 16. 6.Note 49 · Footnote 838: (return) D'Arbois, i. 155.Note 50 · Footnote 839: (return) Curtin, Tales of the Fairies, 72; Folk-Lore, vii. 178-179.Note 51 · Footnote 840: (return) Mitchell, Past in the Present, 275.Note 52 · Footnote 841: (return) Mitchell, op. cit. 271 f.Note 53 · Footnote 842: (return) Cook, Folk-Lore, xvii. 332.Note 54 · Footnote 843: (return) Mitchell, loc. cit. 147. The corruption of "Maelrubha" to "Maree" may have been aided by confusing the name with mo oNote 55 · Footnote 844: (return) Mitchell, loc. cit.; Moore, 92, 145; Rh[^y]s, CFL i. 305; Worth, Hist. of Devonshire, 339; Dalyell, passim.Note 56 · Footnote 845: (return) Livy, xxiii. 24.Note 57 · Footnote 846: (return) Sébillot, ii. 166-167; L'Anthrop. xv. 729.Note 58 · Footnote 847: (return) Carmichael, Carm. Gad. i. 163.Note 59 · Footnote 848: (return) Martin, 28. A scribe called "Sonid," which might be the equivalent of "Shony," is mentioned in the Stowe missal (FolkNote 60 · Footnote 849: (return) Campbell, Superstitions, 184 f; Waifs and Strays of Celtic Trad. ii. 455.Note 61 · Footnote 850: (return) Aelian, xvii. 19.Note 62 · Footnote 851: (return) Tacitus, Ann. xiv. 30; Dio Cass. lxii. 6.Note 63 · Footnote 852: (return) Appian, Celtica, 8; Livy, xxi. 28, xxxviii. 17, x. 26.Note 64 · Footnote 853: (return) Livy, v. 38, vii. 23; Polybius, ii. 29. Cf. Watteville, Le cri de guerre chez les differents peuples, Paris, 1889.Note 65 · Footnote 854: (return) Livy, v. 38.Note 66 · Footnote 855: (return) Appian, vi. 53; Muret et Chabouillet, Catalogue des monnaies gauloises, 6033 f., 6941 f.Note 67 · Footnote 856: (return) Diod. v. 31; Justin, xxvi. 2, 4; Cicero, de Div. ii. 36, 76; Tac. Ann. xiv. 30; Strabo, iii. 3. 6.Note 68 · Footnote 857: (return) Dio Cass. lxii. 6.Note 69 · Footnote 858: (return) Reinach, Catal. Sommaire, 31; Pseudo-Plutarch, de Fluviis, vi. 4; Mirab. Auscult. 86.Note 70 · Footnote 859: (return) Strabo, iv. 4. 6.Note 71 · Footnote 860: (return) Justin, xxiv, 4; Cicero, de Div. i. 15. 26. (Cf. the two magic crows which announced the coming of Cúchulainn to the Note 72 · Footnote 861: (return) Joyce, SH i. 229; O'Curry, MC ii. 224, MS Mat. 284.Note 73 · Footnote 862: (return) IT i. 129; Livy, v. 34; Loth, RC xvi. 314. The Irish for consulting a lot is crann-chur, "the act of casting wood."Note 74 · Footnote 863: (return) Cæsar, vi. 14.Note 75 · Footnote 864: (return) O'Curry, MC ii. 46, 224; Stokes, Three Irish Homilies, 103.Note 76 · Footnote 865: (return) Cormac, 94. Fionn's divination by chewing his thumb is called Imbas Forosnai (RC xxv. 347).Note 77 · Footnote 866: (return) Antient Laws of Ireland, i. 45.Note 78 · Footnote 867: (return) Hyde, Lit. Hist. of Ireland, 241.Note 79 · Footnote 868: (return) Justin, xliii. 5.Note 80 · Footnote 869: (return) O'Grady, ii. 362; Giraldus, Descr. Camb. i. 11.Note 81 · Footnote 870: (return) Pennant, Tour in Scotland, i. 311; Martin, 111.Note 82 · Footnote 871: (return) Richardson, Folly of Pilgrimages, 70.Note 83 · Footnote 872: (return) Tertullian, de Anima, 57; Coll. de Reb. Hib. iii. 334.Note 84 · Footnote 873: (return) Campbell, Superstitions, 263; Curtin, Tales, 84.Note 85 · Footnote 874: (return) Lucan, ed. Usener, 33.Note 86 · Footnote 875: (return) See examples in O'Curry, MS Mat. 383 f.Note 87 · Footnote 876: (return) Miss Hull, 19, 20, 23.Note 88 · Footnote 877: (return) LU 55.Note 89 · Footnote 878: (return) RC xii. 98, xxi. 156, xxii. 61.Note 90 · Footnote 879: (return) RC xv. 432; Annals of the Four Masters, A.M. 2530; Campbell, WHT iv. 298.Note 91 · Footnote 880: (return) See "Adamnan's Second Vision." RC xii. 441.Note 92 · Cæsar says that those afflicted with disease or engaged in battle or danger offer human victims or vow to do so, because unless man's life bNote 93 · The idea of the victim being offered on the principle of a life for a life is illustrated by a custom at Marseilles in time of pestilence. ONote 94 · Human victims were also offered by way of thanksgiving after victory, and vows were often made before a battle, promising these as well as pNote 95 · Other propitiatory sacrifices took place at intervals, and had a general or tribal character, the victims being criminals or slaves or even Note 96 · Divination with the bodies of human victims is attested by Tacitus, who says that "the Druids consult the gods in the palpitating entrails oNote 97 · Human sacrifice in Gaul was put down by the Romans, who were amazed at its extent, Suetonius summing up the whole religion in a phrase—druidNote 98 · In return for one-third of their healthy issue."809Note 99 · The Nemedian sacrifice to the Fomorians is said to have been two-thirds of their children and of the year's supply of corn and milk810—an obNote 100 · Human sacrifices were also offered when the foundation of a new building was laid. Such sacrifices are universal, and are offered to propitiNote 101 · Of all these varieties of human sacrifice, those offered for fertility, probably at Beltane or Midsummer, were the most important. Their proNote 102 · Head-hunting, described in classical writings and in Irish texts, had also a sacrificial aspect. The heads of enemies were hung at the saddlNote 103 · These customs had a religious aspect. In cutting off a head the Celt saluted the gods, and the head was offered to them or to ancestral spirNote 104 · A possible survival of the sacrifice of the aged may be found in a Breton custom of applying a heavy club to the head of old persons to lighNote 105 · Animal victims were also frequently offered. The Galatian Celts made a yearly sacrifice to their Artemis of a sheep, goat, or calf, purchaseNote 106 · Other survivals of animal sacrifice are found in cases of cattle-plague, as in Morayshire sixty years ago, in Wales, Devon, and the Isle of Note 107 · The blood of victims was sprinkled on altars, images, and trees, or, as among the Boii, it was placed in a skull adorned with gold.845 OtherNote 108 · Those on shore took up the strain in chorus.847 Thus the rite was described by one who took part in it a century ago, but Martin, writing inNote 109 · Prayer accompanied most rites, and probably consisted of traditional formulæ, on the exact recital of which depended their value. The DruidsNote 110 · A special class of diviners existed among the Celts, but the Druids practised divination, as did also the unofficial layman. Classical writeNote 111 · Omens were drawn from the direction of the smoke and flames of sacred fires and from the condition of the clouds.861 Wands of yew were carriNote 112 · The Imbas Forosnai, "illumination between the hands," was used by the Filé to discover hidden things. He chewed a piece of raw flesh and plaNote 113 · Other methods resemble "trance-utterance." "A great obnubilation was conjured up for the bard so that he slept a heavy sleep, and things magNote 114 · The taghairm of the Highlanders was a survival from pagan times. The seer was usually bound in a cow's hide—the animal, it may be conjectureNote 115 · Both among the continental and Irish Celts those who sought hidden knowledge slept on graves, hoping to be inspired by the spirits of the deNote 116 · In Ireland and the Highlands, divination by looking into the shoulder-blade of a sheep was used to discover future events or things happeninNote 117 · Mythical personages or divinities are said in the Irish texts to have stood on one leg, with one arm extended, and one eye closed, when utteNote 118 · Early Celtic saints occasionally describe lapses into heathenism in Ireland, not characterised by "idolatry," but by wizardry, dealing in ch