CORRESPONDENCE CONTINUED. (continued 2)

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Amsterdam, June 15th, 1781.

Sir,

The long expected courier has at last arrived at the Hague from St Petersburg. The contents of his despatches are not public, but all hopes of assistance from the armed neutrality seem to be dissipated. The question now is, what is to be done next. Some are for alliances with the house of Bourbon and America, but a thousand fears arise. France, the Emperor, and the Republic, have Provinces so intermixed together in Brabant and Flanders, that it is supposed the Emperor would be much alarmed at an alliance between France and Holland, lest they should soon agree to divide his Provinces between them. The people in these Provinces would, it is supposed, have no objection. They all speak the French language, are of the same religion, and the policy of France in governing conquered Provinces, according to their ancient usages, and with great moderation, has taken away all aversion to a change of masters.

Some people think, that an alliance between France and Holland would occasion a general war. This I think would be an advantage to America, although philanthropy would wish to prevent the further effusion of human blood.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Amsterdam, June 23d, 1781.

Sir,

The answer from St Petersburg, as it is given to the public, is this;

"Her Majesty, the Empress of all the Russias, declares, That as much as she has been satisfied with the zeal with which their High Mightinesses have accepted her mediation, so much and more has her compassionate heart been affected with the difficulties formed by the Court of London, in referring the reconciliation with the Republic to a subsequent and general negotiation of peace between all the belligerent powers, under the combined mediation of Her Imperial Majesty, and His Majesty, the Roman Emperor. As soon as this negotiation shall take place, her Majesty promises beforehand to the Republic, all the assistance, which depends upon her, to the end, that the Republic may without delay, return into the rank of neutral powers, and thereby enjoy entirely, and without restraint, all the rights and advantages, which her accession to the engagements between Her Imperial Majesty and the Kings, her high allies, ought to assure to her.

"In this expectation, the intention of Her Imperial Majesty is, conjointly with their Majesties, to persuade that Court to that moderation, and those pacific sentiments, which their High Mightinesses, on their part have manifested. The Empress flatters herself, that the times and the events, which may unexpectedly happen, will bring forth circumstances of such a nature, as will put her in a situation to make appear, in a manner the most efficacious, her good will and her affection, of which she sincerely desires to be able to give proof to their High Mightinesses."

This answer gives great scope to speculation and conjecture, but I shall trouble Congress with a very few remarks upon it.

1. In the first place, and without insinuating her opinion concerning the justice or injustice of the war, between Great Britain and the United Provinces, she imputes the ill success of her mediation between them, to the Court of London, and not at all to the Republic.

2. She applauds the moderation and pacific sentiments of their High Mightinesses, and implicitly censures the Court of London, for opposite dispositions.

Thus far the declaration is unfavorable to the English, and a pledge of her Imperial honor, at least not to take any part in their favor.

3. It appears, that the Court of London has proposed a negotiation for peace between all the belligerent powers, under the mediation of the Empress and the Emperor. But, as it is certain the Court of London does not admit the United States of America to be one of the belligerent powers, and as no other power of Europe, except France, as yet admits it to be a power, it is very plain to me, that the British Ministry mean nothing but chicanery, to unman and disarm their enemies with delusive dreams of peace, or to intrigue them, or some of them, into a peace separately from America, and without deciding our question.

4. The declaration says not, that the Empress has accepted this mediation, nor upon what terms she would accept it. Here we are left to conjecture. The Dutch Ambassadors at St Petersburg wrote last winter to the Hague, that the Empress would not accept of this mediation with the Emperor, but upon two preliminary conditions, viz. that the Court of London should acknowledge the independence of America, and accede to the principles of the late marine treaty, concerning the rights of neutrals. To this she may have since added, that Holland should previously be set at peace, and become a neutral power, or she may have altered her sentiments. Here we can only conjecture.

5. It appears, that the Kings of Denmark and Sweden have joined, or are to join, the Empress in a new effort with the Court of London, to persuade it to make peace with Holland. But how vigorous, or decisive this effort is to be, or what will be their conduct, if they should still be unsuccessful, is left only to conjecture.

6. There are hints at future events, and circumstances, which her Majesty foresees, but the rest of the world do not, which may give her occasion to show her good will. Here is nothing declared, nothing promised, yet it leaves room to suppose, that her Majesty and her high allies may have insisted on conditions from the Court of London, which accepted, may give peace to the Republic, or rejected, may oblige Russia, Sweden, and Denmark, to join Holland in the war. But all this is so faint, reserved, and mysterious, that no dependence whatever can be placed upon it. I am sorry to see the idea of a negotiation for a general peace held up, because I am as well persuaded it is only an insidious manœuvre of the British Ministry, as I am that many powers of Europe, and especially Holland, will be the dupe of it. I confess I should dread a negotiation for a general peace at this time, because I should expect propositions for short truces, uti possidetis, and other conditions, which would leave our trade more embarrassed, our union more precarious, and our liberties at greater hazard, than they can be in a continuance of the war, at the same time it would put us to as constant, and almost as great an expense. Nevertheless, if proposals of peace, or of conferences and negotiations to that end, should be proposed to me, which they have not as yet from any quarter, it will be my duty to attend to them with as much patience and delicacy too, as if I believed them sincere.

Americans must wean themselves from the hope of any signal assistance from Europe. If all the negotiations of Congress can keep up the reputation of the United States so far as to prevent any nation from joining England, it will be much. But there are so many difficulties in doing this, and so many deadly blows are aimed at our reputation for honor, faith, integrity, union, fortitude, and power, even by persons who ought to have the highest opinion of them, and the tenderest regard for them, that I confess myself sometimes almost discouraged, and wish myself returning through all the dangers of the enemy to America, where I could not do less, and possibly might do more for the public good.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Amsterdam, June 23d, 1781.

Sir,

The Deputies of the city of Zieriksee have presented to their Noble Mightinesses, the Lords, the States of Zealand, on the 12th of this month, their advice concerning the report of the State, of the 19th of April last, relative to the building of vessels of war, to be done by the College of the Admiralty of this Province, in these words, viz.

"That the venerable Regency having seen, by the Memorial of the gentlemen, the committees of the Admiralty of this Province, annexed to the said report, the serious difficulties which appear to oppose themselves to the resolution of building a larger number of vessels of war and frigates, has thought itself obliged to declare, that it is greatly afflicted at the dangerous situation in which the Republic and this Province are at present, being involved in a ruinous war, and almost entirely destitute of all convenient means, which could be employed for the safety and defence of the country; that this great distress might furnish to the venerable Regency, one of the best occasions to enlarge in reflections, how, by prompt directions and active foresight, in case that the re-establishment of our marine had really been taken to heart, the greatest obstacles alleged in the Memorial in question might have been prevented in time; but, that a repetition of what ought to have been executed in time, would in no degree ameliorate the present situation of affairs; and so much the more, as it is indispensably necessary that the deliberations concerning the further building of ships, should be at length terminated; the venerable Regency, then, for the present, would abstain from making even well founded observations, which, nevertheless, they might allege, both with regard to the contents of the Memorial in question, and to the means of advancing with greater vigor the construction, or to put the marine upon a more respectable footing by another way; they content themselves then, with declaring simply, that they are ready to concur in the completion of the aforesaid point of construction, either by conforming to the disposition of this report, or in any other manner whatsoever, that a general deliberation of all the members of the State may find the most convenient.

"That, nevertheless, the venerable Regency cannot abstain from remarking further here, that at the beginning of this war, they had always been persuaded that the other confederates, whose sentiments concerning the first causes of this war have continually influenced those of Zealand, had taken the precautions necessary to be able to oppose the enemy conveniently, either by the national forces, or by the efficacious assistance of their allies, but that the issue of affairs already shows visibly with how much lukewarmness and levity, notwithstanding the serious exhortations and informations repeatedly made by this Province, we have conducted ourselves both with regard to the one and the other. The venerable Regency now sees the Republic at this moment deprived of all foreign succor, and abandoned to herself against a formidable enemy.

"That, as such a dangerous situation ought naturally to excite in all those who participate in the public government, and really take to heart the true interests of their country, a redoubled zeal to set immediately at work, and in proportion to the danger, all the means of defence imaginable, and to employ them to protect, in the most effectual manner, their country, her commerce and possessions, and to annoy the enemy; the venerable Regency, seeing on the contrary, that the indolence, the inactivity, and even the continual indifference, are only increasing more and more, and that public affairs are administered in a manner, which cannot be reconciled with the danger to which the Republic is exposed, judge, in consequence, that the Lords, the States of this Province, will not be able longer to see, without speaking out, a situation so perilous; but that they ought to examine seriously the true causes and reasons of all this, to the end, that when we have obtained the explanations which we have a right to require, we may take, with the most serious zeal, the resolutions proper to maintain the excellent prerogatives, which we yet possess, and to guard against such misfortunes.

"That the venerable Regency, having learnt with a great deal of satisfaction that similar observations have been made by other members of the body politic, hope that the deliberations concerning an object of this importance will be no longer delayed; but they trust that the affair, for which the advice of the gentlemen of Middleburg carried on the 15th of May to the Assembly of the States has been sent back, will be discussed as soon as possible, and without delay. The venerable Regency declaring, that they shall be always disposed to co-operate in taking every measure proper to obtain an end so salutary."

Thus we see, that two cities of Zealand, Middleburg and Zieriksee, are co-operating with Amsterdam, Haerlem, Dort, Delft, &c. in order to arouse the Republic to action; how many months or years may roll away before they succeed, it is impossible for me to say, because it will depend upon events of war, reports of peace, and the councils of other sovereigns in Europe, as yet inscrutable, but it will depend upon nothing more than the fate of Clinton and Cornwallis in America.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Amsterdam, June 26th, 1781.

Sir,

The Emperor appears to be more intent at present upon taking a fair advantage of the present circumstances, to introduce a flourishing commerce into the Austrian Flanders, than upon making treaties with England, or waging war in its favor. His Imperial, Royal, and Apostolical Majesty, has condescended to take off and break the shackles, which restrained the commerce and the communication of the port of Nieuport, in the interior of the country, and to discharge by his gracious decree, the commerce from the charges and impositions which were raised on the lands bordering upon the said port, under the denomination of Vate, Geld, Hast-Geld, Myle-Geld, &c. The frequentation of the port of Nieuport presents all the facilities which the merchants can require. Thus the city of Nieuport enjoys the most extensive privileges, both for storage and transportation to foreigners.

We find there good magazines, merchants, factors, and commissioners, who will all serve punctually. The communications, both to the interior parts of the country and to foreigners, are free and easy, both by land, by means of the new causeway of Nieuport, which communicates with all the roads, and by water by means of the direct canals of Nieuport, to Bruges, to Ostend, to Ypres, to Dixmuide, to Furnes, and to Dunkirk, and from thence further on. One passes by the canal from Nieuport to Bruges, nearly in the same space of time, that we pass by the canal from Ostend to Bruges. All these canals have daily barks ready, easy and convenient for travellers, merchandises, and effects. The fishery of the sea, both of fresh fish, and of all sorts of herring and cod, is at Nieuport, in the most flourishing state, and enjoys there every privilege and exemption. The distillery of gin in the Dutch way, established at Nieuport, makes excellent gin, the transportation and expedition of which enjoys the greatest facilities. And the government of his Imperial Majesty, in the Low Countries, does not cease to grant all the privileges and facilities, which can tend to the well-being of the inhabitants, and of the commerce of the city and port of Nieuport. I should rejoice at these measures, for the benefit which American commerce would receive from them, provided the Emperor could oblige Americans to take their goods from Germany and not from England; but immense quantities of British manufactures will go to America from Nieuport, Ostend, and Bruges.

This is a subject, which deserves the serious consideration of every American. British manufactures are going in vast quantities to America, from Holland, the Austrian Flanders, France, and Sweden, as well as by the way of New York and Charleston, &c. Whether it is possible to check it, much less to put a stop to it, I know not; and whether it would be good policy to put an end to it, if that were practicable, is made a question by many. If the Germans, the Dutch, the French, and Spaniards, or any other nations, would learn a little commercial policy, and give a credit to Americans, as the British merchants do, and encourage in their own countries manufactures, adapted to the wants and tastes of our countrymen, it is certain that in such a case, it would be our interest and duty to put an end to the trade in British goods, because nothing would weaken and distress the enemy so much, and therefore nothing would contribute more to bring the war to a conclusion. At present manufactures flourish in England, and the duties paid at the custom houses have been increasing these two or three years, merely owing to their recovering more and more of the American trade by neutral bottoms, and by other clandestine channels.

Any American merchant by going over to London, obtains a credit. The language of the London merchants to the American merchants is, "Let us understand one another, and let the governments squabble." But Americans ought to consider, if we can carry on the war forever, our allies cannot, and without their assistance we should find it very difficult to do it.

I wish the taste for British manufactures may not cost us more blood, than the difference between them and others is worth.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Amsterdam, June 26th, 1781.

Sir,

The rubicon is passed. A step has been at last taken by the Regency of Amsterdam, which must decide the fate of the Republic. The city of Amsterdam, finding that their proposition of the 18th of last month was not sufficient to change the conduct of administration, have ventured on another manœuvre. On the 8th of this month, as soon as the States of Holland were separated, two Burgomasters of Amsterdam, M. Tenminck and M. Rendorp, accompanied with M. Vesser, the Pensionary of the city, demanded an audience of the Prince Stadtholder, who granted it, at his house in the grove. In this audience, they made to the Prince, by word of mouth, a representation, which they repeated in a memorial sent on the 14th, to the Counsellor Pensionary of the Province, the substance of which is as follows. The gentlemen of Amsterdam, said,

"That their proposition of the 18th of May last, founded perhaps upon former examples, did not result from any suspicions with regard to the good dispositions and intentions of his Most Serene Highness, which they had no reason to distrust, although the Regency of the city of Amsterdam had learned with the most profound grief, that evil minded persons had endeavored to insinuate the contrary to his Most Serene Highness; but that their distrust fell solely upon him, whose influence over the mind of his Most Serene Highness was held for the most immediate cause, of the sloth and weakness in the administration of affairs, which as they could not but be extremely prejudicial to the well-being of the public, they had a long time expected, but in vain, that the dangerous circumstances in which the Republic found itself involved, would have, in the end, given rise to serious deliberations upon the means, which we ought to employ in their order and with more vigor; but that these hopes had hitherto been fruitless, and, that as the question now in agitation was concerning the safety of their dear country, of her dear bought liberty, of that of his Most Serene Highness and his house, in one word, of everything which is dear to the inhabitants of the Republic, the Regency of Amsterdam had judged, that they ought not any longer to render themselves guilty by their silence, of a neglect of their duty.

"That, although with regret, they see themselves obliged to take this step, and to represent to his Highness with all due respect, but at the same time with all that frankness and freedom, which the importance of the affair requires, and to declare to him openly, that, according to the general opinion, the Field Maréchal, the Duke Louis of Brunswick Wolfenbuttel, is held for the primary cause of the miserable and defective state in which this country finds itself, in regard to its defence, of all the negligence of duty, which has taken place with respect to this subject, and of all the perverse measures, which have been taken for a long time, with all the fatal consequences which have proceeded from them; and that they could assure his Highness, that the hatred and aversion of the nation for the person and administration of the Duke, were risen to such a height, that there was reason to apprehend from them, events the most melancholy, and the most disagreeable for the public prosperity and the general tranquillity.

"That there was no doubt that the same assertion had been made to his Highness from other quarters; but that in case this had not been, it ought to be attributed solely to the fear of the effects of the resentment of the Duke, while, at the same time, they dared to appeal in this respect, with the firmest confidence, to the testimony of all the members of government, gentlemen of honor and frankness, that his Serene Highness would interrogate upon this subject, after having assured them of the necessary liberty of speaking without reserve, and after having exhorted them to tell him the truth, according to their duty and their conscience.

"That the Regents of Amsterdam, had learned more than once with grief, that the Counsellor Pensionary of the Province had complained, in presence of divers members of the Regency of Holland, of the misunderstanding which took place between him, the Counsellor Pensionary, and the Duke, as also of the influence which the Duke has upon the spirit of his Highness, and by which his efforts for the good of the country had often been rendered fruitless.

"That this discord, and this difference of views and sentiments between the principal Counsellor of his Serene Highness and the first Minister of this Province, might not only have consequences the most prejudicial, but that it furnished also a motive sufficient to make the strongest instances, to the end, to remove the source of this distrust and discord, while that, without the previous re-establishment of confidence and unanimity, there remained no longer any means of saving the Republic.

"That nothing was more necessary for the well-being of the illustrious House of his Highness, to maintain his authority, to preserve to him the esteem and the attachment of the nation, and for his own reputation with the neighboring powers, since they could assure, and they ought to advertise his Highness, that it is possible he may become one day the object of the indifference and distrust of the public, instead of being and continuing always the worthy object of the love and esteem of the people; and the Regencies, as they made the sincerest wishes, that his Highness and his illustrious posterity might constantly enjoy them, considering, that thereon depended in a great measure, the conservation of the well-being of their country, and of the House of Orange.

"That although they know very well, that the members of the sovereignty have always a right, and that their duty requires them even to expose their sentiments to his Highness and their co-regents, concerning the state and administration of public affairs, they should, however, have now voluntarily spared the present measure, if there had been only the smallest hope of amendment or alteration, but that from the aforesaid reasons, they dared not longer flatter themselves, and that the necessity having arisen to the highest point, it appeared that there was no other part to take, but to lay open in this manner to his Highness the real situation of affairs, praying him most earnestly to take it into serious consideration, and no longer listen to the counsels and insinuations of a man, upon whom the hatred of the great and the little was accumulated, and whom they regard as a stranger, not having a sufficient knowledge of our form of government, and not having a sincere affection for the Republic.

"That the Regents of Amsterdam were very far from desiring to accuse this nobleman of that of which, however, he was too publicly charged; or to consider as well founded, the suspicions of an excessive attachment to the Court of London, of bad faith and of corruption, that they assure themselves, that a person of so illustrious a birth and so high rank, is incapable of such baseness; but that they judge, that the unfortunate ideas, which have been unhappily conceived with regard to him, and which have caused a general distrust, have rendered him absolutely useless and hurtful to the service of the country, and of his Highness.

"That thus it was convenient to dismiss him from the direction of affairs, from the person and Court of his Highness, as being a perpetual obstacle to the re-establishment of that good harmony, so highly necessary between his Highness and the principal members of the State, while his continuance would but too much occasion the distrust conceived of his counsels, to fall, whether with or without reason, upon the person, and the administration of his Highness himself.

"That these representations did not proceed from a principle of personal hatred or private rancor against the Duke, who, in former times, has had reason to value himself on the benevolence and real proofs of the affection of the Regency of Amsterdam; but that they ought to protest before God and the world, that the conservation of their country, and of the illustrious House of his Highness, and the desire to prevent their approaching ruin, had been the only motives of these representations.

"That they had seen themselves obliged to them, both in quality of citizens of the country, and as an integral member of its sovereign Assembly, to the end to make by this step one last effort, and to furnish yet, perhaps in time, a means of saving, under the blessing of the Almighty, the vessel of the State from the most imminent dangers, and conduct it to a good port, or at least, in every case, to acquit themselves of their duty, and to satisfy their consciences, and to place themselves in safety from all reproach from the present age, and from posterity."

To this representation, the Duke has made an answer to their High Mightinesses, in which he demands an inquiry and a vindication of his honor, as dearer to him than his life. This answer will be transmitted as soon as possible. The transaction will form a crisis, but what will be the result of this, or any other measure taken in this country, I cannot pretend to foretel.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Amsterdam, June 27th, 1781.

Sir,

Major Jackson has been some time here, in pursuance of instructions from Colonel Laurens, in order to despatch the purchase of the goods, and the shipping of the goods and cash, for the United States, which are to go by the South Carolina.

But when all things appeared to be ready, I received a letter from his Excellency Dr Franklin, informing me that he feared his funds would not admit of his accepting bills for more than fifteen thousand pounds sterling, the accounts of the Indian and the goods amounted to more than fifty thousand pounds, which showed that there had not been an understanding sufficiently precise and explicit between the Doctor, and the Colonel. There was, however, no remedy but a journey to Passy, which Major Jackson undertook, despatched the whole business, and returned to Amsterdam in seven days, so that I hope now there will be no more delays.

Major Jackson has conducted, through the whole of his residence here, as far as I have been able to observe, with great activity and accuracy in business, and an exemplary zeal for the public service.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Amsterdam, June 29th, 1781.

Sir,

On the 21st of this month, the Field Maréchal, Duke Louis, of Brunswick, presented to the States-General the following paper.

"High and Mighty Lords,

"It is not without the greatest reluctance, that I see myself forced to interrupt the important deliberations of your High Mightinesses, and to have recourse to you in an affair, which indeed regards me personally, but the simple explanation of which, I assure myself, will prove, that if I should neglect this step, I should be essentially wanting to the dignity of character, with which your High Mightinesses have clothed me.

"After having passed in 1750 into the service of the State, it pleased your High Mightinesses, by your resolution of the 13th of November of the same year, to create me Field Maréchal of your troops. When, afterwards, the arrangements for the tuition of the Stadtholder in his minority were resolved on, by express resolutions of all the High Confederates, and it was resolved, that his Highness should be represented in the administration of his military employments, your High Mightinesses then condescended, by honoring me with their distinguished confidence, to confer upon me, by your resolution of the 13th of January, 1759, the title of the representative of the Prince Stadtholder, as Captain-General during the time of his minority.

"I shall say nothing of the resolutions, which your High Mightinesses and the respective Provinces took on the 8th of March, 1766, the day of the majority of the Prince, and in the sequel, under different dates, relative to the manner in which I had answered to the confidence, which you had condescended to put in me. These resolutions are too flattering to be recited here; they are, however, sure pledges, that at that time, at least, I had the good fortune to see my conduct and my services rendered to the State, approved by the high government. In fine, your High Mightinesses continued to honor me with your confidence, even after the time of the minority of the Stadtholder. You took on the same 8th of March, 1766, the resolution to cause to be solicited by your Envoy Extraordinary at the Court of Vienna, the consent of her Imperial and Royal Majesty, in whose service I was also engaged as Field Maréchal, to continue me still in the same quality in the service of your High Mightinesses. The pleasure of her Majesty being obtained, I did not refuse this honor, but continued vested with the character of Field Maréchal of the troops of the State, in the service of your High Mightinesses.

"Having thus filled for more than thirty years, under the eyes of their High Mightinesses, and in a manner which is sufficiently known to you, the employments which you had confided to me, could I have expected that they would one day render my person the object of the public hatred to such a degree, that I could be exposed to the step which they have taken upon my subject; a step the most dishonorable to the character, with which your High Mightinesses have condescended to invest me, and which puts me in the absolute necessity of addressing myself this day to you.

"In effect, High and Mighty Lords, after having seen myself in public, the object of accusations and calumnies the most atrocious, (but which I have always despised as such, and of which I shall never take notice, while no one presents himself to support them) after that they had excited against me a general cry, as if my person could be no longer endured, it was necessary for me still further to suffer, that the gentlemen, the Deputies of the city of Amsterdam, and namely the two reigning Burgomasters, Messieurs Temminck and Rendorp, accompanied with the Pensionary Vischer, should have addressed themselves to my Lord, the Prince of Orange, and in presence of the Counsellor Pensionary of Holland, should have read to him a certain memorial, in the name and by the order of their constituents, who are therein throughout introduced as speaking in the name of the Regency of Amsterdam, and in which I receive an affront the most sensible for an upright heart. It is true, that the Deputies whom I have just named, took back with them this memorial; but, since, changing their plan, they have thought fit to transmit it, on the 14th of the month, by the Burgomaster Rendorp, not indeed in the name of the Regency of Amsterdam, but in that of the gentlemen the Burgomasters to the Counsellor Pensionary, praying him to transmit it to the Prince, to whom they left the liberty to make such use of it as should seem to him convenient.

"Informed in this way, and by the communication which his Highness made to me of it, of the contents of this memorial, I there found so long a concatenation of expressions and reasonings, each more insulting than the other, against my person, which I should be afraid to abuse the attention of your High Mightinesses by inserting them here; lest, however, I should represent them out of their order, and the chain which connects them together, your High Mightinesses will pardon me, I hope, if I transcribe from the memorial, the periods which relate to me, and by which I am attacked.

"After having made several reflections, which in nowise concern me, and which I ought, consequently, to leave to be answered by those who are attacked by them, but which tend to justify the proposition, which the gentlemen, the Deputies of the city of Amsterdam, made the 18th of May last, in the Assembly of the States of Holland in particular, to join to his Highness a privy council or committee, the gentlemen, the Burgomasters, continue to address themselves to the Prince literally in these terms."

[Here follows the substance of the representations of the Burgomasters, contained in my letter to Congress, of the 26th of June, 1781.]

"In those pieces, which I have just now literally related, your High Mightinesses will perceive, and probably not without indignation, that after a train of reflections, each more injurious than the other, in which there is no accusation against me as Field Maréchal, and which, moreover, are only grounded upon pretended public sentiments and reports artfully circulated, that nevertheless the gentlemen, the Burgomasters, have judged it necessary to insist that his Highness would remove me from his person and Court, in a manner the most disgraceful, and condemn me without further examination, as a criminal attainted and convicted to dishonorable exile.

"I cannot then but consider a proceeding, accompanied with so many odious and humiliating expressions, which is not made by simple individuals, but a deputation of two reigning Burgomasters, with the Pensionary of one of the most considerable cities of Holland, in the name and by the order of the Regency of that city, (according to the terms of the memorial, although according to the letter whereof I have spoken of the Burgomaster Rendorp, it was only in the name of the gentlemen, the Burgomasters of that city) and that in a formal manner, after mature deliberation, and after having confirmed this action in the most injurious manner, by taking back the memorial, and causing it to be sent to his Highness, I cannot, I say, but consider this proceeding as wounding, in the most violent manner, my character and my person; and in this same writing, where they dare not specify any crime to my charge, and where they are obliged to acknowledge the falsity of the reports which have circulated against me, and of the suspicions of an excessive and illicit attachment to the English Court, of bad faith and of corruption, they appear, notwithstanding, to give credit to these calumnies, and to be willing to cast upon me the blame of the evils of the times, to the end, to exculpate those who are the true causes of it. I should think myself unworthy of bearing any longer the character that your High Mightinesses have confided to me, if I testified upon this article an indifference or an insensibility.

"I dare also assure myself, that your High Mightinesses will consider my proceeding in the same point of light, and that they will agree with me, that it is of the highest importance to know, if he, whom your High Mightinesses have clothed with the dignity of Field Maréchal, whom they have engaged and continued in their service in the manner abovementioned, is in fact the true cause of the deplorable state of the weakness of the Republic, of all the negligence they suppose to have taken place, of all the false steps, that they say have been taken, and of all the unhappy consequences, that have resulted from them. Your High Mightinesses are to examine in the most exact manner, things so interesting, and to see if this person is the source of the distrust and disunion; for what reasons he would be totally unuseful and prejudicial to the service of the State and of his Highness; what are the proofs of his want of affection to the country; in one word, for what reason he should be hereafter unworthy of the confidence of the Prince, who is placed at the head of this Republic, to whose testimony I here take the liberty of appealing; finally, for what reason he hath merited to be removed from the person of his Highness, and of his Court, as a perpetual obstacle to the good intelligence between his Highness and the Court.

"And as my honor is more dear to me than life, and as I am attacked in a part so sensible, it is also for this reason, and in consideration of that, which I owe to myself even, and to the relations, which I have as well with this State and to your High Mightinesses, as to those which I still have with his Imperial and Royal Majesty, to which otherwise I should be too much wanting, that I see myself obliged to address myself to your High Mightinesses, and by them to all the confederates, to supplicate them respectfully, and to insist in the most express manner, that your High Mightinesses would deign, after the most severe and scrupulous examination, to take such measures in protecting efficaciously the character, which your High Mightinesses have confided to me, that I may be justified in a proper manner from the blame, that the abovementioned proceeding hath cast upon me, and that so sensible an affront as hath been offered me by it, may be suitably repaired; that to this end it may please your High Mightinesses to direct things in such a manner, that the four reigning Burgomasters of Amsterdam, who have caused to be delivered in their name the said Memorial, according to the letter of Burgomaster Rendorp, be obliged, as well as the Pensionary Vischer, to allege the reasons they have had of injuring me so grievously as they have done by the said proceeding, and by the accusation, therein contained, and to verify the whole in a suitable manner, which I cannot but consider all that, which is there said as calumnies, and that they may be obliged, moreover, to specify more precisely the other heads of accusation, that they pretend to allege to my charge, and to bring the requisite judiciary proofs of them; and in case that they can specify nothing, or that they cannot prove sufficiently their allegations, that the authors of the infamous reports circulated against me may be sought out, to the end, that they may be punished as calumniators, according to their deserts; finally, that your High Mightinesses will then, conjointly with all the confederates, take such justificatory resolutions, as will save my honor and my reputation in the nation, and in the eyes of all Europe; that thus I may be placed in a situation to support with proper dignity the character, which your High Mightinesses have given me, and that I may obtain the satisfaction, that your High Mightinesses, according to their profound wisdom and known equity, shall judge equivalent to the affront offered to my character and my relations.

"I have the honor to be, with the most sincere and respectful attachment, High and Mighty Lords, your High Mightinesses' most humble, most obedient, and faithful servant,

L. DUC DE BRUNSVIC."

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Amsterdam, July 5th, 1781.[1]

Sir,

The following is an extract from the registry of the resolutions of their High Mightinesses, the States-General of the United Provinces of the Low Countries.

Thursday, June the 20th, 1781. His Serene Highness, the Prince of Orange and Nassau, having appeared in the Assembly, made to their High Mightinesses the following proposition.

"High and Mighty Lords,

"I have judged necessary to propose to your High Mightinesses to examine, with the greatest care, if, since the present troubles have arisen, proper attention has been paid to the placing the marine of the State in that situation, that it had been able to act efficaciously against an enemy, particularly one so strongly armed by sea as the kingdom of Great Britain is, or if any negligence or supineness hath had place in that respect, and in that case, to what it ought to be attributed; and to the end to receive the necessary information on that head, to write to the respective Colleges of Admiralty, that they may make report, and declare how many vessels they had in 1776, and how many were then equipped, and with how many men, what they have done since the English have begun to molest the ships of the inhabitants of this country, employed in the West India trade under pretext of the disputes arisen with their colonies in North America, and by consequence from the end of 1776 and the beginning of 1777, to place themselves as much as was possible and in their power, in a state to protect the commerce of this country, and what they have done since the troubles have begun in Europe, and that it was to be feared, that the Republic would have a share in them, for to put it as much as depended on them, in a state of not only protecting her commerce, but also to be able to assist in defending the country, and in attacking the enemy; if they have been active to effect that, which hath been resolved by your High Mightinesses for this object, or if there has been a negligence in this respect; and in that case, for what reason they have not executed these resolutions; if it has been possible for them to furnish the ships put in commission and equip them, to the end, that it may appear from whence it arises, that the Republic finds itself in so deplorable a state of defence by sea, which is certainly the point the most interesting in this war, and upon which all the inhabitants of this country have an eye. Although on this occasion I make only mention of the defence by sea, I esteem it necessary to represent to your High Mightinesses, that I am very far from avowing by that, that the land forces of this State are sufficient to assure us, that the country is in a respectable state of defence by land.

"I do not think myself under the necessity of justifying my conduct, and that your High Mightinesses are ignorant of the efforts I have made since my majority to place everything, which regards this Republic, in a respectable posture of defence; nevertheless, I have thought it in my power to represent to your High Mightinesses, that I have on more than one occasion, given it as my opinion, that this Republic ought to be placed not only by land but also by sea, in a proper state of defence, to the end to be able to maintain its liberty and independence, and not to be obliged to take measures contrary to the true interests of the country; but conformable to those of a power from whose menaces it has at length more to fear, because it is not in a state to resist it.

"It is for that reason that even in the beginning of 1771, I have given to understand, that the Deputies of the Province of Holland and West Friesland had proposed in the assembly of your High Mightinesses, by the express orders of the gentlemen, the States their constituents, to cause to be formed a petition for the construction of twentyfour vessels of war; that I have not neglected to insist upon all occasions, as well upon the re-establishment of the marine as upon the augmentation of the land forces, and to press particularly more than once the conclusion of the petition for the construction of vessels.

"It is for the same reason, that in the beginning of the year 1775, upon occasion of the exertions made by the gentlemen, the Commissaries of your High Mightinesses for the affairs of war, with some members of the Council of State, to conciliate the different sentiments of the respective confederates, in regard to the plan of augmentation of the land forces, proposed by the Council of State, the 19th of July, 1773, I have made a conciliatory proposition to this purport, viz. 'that the sum for the department of war should be fixed at six hundred thousand florins for the marine, and to make amends for that, that the sum of one million five hundred thousand florins demanded in 1773, for an augmentation to be made of the land forces, should be reduced to nine hundred thousand florins;' which proposition was embraced at that time by the gentlemen, the States of Guelderland, Friesland, Overyssel, and Gronigen, but hath had no further operation.

"I shall not allege here the entreaties that I have annually made with the Council of State by the general petition; but shall communicate only to your High Mightinesses the proposition that I have made to the assembly of the gentlemen, the States of Holland and West Friesland, the 10th of March, 1779, which is of the same tenor with the letter I wrote the same day to the gentlemen, the States of Guelderland, Zealand, Utrecht, Friesland, Overyssel, and Groningen, a copy of which I have the honor to remit to your High Mightinesses. I cannot disguise that in my opinion it was to have been wished, that what I then proposed had been more attended to, since I dare assure myself that if the republic had found it good at that time to have caused to be armed fifty or sixty vessels well equipped, and provided with every necessary, whereof not less than twenty or thirty should have been of the line, and to have augmented the land forces to fifty or sixty thousand men of foot, it would not have found itself in its present unhappy circumstances, but it would have been respected as an independent State by all the powers, it would have been able to maintain the system of neutrality, which it had embraced; and it would have seen itself in a state to promise itself with reason, under the divine benediction, that in giving great weight to the party to which it should be joined, it would not have been to be feared that any power whatsoever would have attacked it, but that it would have been managed by each, and that her friendship being sought by all, and not giving to any one of them just causes of complaint, it would have obtained the esteem and confidence of all the powers, which would have produced the best effects for the true interests of this State, certainly and in every case, if it had been attacked by an unjust war, to which a State is always exposed, it would have seen itself in a state to make an opposition with hopes of success, and of obliging the enemy to seek the friendship of this State, upon honorable terms for the Republic."

The following is the letter from his Serene Highness to the Lords, the States of Guelderland, Zealand, Utrecht, Friesland, Overyssel, and Groningen, dated March 10th, 1779.

"Noble and Mighty Lords, intimate and good Friends;—We think ourselves obliged to communicate to your Noble Mightinesses our sentiments respecting one of the most important objects of your deliberations, viz. we are very far from judging that it would be expedient that this Republic should renounce the lawful rights, which appertain to its inhabitants in virtue of solemn treaties; we think, on the contrary, that they ought to be maintained by all the means that Providence hath placed in the hands of this Republic, but that it belongs only to your Noble Mightinesses, and to the Noble Mighty Lords, the States of the other Provinces to decide, when it is time that their High Mightinesses ought to take the resolution of granting an unlimited protection to their commercial inhabitants, and that their High Mightinesses not having engaged themselves by any treaty whatsoever with any foreign power, to protect all branches of commerce without distinction, no one hath a right to exact from them, that, in granting protection, they ought to grant it to all vessels without distinction, without leaving to their prudence to decide if they are in a condition to protect all the branches of commerce; and if they can do it in the present moment without hazarding important interests, and exposing themselves to the greatest danger.

"We think, then, that in this case it will be proper to pay no regard to anything else than the true interests of the Republic, and it is for this reason that before a final resolution is taken to convoy vessels loaded with wood, it would be necessary to examine the state of the Republic, both by land and sea. In our opinion, nothing will be more expedient for this Republic than an exact and punctual neutrality, without prejudicing the treaties which it has with foreign powers, but we think that to maintain and support it efficaciously, and not only for so long a time as it may please one of the belligerent powers to require of the Republic, in a violent and threatening manner, that it takes a part, that it will be proper that the Republic be put in an armed state, that to this end it will be necessary to equip at least fifty or sixty vessels, not less than twenty or thirty of them of the line, and to augment the land forces to fifty or sixty thousand men, and that the frontier places should be put in a proper state of defence, and the magazines provided with the requisite munitions of war. In which case we are of opinion, that the Republic would be respected by all the powers, and could do, without obstacle, what is permitted it by the treaties, or would not be prevented from doing and acting what it should judge proper to its true interests.

"For these reasons we judge, that the fidelity we owe to our country requires us to offer this consideration to the enlightened minds of your Noble Mightinesses, and to give your Noble Mightinesses the deliberation of it, to take a resolution, to the end that by the construction of a considerable number of vessels, and particularly of the line, the marine may be reinforced, and that by the augmentation of the monthly pay or premiums, or by such other arrangements as your Noble Mightinesses, and the Lords, the States of the other Provinces, shall judge proper, it may be effected that the sailors necessary to equip them be procured, and that at the same time your Noble Mightinesses grant the sums for the necessary augmentation, to the end to carry the land forces to the number of fifty or sixty thousand men, and for the petitions respecting the fortifications and magazines.

"When your Noble Mightinesses and the Lords the States of the other Provinces shall have done that, and this reinforcement, both by sea and land, shall have been carried into execution, we think that this is the epoch when the Republic may with advantage, and as an independent State, take the resolution of maintaining the rights which appertain to their inhabitants according to the treaties, and particularly that of Marine, in 1674. But before the Republic is put in a respectable state of defence, we should fear, that a resolution to take under convoy all vessels indiscriminately, according to the letter of the said treaty, and particularly vessels loaded with ship timber, might have very bad consequences for the true interests of this State, and expose the honor of its flag to an affront. And is for this reason we are of opinion, that it would be proper, that it should be resolved by an ulterior resolution, that the vessels loaded with masts, knees, beams, and other kinds of wood necessary to the construction of ships of war should not be taken under convoy, before an equipment of fifty or sixty vessels, (not less than twenty or thirty of them of the line,) is ready, and before having augmented the land forces to fifty or sixty thousand men of foot; but that in the meantime, to the end to protect as much as possible, the general commerce of this country, without exposing the important interests of the State, the necessary convoys as they were announced, shall be granted to all other vessels not loaded with contraband effects, to the end that all the branches of commerce may not be suspended and left without protection, during the time of the deliberation upon the protection of one branch only. We expect, that when the Republic shall be put into this armed state, all the powers will leave her to exercise the right which belongs to her of keeping an exact neutrality, and of observing also on their part, everything which the treaties it hath made may require, &c."

Which having been deliberated, their High Mightinesses have thanked his Serene Highness for the said proposition.

"They regard it as a new mark of his assiduous zeal and solicitude for the interests of the State, in declaring that their High Mightinesses acknowledged with gratitude, all the efforts that his Serene Highness hath employed since his majority, and in particular since the commencement of the war between the two neighboring kingdoms, to put the Republic in a proper state of defence, both by sea and land, and could have wished that these efforts might have had the desired effect in every respect; and besides, it has been found good and resolved, that conformably to the proposition of his Serene Highness, it shall be notified to the respective Colleges of the Admiralty, (in sending to them a copy of the said proposition,) that they make report and render an account how many vessels they had in 1776; in what condition they were, and how many of them were equipped with the number of men; afterwards what they have done since the English have begun to molest the ships of the inhabitants of this country trading to the West Indies, under pretext of disputes arisen with their Colonies in North America, and thus from the end of the year 1776, and at the beginning of 1777, to put themselves in a condition, as much as was possible and in their power, to protect the commerce of this country, and what they have done since the troubles have begun in Europe, and that it was to be feared that the Republic would become a party, to put themselves in a condition for what depended upon them, to protect not only their commerce, but also to be able to aid in defending the country and attacking the enemy; if they have been active to carry into effect what your High Mightinesses have resolved upon this subject, and if any negligence hath had place in this regard, and in this case, for what reasons they have not executed those resolutions; if they have been in a possibility of supporting and equipping the vessels put in commission, to the end that it may appear to what we ought to attribute the present situation."

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

TO THE COUNT DE VERGENNES.

Versailles, July 7th, 1781.

Sir,

I have the honor to inform your Excellency, that upon an intimation from you, signified to me by M. Berenger, and afterwards by the Duc de la Vauguyon, that the interest of the United States required me here, I arrived last night in Paris, and am come today to Versailles, to pay my respects to your Excellency, and receive your further communications. As your Excellency was in council when I had the honor to call at your office, and as it is very possible that some other day may be more agreeable, I have the honor to request you to appoint the time, which will be most convenient for me to wait on you.

I have the honor to be, with great respect, Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant,

JOHN ADAMS.

The foregoing letter I sent by my servant, who waited until the Count descended from council, when he delivered it into his hand. He broke the seal, read the letter, and said he was very sorry he could not see Mr Adams, but he was obliged to go into the country immediately after dinner; that Mr Adams, seroit dans le cas de voir M. de Rayneval, who lived at such a sign in such a street. After dinner, I called on M. Rayneval, who said; M. le Duc de la Vauguyon has informed me, that there is a question of a pacification, under the mediation of the Emperor of Germany and the Empress of Russia, and that it was necessary that I should have some consultations at leisure with the Count de Vergennes, that we might understand each other's views; that he would see the Count tomorrow morning, and write me when he would meet me; that they had not changed their principles nor their system; that the treaties were the foundation of all negotiation. I said, that I lodged at the hotel de Valois, where I did formerly; that I should be ready to wait on the Count when it would be agreeable to him, and to confer with him upon everything relative to any proposition, which the English might have made. He said the English had not made any propositions, but it was necessary to consider certain points, and make certain preparatory arrangements; to know whether we were British subjects, or in what light we were to be considered, &c. Smiling, I said, I was not a British subject, that I had renounced that character many years ago, forever; and that I should rather be a fugitive in China or Malabar, than ever reassume that character.

On the 9th, was brought me by one of the Count de Vergennes' ordinary commissaries the following billet.

M. DE RAYNEVAL TO JOHN ADAMS.

Translation.

Versailles, July 9th, 1781.

Sir,

I have had the honor to inform you, that the Count de Vergennes desired to have an interview with you, and it will give him pleasure if you can meet him on Wednesday next, at nine o'clock in the morning.

Meantime, I have the honor to be, &c.

GERARD DE RAYNEVAL.

TO M. DE RAYNEVAL.

Paris, July 9th, 1781.

Sir,

I have this moment the honor of your billet of this day's date, and will do myself the honor to wait on his Excellency the Count de Vergennes at his office, on Wednesday next, at nine of the clock in the morning according to his desire.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

Accordingly on Wednesday I went to Versailles, and met the Count at his office, with M. de Rayneval, at nine o'clock, who communicated to me the following articles proposed by the two Imperial Courts. That Spain had prepared her answers; that of France was nearly ready; but did not know that England had yet answered.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Amsterdam, July 7th, 1781.

Sir,

The following Resolution was passed at the Hague, the 2d of this month, by their High Mightinesses the States-General, respecting the Duke of Brunswick.

"Heard the report of Messrs de Lynden, de Hemmen, and other deputies of their High Mightinesses for marine affairs, who, in consequence and conformably to a commissorial resolution of their High Mightinesses of the 21st of last month, have examined a letter of the Duke of Brunswick, dated at the Hague the same day, and containing serious complaints upon the proposition, that the gentlemen, the Deputies of the city of Amsterdam, have made to his Highness, after that many calumnies and atrocious accusations had been circulated against him in public; upon which, having deliberated, it hath been found good and resolved,

"That, saving the deliberations of the Lords, the States of the respective Provinces, upon the complaints relative to the proceeding of the gentlemen, the Deputies of Amsterdam, their High Mightinesses, not being able to see with indifference, that my Lord the Duke of Brunswick, in quality of Field Maréchal of this State, be publicly accused in so enormous a manner, it may from this time be declared, and it is declared by the present, that it is not manifest to their High Mightinesses that there are any reasons, which could furnish any ground for such accusations and suspicions of bad faith and of corruption as have been alleged to the charge of my Lord the Duke, and that have been circulated abroad in anonymous writings, defamatory libels, and dishonorable reports; that, on the contrary, their High Mightinesses regard them as false and injurious calumnies, spread with design to disgrace and wound the honor and reputation of my Lord the Duke; whilst that their High Mightinesses hold the said Lord the Duke entirely innocent and exempt from the blame, with which the libels and reports alleged endeavor to disgrace him.

"That in consequence, the gentlemen, the States of the respective Provinces, should be required by writing, and that it should be submitted to their consideration, if they could not find it good each in their Provinces, conformably to the placards of the country, to make the necessary regulations to restrain the authors, printers, and distributors of such like defamatory libels and malicious and calumnious writings, by which the said Lord the Duke is so sensibly attacked and wounded in his honor and reputation."

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Amsterdam, July 7th, 1781.

Sir,

Under the head of St Petersburg is the following article.

"On the 8th of June, the Minister of the Court of Versailles had a conference with the Count Osterman, Vice Chancellor of the empire, and remitted to him a memorial, containing representations upon the continued proceedings of the English against the commerce and navigation of neuters; upon the little activity of these last to prevent these arbitrary proceedings, and supporting thereby the principles of their declarations made to the belligerent powers, and the convention of neutrality which has been agreed upon between them; upon the prejudice which ought naturally to result from it to the whole world, and upon the desire which the king his master has that it should be remedied by the vigorous co-operation of her Imperial Majesty, seeing that without that the said association of neutrality would turn only to the advantage of the enemies of France, and that the King, who to this moment has confined himself exactly to the principle of the abovementioned declaration and convention of neutrality, would see himself, although with regret, in the indispensable necessity of changing in like manner the system which he had hitherto followed, with respect to the commerce and navigation of neuters, and of measuring and regulating it upon the conduct which the English shall allow themselves, and which was so patiently borne by the neuters. Objects, in regard to which his Majesty has nevertheless judged it his duty to suspend his final resolution, until he can concert upon this subject with her Imperial Majesty."

Mr Dana left Amsterdam this day, and is gone to Utrecht and from thence he will proceed on his journey to Petersburg without delay. Mr Jennings does not accompany him.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Amsterdam, July 10th, 1781.

Sir,

On Wednesday, the 4th of July, M. de Lynden Blitterswyk, presiding in the Assembly, hath related and acquainted their High Mightinesses, that the Duke of Brunswick had been with him that morning and given him to understand,

"That he had been informed of the resolution, that their High Mightinesses had taken the 2d of July upon the letter, that he had the honor of remitting to them, the 21st of June last; that He was extremely sensible of the marks of confidence and affection, that their High Mightinesses had been pleased to give him on this occasion, and that in an affair, to the subject of which he had not directly carried his complaints to their High Mightinesses; that he was nevertheless not less persuaded, that the intention of their High Mightinesses could not be by that to let the affair rest provisionally, much less that thereby they should have satisfied the respectful demand and requisition contained in his said letter, by which he had required an exact and vigorous examination, and demanded for that purpose of their High Mightinesses such steps as had been more amply mentioned in the said letter; and that then only he had required such a justificatory resolution and satisfaction as had been afterwards demanded by that letter; that he ought to insist upon that so much the more, as by that provisional resolution, as taken without previous inquiry, one could by no means think him cleared from the blame and affront, which had been offered him, for which reason he had conceived that he could and ought to implore the resolution of all the High Confederates themselves, as he still continued to implore it with earnestness;" praying M. de Lynden, as President of the Assembly of their High Mightinesses, to be pleased to acquaint them therewith.

Which having been deliberated, it hath been resolved and concluded,

"To pray by the present, the gentlemen, the Deputies of the respective Provinces, to be pleased to acquaint the gentlemen, the States, their principals, with the above, to the end that in the deliberations upon the letter of the Duke of Brunswick, such reflections may be made upon the above as they shall judge proper."

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Paris, July 11th, 1781.

Sir,

I have only time by Major Jackson, to inform Congress, that upon information from the Count de Vergennes, that questions concerning peace under the mediation of the two Imperial Courts were in agitation, that required my presence here, I undertook the journey, and arrived here last Friday night, the 6th of the month, and have twice waited on the Count de Vergennes at Versailles, who this day communicated to me the enclosed propositions.

These propositions are made to all the belligerent powers, by the Courts of Petersburg and Vienna, in consequence of some wild propositions made to them by the Court of London, "that they would undertake the office of mediators upon condition, that the league as they call it, between France and their rebel subjects in America should be dissolved, and these left to make their terms with Great Britain, after having returned to their allegiance and obedience."

France and Spain have prepared their answers to these propositions of the Empress and Emperor, and I am desired to give my answer to the articles enclosed. It is not in my power at this time to enclose to Congress my answer, because I have not made it, nor written it, but Congress must see, that nothing can come of this manœuvre, at least for a long time. Thus much I may say to Congress, that I have no objection to the proposition of treating with the English separately in the manner proposed, upon a peace, and a Treaty of Commerce with them, consistent with our engagements with France and Spain; but that the armistice never can be agreed to by me. The objections against it are as numerous as they are momentous and decisive. I may say further, that as there is no judge upon earth, of a Sovereign Power, but the nation that composes it, I can never agree to the mediation of any powers, however respectable, until they have acknowledged our sovereignty, so far at least as to admit a Minister Plenipotentiary from the United States, as the representative of a free and independent power. After this, we might discuss questions of peace or truce with Great Britain, without her acknowledging our sovereignty, but not before.

I fancy, however, that Congress will be applied to for their sentiments, and I shall be ever ready and happy to obey their instructions, because I have a full confidence, that nothing will be decided by them, but what will be consistent with their character and dignity. Peace will only be retarded by relaxations and concessions, whereas firmness, patience, and perseverance will ensure us a good and lasting one in the end. The English are obliged to keep up the talk of peace, to lull their enemies, and to sustain their credit. But I hope the people of America will not be deceived. Nothing will obtain them real peace but skilful and successful war.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

ARTICLES

To serve as a Basis to the Negotiation for the Re-establishment of Peace.

Translation.

ARTICLE I.

The re-establishment of peace in America shall be negotiated between Great Britain and the American Colonies, but without the intervention of any of the other belligerent parties, nor even with that of the two Imperial Courts, unless their mediation should be formally asked and granted upon this object.

ARTICLE II.

This separate peace cannot, however, be signed, but conjointly, and at the same time with that of those powers whose interests shall have been negotiated by the mediating Courts, for this reason, although each peace may be separately treated, yet they cannot be concluded without each other. Care shall be taken to inform the mediators with certainty of the measures and state of that, which regards Great Britain and the Colonies, to the end, that the mediation may be able to regulate the measures intrusted to it, by the state of the negotiation relating to the colonies, and both of the pacifications, which shall have been concluded at the same time, although separately, shall be solemnly guarantied by the mediating Courts, and every other neutral power, whose guarantee the belligerent parties may think proper to claim.

ARTICLE III.

To render the negotiations for peace independent of the events of war, always uncertain, which may put a stop to, or at least retard their progress, there shall be a general armistice between all parties during the term of a year, reckoning from —— of the month of —— of the present year, or of —— years, reckoning from —— of the month of —— of the year 1782, should it happen that peace should not be re-established in the first period, and whilst the duration of either of these periods continue, everything shall remain in the state in which they shall be found at signing the present preliminary articles.

TO THE COUNT DE VERGENNES.

Paris, July 13th, 1781.

Sir,

I have the honor to enclose to your Excellency some remarks upon the articles, to serve as a basis of the negotiation for the re-establishment of peace, which you did me the honor to communicate to me.

As I am unacquainted, whether you desired my sentiments upon these articles merely for your own government, or with a design to communicate them to the Imperial Courts, I should be glad of your Excellency's advice concerning them. If your Excellency is of opinion there is anything exceptionable, or which ought to be altered, I should be glad to correct it; or if I have not perceived the points, or questions, upon which you desired my opinion, I shall be ready to give any further answers.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

ANSWER

Of the Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States of America, to the Articles to serve as a Basis to the Negotiation for the Re-establishment of Peace.

Article i. The United States of America have no objection, provided their allies have none, to a treaty with Great Britain, concerning the re-establishment of peace in America, or to another concerning the re-establishment of commerce between the two nations, consistent with their obligations to France and Spain, without the intervention of any of the other belligerent parties, and even without that of the two Imperial Courts, at least, unless their mediation should be formally demanded and granted upon this object, according to the first article communicated to me.

Art. ii. The United States have nothing to say, provided their allies have not, against the second article.

Art. iii. To the armistice, and the statu quo, in the third article, the United States have very great objections, which indeed are so numerous and decisive, and at the same time so obvious, as to make it unnecessary to state them in detail.

The idea of a truce is not suggested in these articles; but as it is mentioned in some observations shown me by his Excellency, the Count de Vergennes, it may be necessary for me to add, that the United States are so deeply impressed with an apprehension, that any truce whatsoever would not fail to be productive of another long and bloody war at the termination of it, and that a short truce would be in many ways highly dangerous to them, that it would be with great reluctance that they should enter into any discussion at all upon such a subject.

Two express conditions would be indispensable preliminaries to their taking into consideration the subject of a truce at all. The first is, that their allies agree, that the treaties now subsisting remain in full force during and after the truce, until the final acknowledgment of their independence by Great Britain. The second is, the antecedent removal of the British land and naval armaments from every part of the United States. Upon these two express conditions as preliminaries, if a truce should be proposed for so long a period, or for an indefinite period, requiring so long notice, previous to a renewal of hostilities, as to evince that it is on the part of Great Britain a virtual relinquishment of the object of the war, and an expedient only to avoid the mortification of an express acknowledgment of the independence and sovereignty of the United States, they, with the concurrence of their allies, might accede to it.

It is requisite, however, to add; first, that the United States cannot consider themselves bound by this declaration, unless it should be agreed to before the opening of another campaign. Secondly, that it is not in the power of the Crown of Great Britain, by the constitution of that kingdom, to establish any truce, or even armistice with the United States, which would not be illusory without the intervention of an act of Parliament, repealing or suspending all their statutes, which have any relation to the United States, or any of them. Without this, every officer of the navy would be bound by the laws, according to the maxims of their constitution, to seize every American vessel that he should find, whose papers and distinction should not be found conformable to those statutes, and every French, Spanish, Dutch, or other foreign vessel, which he should find going to, or coming from America; notwithstanding any convention that is in the power of the Crown to make.

After all, the greatest difficulty does not lie in anything as yet mentioned. The great question is, in what character are the United States to be considered? They know themselves to be a free, sovereign, and independent State, of right and in fact.

They are considered and acknowledged as such by France. They cannot be represented in a Congress of Ministers from the several powers of Europe, whether their representative is called Ambassador, Minister, or Agent, without an acknowledgment of their independence, of which the very admission of a representative from them is an avowal. Great Britain cannot agree with their representative upon a truce, or even an armistice, without admitting their freedom and independence.

As there is upon earth no judge of a sovereign State, but the nation that composes it, the United States can never consent, that their independence shall be discussed or called in question by any sovereign or sovereigns, however respectable, nor can their interests be made a question in any Congress, in which their character is not acknowledged, and their Minister admitted. If, therefore, the two Imperial Courts would acknowledge and lay down as a preliminary, the sovereignty of the United States, and admit their Minister to a Congress, after this, a treaty might be commenced between the Minister of Great Britain and the Minister of the United States, relative to a truce, or peace and commerce, in the manner proposed, without any express acknowledgment of their sovereignty by Great Britain, until the treaty should be concluded.

The sovereigns of Europe have a right to negotiate concerning their own interests, and to deliberate concerning the question, whether it is consistent with their dignity and interests, to acknowledge expressly the sovereignty of the United States, and to make treaties with them, by their Ministers in a Congress, or otherwise; and America could make no objection to it; but neither the United States nor France can ever consent, that the existence of their sovereignty shall be made a question in such Congress; because, let that Congress determine as it might, their sovereignty, with submission only to Divine Providence, never can, and never will be given up.

As the British Court, in first suggesting the idea of a Congress to the Imperial Courts, insisted upon the annihilation of the league, as they were pleased to call it, between France and their rebel subjects, as they were pleased again to phrase it, and upon the return of these to their allegiance and obedience, as preliminaries to any Congress or mediation; there is too much reason to fear, that the British Ministry have no serious intentions or sincere dispositions for peace, and that they mean nothing but amusement. Because, the support of the sovereignty of the United States was the primary object of the war, on the part of France and America; the destruction of it, that of Great Britain. If, therefore, the treaty between France and America were annulled, and the Americans returned to the domination and monopoly of Great Britain, there would be no need of troubling all Europe with a Congress to make peace. All points between France, Spain, and Great Britain, might be easily adjusted among themselves. Surely the affairs of Great Britain are, in no part of the world so triumphant, nor those of any of their enemies so adverse, as to give this Ministry any serious hopes, that France and America will renounce the object of the war. There must, therefore, be some other view.

It is not difficult to penetrate the design of the British Ministry upon this, any more than upon many former occasions. They think that a distrust of them, and a jealousy that they would not adhere with good faith to the propositions of reconciliation, which they have made from time to time, were, in the minds of the Americans, the true cause why these propositions were not accepted. They now think, that by prevailing on the two Imperial Courts, and other Courts, to warranty to the Americans any similar terms they may propose to them, they shall remove this obstacle; and by this means, although they know that no public authority in America will agree to such terms, they think they shall be able to represent things in such a light, as to induce many desertions from the American army, and many apostates from the American independence and alliance. In this way, they pursue their long practised arts of seduction, deception, and division. In these again, as in so many former attempts, they would find themselves disappointed, and would make very few deserters or apostates. But it is to be hoped, that the powers of Europe will not give to these superficial artifices, with which that Ministry have so long destroyed the repose of the United States, and of the British dominions at home and abroad, and disturbed the tranquillity of Europe, so much attention as to enable them to continue much longer such evils to mankind.

JOHN ADAMS.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Paris, July 15th, 1781.

Sir,

I have the honor to enclose a copy of a letter to the Count de Vergennes, and of certain articles and their answers. The British Court proposed to the Imperial Courts, a Congress, upon two preliminary conditions, the rupture of the treaty with France, and the return of America to their obedience. The two Imperial Courts have since proposed the enclosed articles. Spain and France have prepared their answers. England has not answered yet, and no Ministers are yet commissioned or appointed by any power. If she accepts the terms, I should not scruple to accept them too, excepting the armistice and the statu quo. I mean I should not insist upon a previous explicit acknowledgment of the sovereignty of the United States, before I went to Vienna. I see nothing inconsistent with the character or dignity of the United States, in their Minister going to Vienna, at the same time when Ministers from the other powers are there, and entering into treaty with a British Minister without any explicit acknowledgment of our independence, before the conclusion of the treaty. The very existence of such a Congress would be of use to our reputation.

But I cannot yet believe that Britain will wave her preliminaries. She will still insist upon the dissolution of the treaty, and upon the return of the Americans under her government. This, however, will do no honor to her moderation or pacific sentiments, in the opinion of the powers of Europe.

Something may grow out of these negotiations in time, but it will probably be several years before anything can be done. Americans can only quicken these negotiations by decisive strokes. No depredations upon their trade, no conquests of their possessions in the East or West Indies will have any effect upon the English to induce them to make peace, while they see they have an army in the United States, and can flatter themselves with the hope of conquering or regaining America; because they think that with America under their government, they can easily regain whatever they may lose now in any part of the world. Whereas, the total expulsion of their forces in the United States would extinguish their hopes, and persuade them to peace, sooner than the loss of everything less. The belligerent powers and the neutral powers may flatter themselves with the hopes of a restoration of peace, but they will all be disappointed while the English have a soldier in America. It is amazing to me that France and Spain do not see it, and direct their forces accordingly.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

TO THE COUNT DE VERGENNES.

Paris, July 16th, 1781.

Sir,

Since my letter of the 13th, upon further reflection, I have thought it necessary to explain myself a little more, particularly in some points, to your Excellency. If I comprehend the facts, the British Court first proposed to the Imperial Courts a Congress and a mediation, upon two conditions. 1st. The dissolution of the treaties between France and the United States. 2d. The return of the Americans under the British government.

In consequence of this proposal from the Court of St James, the two Imperial Courts have made the proposition of the articles, which were shown to me, to the Courts of France, Spain, and England, neither of which has yet given its answer. Their Imperial Majesties have omitted the two conditions, which the British Court insisted on as preliminaries, and mean to admit a representative of the United States to the Congress, to negotiate separately with the British Minister, without ascertaining the title or character of the American representative, until the two pacifications shall be accomplished.

I am in my own mind apprehensive, though I devoutly wish I may be mistaken, that the British Court in their answer to the articles, will adhere to their two preliminaries. It is very convenient for the English to hold up the idea of peace; it serves them to relieve their credit at certain times when it is in distress; it serves to disconcert the projects of the neutral powers to their disadvantage; it enables their friends in the United Provinces, to keep the Dutch nation in that state of division, sloth and inactivity, from which they derive so much plunder, with so much safety. But I cannot persuade myself, that the English will soberly think of peace, while they have any military force in the United States, and can preserve a gleam of hope of conquering or regaining America. While this hope remains, no depredations on their commerce, no loss of dominions in the East or West Indies, will induce them to make peace; because they think, that with America reunited to them they could easily regain whatever they may now lose. This opinion of theirs may be extravagant and enthusiastical, and they would not find it so easy to recover their losses; but they certainly entertain it, and while it remains, I fear they will not make peace.

Yet it seems they have negotiated themselves into a delicate situation. If they should obstinately adhere to their two preliminaries, against the advice of the two Imperial Courts, this might seriously affect their reputation, if they have any, for moderation and for pacific dispositions, not only in those Courts, but in all the Courts and countries of Europe, and they would not easily answer it to their own subjects, who are weary of the war. Peace is so desirable an object, that humanity, as well as policy, demands of every nation at war a serious attention to every proposition, which seems to have a tendency to it, although there may be grounds to suspect, that the first proposer of it was not sincere. I think, that no power can judge the United States unreasonable in not agreeing to the statu quo, or the armistice. But perhaps I have not been sufficiently explicit upon another point.

The proposal of a separate treaty between the British Minister and the Representative of the United States, seems to be a benevolent invention to avoid several difficulties; among others, first, that England may be allowed to save her national pride, to think and to say, that the independence of America was agreed to voluntarily, and was not dictated to her by France and Spain; secondly, to avoid the previous acknowledgment of American independence, and the previous ascertaining the title and character of the American Representative, which the Imperial Courts may think would be a partiality inconsistent with the character of mediators, and even of neutrals, especially as England has uniformly considered any such step as a hostility against them; though I know not upon what law of nations, or of reason.

I cannot see, that the United States would make any concession, or submit to any indignity, or do anything inconsistent with their character, if their Minister should appear at Vienna, or elsewhere, with the Ministers of other powers, and conduct any negotiation with a British Minister, without having the independence of the United States or his own title and character acknowledged or ascertained, by any other power, except France, until the pacification should be concluded. I do not see, that America would lose anything by this, any more than by having a Minister in any part of Europe, with his character unacknowledged by all the powers of Europe. In order to remove every embarrassment, therefore, as much as possible, if your Excellency should be of the same opinion, and advise me to it, I would withdraw every objection to the Congress on the part of the United States, and decline nothing but the statu quo, and the armistice, against which such reasons might be given, as I think would convince all men, that the United States are bound to refuse them. If your Excellency should think it necessary for me to assign these reasons particularly, I will attempt some of them; but it is sufficient for me to say to your Excellency, that my positive instructions forbid me to agree either to the armistice, or statu quo.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Amsterdam, July 17th, 1781.

Sir,

Since my letter of the 26th of June last, the Memorial of the Deputies of the City of Amsterdam, of the 8th of June, has appeared entire, and is conceived in the following terms.

"Most Serene and Illustrious Prince and Lord,

"The gentlemen, the Deputies of the City of Amsterdam, in the name and by the order of the gentlemen, their constituents, have the honor to represent to your Most Serene Highness, that the said constituents having learnt, with much uneasiness the discontent, that your Highness had taken, on the subject of their last proposition, made in the Assembly of their Noble and Grand Mightinesses, although it had been contrary to their intention to give your Highness the least offence, or to offer him any insult or displeasure, they have seized with great satisfaction, an opportunity to give your Highness the most sincere assurances of it; that they flatter themselves, that, from what they shall have the honor of laying before you your Highness will be able to deduce the reasons, for which they have not previously acquainted him with the contents of the said proposition, before it hath been remitted to the Assembly of their Noble and Grand Mightinesses; that they should feel a real chagrin, if your Highness attributed this silence to any particular distrust towards his person; they declare, that they are absolutely divested of it, and that they have nothing so much at heart as to excite and cherish between your Highness and their City that confidence, that the well-being and advancement of the public cause render inevitably necessary; that by their proposition they have only wished to open a way to find out and carry into execution, such measures as the critical situation of affairs most pressingly requires for the safety and preservation of their dear country.

"That placed at the head of the government of a very populous city, in which the lower class of the people begin already to feel that indigence, which results from a want of business, they are obliged to show in effect, and in the best manner possible, that they desire not to let any opportunity escape of encouraging and promoting the well-being of the country, and of its good citizens, unless they would run the risk of entirely destroying the proper authority, and the good order, which in a popular government are founded only upon the confidence of the people, and of the Burgesses in its Regents, and of seeing in a little time a total anarchy, that they had thought that affairs had, for a long time, and particularly since the rupture with England, appeared in the eyes of the whole nation, and not without reason, to be administered in a strange and inconceivable manner, seeing, that notwithstanding the extreme condescendence to the wishes of England, we had only experienced from that kingdom, each year contempt, affronts, and insults, which have been lately crowned by an open war, commenced by the capture of a considerable number of our vessels, and the invasion of our foreign possessions, and that, nevertheless, we had remained in a defenceless state, and taken no sufficient steps to place the Republic in a situation to protect its liberty, its well acquired rights, its extensive navigation, and its lawful commerce.

"That, nevertheless, it is an incontestible truth, that the members of government have for a long time been of opinion, that it is principally by sea, that it is necessary to place themselves upon a respectable footing, as it evidently appears by the different resolutions taken in the year 1778, and following, by different reports, petitions, and assents to augment and reinforce the equipages of vessels of war, and particularly by the report of the 30th of March, 1779, that notwithstanding the said opinions and resolutions of the confederates, to equip all the vessels of war of the State, and to construct new ones, yet at this moment, after so much time has elapsed, and some things have taken so disadvantageous a turn, there hath not been put to sea the thirtytwo vessels stipulated in the month of April, 1779, much less still the fiftytwo, whose armament had been resolved upon the last year, so that to this moment none of the precautions proposed in the month of March, 1779, to the generality for the defence of our coasts, and the mouths of our rivers, have been taken.

"That the regency of our city, with all the good citizens of the Republic, who discover the best disposition possible to pay the ordinary and extraordinary imposts, has been much surprised at the little promptitude and at the slowness in the executions of resolutions so important for the Sovereign; for it is impossible to believe that the situation in which the respective admiralties found themselves, should be so bad that they could not effect in two years the equipments that they themselves had proposed; as they had no want of money, and as the necessity of them became more and more pressing daily; that in consequence, one could not conceive what were the causes of this slowness and inactivity no more than of the non-execution of the resolutions and orders to secure the coasts and harbors, and above all, one could not form an idea of the unforeseen obstacles and difficulties which have prevented the sailing of few vessels, which had been supposed perfectly in a state of putting to sea, even when your Highness after a suitable examination of things, had given the necessary orders to this effect.

"That seeing it is to this state of inactivity and incapacity of defending themselves, that it is necessary to attribute in the greatest measure the evils and calamities which have happened to the Republic, and which still threaten it, and that to this moment we have not been able to observe that any vigorous measures are taken to prevent future misfortunes, and to repair those already suffered, (without which we ought soon to expect the total ruin of the Republic,) we have judged it the indispensable duty of the brave regents, and that they cannot dispense themselves from searching out to what one ought to attribute this inexcusable negligence? And by what means one may remedy it, and direct and re-establish still affairs, as much as possible, for the safety of the State?