CORRESPONDENCE CONTINUED.
Reading edition
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Amsterdam, May 16th, 1781.
Sir,
There has been much said in the public papers concerning conferences for peace, concerning the mediation of the Emperor of Germany and the Empress of Russia, &c. &c. &c.
I have never troubled Congress with these reports, because I have never received any official information or intimation of any such negotiation, either from England or France, or any other way. If any such negotiation has been going on, it has been carefully concealed from me. Perhaps something has been expected from the United States, which was not expected from me. For my own part, I know from so long experience, at the first glance of reflection, the real designs of the English government, that it is no vanity to say they cannot deceive me, if they can the Cabinets of Europe. I have fully known, that all their pretensions about peace were insidious, and therefore have paid no other attention to them, than to pity the nations of Europe, who, having not yet experience enough of British manœuvres, are still imposed on to their own danger, disgrace, and damage. The British Ministry are exhausting all the resources of their subtility, if not of their treasures, to excite jealousies and diversions among the neutral, as well as belligerent powers. The same arts precisely, that they have practised so many years to seduce, deceive, and divide America, they are now exerting among the powers of Europe; but the voice of God and man is too decidedly against them to permit them much success.
As to a loan of money in this Republic, after having tried every expedient and made every proposition, that I could be justified or excused for making, I am in absolute despair of obtaining any, until the States-General shall have acknowledged our independence. The bills already accepted by me are paying off as they become due, by the orders of his Excellency Dr Franklin; but he desires me to represent to Congress the danger and inconvenience of drawing before Congress have information that their bills can be honored. I must entreat Congress not to draw upon me, until they know I have money. At present I have none, not even for my subsistence, but what I derive from Paris.
The true cause of the obstruction of our credit here is fear, which can never be removed but by the States-General acknowledging our independence; which, perhaps, in the course of twelve months they may do, but I do not expect it sooner. This country is indeed in a melancholy situation, sunk in ease, devoted to the pursuits of gain, overshadowed on all sides by more powerful neighbors, unanimated by a love of military glory, or any aspiring spirit, feeling little enthusiasm for the public, terrified at the loss of an old friend, and equally terrified at the prospect of being obliged to form connexions with a new one; incumbered with a complicated and perplexed constitution, divided among themselves in interest and sentiment, they seem afraid of everything. Success on the part of France, Spain, and especially of America, raises their spirits, and advances the good cause somewhat, but reverses seem to sink them much more.
The war has occasioned such a stagnation of business, and thrown such numbers of people out of employment, that I think it is impossible things should remain long in the present insipid state. One system or another will be pursued; one party or another will prevail; much will depend on the events of the war. We have one security, and I fear but one, and that is the domineering character of the English, who will make peace with the Republic upon no other terms, than her joining them against all their enemies in the war, and this I think it is impossible she ever should do.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Amsterdam, May 21st, 1781.
Sir,
On the 30th of April, the King of Prussia published the following ordinance, relative to the navigation and commerce of his subjects, during the whole course of the present war between the maritime powers.
ORDINANCE OF PRUSSIA RELATIVE TO NAVIGATION.
"From the commencement of the maritime war, almost generally spread through the southern part of Europe, the King has applied himself with particular care to procure to those of his subjects who traffic by sea, or who engage in navigation, all the security possible, and to this end he has caused to be required of the belligerent powers to give exact orders to their vessels of war and privateers, to respect the Prussian flag, and to suffer peaceably to pass all the Prussian vessels, which should be loaded with merchandises, which, according to the law of nations, are reputed lawful and not contraband, and not cause to them any damage or delay, and much less still to conduct them without necessity or right into foreign ports; to which these powers have answered by assurances friendly and proper to make things easy in this regard. To attain still more certainly to this end, his Majesty has ordered his Ministers, residing near the belligerent powers, to interest themselves as much as possible, and by representations the most energetic in favor of Prussian subjects, who trade at sea, and whose vessels might be taken, conducted into foreign ports, or as has often happened, pillaged even upon the high seas, and to insist on their speedy release, and that the processes at law, occasioned by their capture, should be decided without delay, and with the requisite impartiality. To the end, therefore, that the Ministers of the King may be in a condition to acquit themselves of these orders in this respect, it is necessary that the subjects of his Majesty, who find themselves in such a case, announce themselves, or by attorney, to the Envoy of the King, at the Court where the complaints ought to be carried, and that they may give him information in detail of their subjects of complaint, that he may be able to support them there, where they belong. They ought not, however, to repose themselves entirely on a similar intercession, but carry also their complaints themselves to the Admiralties, or Maritime Colleges of the country, where their vessel has been conducted, or in which they have caused him damage, support his complaints with requisite proofs, follow the judiciary order, and the different trials established in each country, and solicit and pursue with diligence their causes by advocates and attornies; by means of which, it is to be hoped, that they will obtain a prompt and impartial decision; in default of which, it shall be permitted to them to address themselves to the Envoys of the King, to carry to each Court the complaints, which the case may require, and obtain the redress of it.
"But to secure still more the navigation of his subjects, the King has caused to be demanded by his Ministers, of her Majesty the Empress of Russia, and the two other Maritime Powers of the North, who, as is well known, have united to maintain the maritime neutrality, to be so good, as powers with whom the King has the satisfaction to live in the strictest union, as to order the commanders of their vessels of war, to take the Prussian merchant vessels, which they may meet in their courses, in their sight, and within reach of their cannon, under their convoy and protection, in case they shall be attacked or molested by the vessels of war, or privateers, of the belligerent powers. Her Majesty, the Empress of Russia, has assured the King, by a declaration written by her Ministry, that she had not only given precise orders to the commanders of her vessels of war, to protect, against all attacks and molestations, the vessels of Prussian merchants and navigators, that they may encounter in their course, as belonging to a power allied to Russia, and who observe exactly the rules of the maritime neutrality founded upon the law of nations, but that she would enjoin it also upon her Ministers at the Courts of the belligerent powers, that as often as the Envoys of the King of Prussia should have claims and complaints to carry to the Courts where they reside, relative to the hinderances occasioned to the maritime commerce of the Prussian subjects, they should support such complaints in the name of her Majesty, the Empress of Russia, by their good offices, and that she expected in return from his Majesty, the King, that he would equally furnish his Ministers to the belligerent powers with instructions, conformable to the maritime convention of the Powers of the North, with orders to accede by energetic representations to the complaints of the Ministers of the powers allied for the defence of the maritime neutrality, in case they shall have certain satisfaction to demand for the subjects of their sovereigns.
"The King has accepted this friendly declaration of her Majesty, the Empress, with gratitude, and by a counter declaration, which is conformable to it, he has caused his Ministers to be instructed at foreign Courts. His Majesty has before, on occasion of another negotiation with the Court of Denmark, required his Danish Majesty to grant to Prussian merchant vessels the protection of his military marine, and has received the friendly assurances of it, that the Danish vessels of war should take under convoy and protection the Prussian merchant vessels, which should conform themselves to the treaties, which subsist between the Court of Denmark and the belligerent powers, with relation to merchandises of contraband. The King has addressed the same demand to the Court of Sweden, and promised himself from the friendship of his Swedish Majesty an answer as favorable as that of their Majesties, the Empress of Russia and the King of Denmark.
"We give notice of those arrangements to all the subjects of the King, who exercise navigation and maritime commerce, to the end that they and their captains of vessels and skippers may conform themselves to them, and in case they shall be attacked, molested, or taken by the vessels of war and privateers of the belligerent nations, address themselves to the Russian, Swedish, or Danish vessels of war, which may be found within their reach, demand their protection and assistance, and join themselves as much as possible to the fleets and convoys of these maritime powers of the north.
"But as the intention of his Majesty is simply to assure, by the beforementioned arrangements, the lawful maritime commerce of his subjects, and not to do any prejudice to the rights of the belligerent powers with whom he is in perfect harmony, or to favor an illicit commerce, which might be dangerous to them, all the subjects of his Majesty who exercise navigation and maritime commerce, ought to conduct themselves in such a manner as to observe an exact neutrality, such as is founded on the law of nature, and in the general laws of nations almost universally acknowledged. But the different treaties which several powers have concluded with each other relative to maritime commerce, occasioning a difference of law in this regard, it is principally to the known declaration which her Majesty, the Empress of Russia, caused to be presented the last year to the belligerent powers, and to the ordinance which she caused to be addressed in consequence to her College of Commerce on the 8th of March, 1780, that the subjects of the King will have to conform themselves with regard to their maritime commerce, the principles which are there announced being those which his Majesty finds the most conformable to the law of nations, and to his in particular. It is in consequence ordained by the present edict to all the subjects of the King, who exercise navigation or maritime commerce,
"Article i. Not to take any part, under any pretence whatever, in the present war, and not to carry to any of the belligerent powers, under the Prussian flag, merchandises, generally acknowledged to be prohibited and contraband, and which properly constitute warlike stores, as cannons, mortars, bombs, grenades, fusils, pistols, bullets, flints, matches, powder, saltpetre, sulphur, pikes, swords, and saddles. The subjects of the King ought to have on board their merchant vessels only so much of these articles as is necessary for their own use.
"Art. ii. The subjects of the King may, on the contrary, carry in Prussian vessels as well to belligerent as to neutral nations, all the merchandises which are not comprehended in the preceding article, and which not properly belonging to warlike stores, are not prohibited, and particularly the productions of all the Provinces of the States of the King; his Majesty promising himself from the equity and the friendship of the belligerent powers, that they will not permit their armed vessels to molest or take the Prussian vessels loaded with masts, timber, pitch, corn, and other materials, which, without being warlike stores, may, nevertheless, in the sequel be converted into such stores, and which make the principal and almost the only object of Prussian commerce. These powers are too just to require that the commerce of a neutral nation should cease, or be entirely suspended on account of the war. After these principles, it is hoped that the belligerent powers will suffer freely to pass without seizure or confiscation, the lawful merchandises and cargoes of the Prussian subjects, which may be found on board the vessels of belligerent nations, as also the lawful cargoes and merchandises of belligerent nations loaded in Prussian vessels, and in all these cases, his Majesty will interest himself effectually in favor of his subjects trading by sea. It is, however, the part of prudence for these last to load as much as possible their merchandises and effects in Prussian vessels, and to transport them under the Prussian flag; not to employ themselves much in the coasting trade, but to apply themselves principally to a Prussian commerce without mixture, the better to avoid all accidents, misunderstandings, and difficulties.
Art. iii. All the Prussian vessels which shall put to sea, ought to furnish themselves with passports and attestations of the Admiralties, Chambers of War, and the domains of each Province, or of the magistrates of each city, as also with charter-parties, recognizances, and other certificates of common usage, which ought to express the quality and the quantity of the cargo, the name of the proprietor, and of him to whom the merchandises are consigned, as well as the place of the destination. These sea-papers ought to be clear, and to contain no equivocation. They ought to be found on board every vessel, and they ought not, under any pretence whatsoever, to throw them into the sea. The captains of vessels and skippers will take care above all, not to have in their vessels any sea-papers, double, equivocal, or false, by which they would render themselves unworthy of all protection.
"Art. iv. Every Prussian vessel loaded in a foreign port, ought to furnish herself in the said port with sea-papers necessary, and in the form used in the place where she loads, to the end to be able to prove everywhere of what nation she is, what is her cargo, from whence she comes, and whither she goes.
"Art. v. There ought not to be found on board of Prussian vessels, neither officers of marine, nor persons employed in it of the belligerent nations, nor more than one third of the crew of those nations.
"Art. vi. It is forbidden to Prussian navigators to transport cargoes or merchandises of any sort whatever to places or ports besieged, blocked, or shut up closely by any one of the belligerent powers.
Art. vii. It is forbidden to Prussian navigators, or merchants, to lend their names to foreign nations, and they ought to exercise commerce in general in a manner conformable to the rights and customs of nations, so that they commit no infringement of the rights of any of the belligerent powers, and that they may have no just subject of complaint.
"The subjects of the King who shall conform exactly to the present edict, may promise themselves on the part of his Majesty all possible protection and assistance, instead of which, those who may contravene it, ought not to expect it, but to attribute to themselves the dangers and damages, which they may draw upon themselves, by a conduct contrary to this ordinance. Given at Berlin, the 30th of April, 1781.
"By express order of the King.
HERTZBERG."
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
TO B. FRANKLIN.
Amsterdam, May 23d, 1781.
Sir,
I have the honor of your letter of the 19th with its enclosures, and I thank your Excellency for the pains you have taken to communicate the news from America, which I think can scarcely be called bad, though General Greene lost the field. I had before received and published in the Amsterdam Gazette the same accounts. The gazetteers are so earnest after American news, that I find it the shortest method of communicating the newspapers to all.
I have received from Congress their resolution of the 3d of January, 1781, to draw bills upon me in favor of Lee & Jones, at six months sight, for the full amount of the balance due on the contract made with them for a quantity of clothing for the army. I have also a letter from Mr Gibson, of the treasury office, of January 28th, which informs me that the amount of Jones & Lee's account is sixteen thousand two hundred and fortyfour pounds one shilling sterling.
I have just received from Gottenburg the enclosed letters, one to your Excellency and one to Mr Jay. I received both unsealed, with a direction to take copies. I have put my own seal upon that to your Excellency, and request the favor of you to put yours upon that to Mr Jay, and to convey it in the safest manner. It contains matter of great importance, which ought to be carefully concealed from every eye but yours and Mr Jay's; for which reason I should be cautious of conveying it, even with the despatches of the Spanish Ambassador, especially as there are intimations in Mr Lovell's letter of too much curiosity with regard to Mr Jay's despatches, and as Mr Jay himself complains that his letters are opened. I hope this instruction will remove all the difficulties with Spain, whose accession to the treaty would be of great service to the reputation of our cause in every part of Europe.
It seems to me of vast importance to us to obtain an acknowledgment of our independence from as many other Sovereigns as possible, before any conferences for peace shall be opened; because, if that event should take place first, and the powers at war with Great Britain, their armies, navies, and people weary of the war, and clamoring for peace, there is no knowing what hard conditions may be insisted on from us, nor into what embarrassments British arts and obstinacy may plunge us.
By the tenth article of the Treaty of Alliance, the contracting parties agree to invite or admit other powers who may have received injuries from Great Britain, to accede to that treaty. If Russia and the northern powers, or any of them, should be involved in the war in support of the Dutch, would it not be a proper opportunity for the execution of this article? Or, why would it not be proper now to invite the Dutch?
I have the honor to enclose a memorial to their High Mightinesses. My mission is now a subject of deliberation among the Regencies of the several cities and the bodies of nobles who compose the sovereignty of this country. It is not probable that any determination will be had soon. They will probably confer with Russia, and the northern powers, about it first. Perhaps, if these come into the war, nothing will be done but in concert with them. But if these do not come into the war, this Republic, I think, in that case will readily accede to the Treaty of Alliance between France and America; for all ideas of peace with England are false and delusive. England will make peace with the Dutch upon no other condition than their joining her in the war against all her enemies, which it is impossible for them to do, even if their inclinations were that way, which they are not. The public voice here is well decided against England.
I have the honor to be much of your Excellency's opinion respecting duties. I mentioned tobacco, to show what duties America was able to bear. Whatever sums a people are able to bear, in duties upon exports or imports upon the decencies, conveniences, or necessaries of life, they are undoubtedly able to raise by a dry tax upon polls and estates, provided it is equally proportioned. Nay more, because the expense of collecting and guarding against frauds is saved.
Our countrymen are getting right notions of revenue, and whenever these shall become general, I think there can be no difficulty in carrying on the war.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Amsterdam, May 24th, 1781.
Sir,
A proposition of very great consequence has been made in the Assembly of the States of Holland, by the city of Amsterdam. It is conceived in these words;
"The gentlemen, the Deputies of the city of Amsterdam, have, by the express orders of the gentlemen their principals, represented in the Assembly, that the venerable magistrates had flattered themselves that they should see the effects of the efforts attempted for some time by the Admiralties, to put to sea a quantity of vessels of war capable of protecting the commerce and the navigation of the inhabitants of this State, or at least some branches of them; that the gentlemen, their principals, had had reason to be confirmed in their expectation, above all when they were informed that a number sufficiently considerable of vessels of war, provided with things necessary, were ready to put to sea, and that orders had been positively given upon this subject; but, to their extreme astonishment they had learned some time after, that the officers who commanded the said vessels, upon the point of executing the said orders, had given notice that the want of stores, provisions, and victuals put them out of a condition to obey the said orders, that the gentlemen, their constituents, having considered that not only this want of stores, &c., ought not to have existed, but that it might have been seasonably obviated; they had been so struck with this unexpected delay in an affair, which they judged of the last importance for this country, especially on account of certain particular circumstances, that they could not refrain from declaring freely, that they had lawful reasons to fear that such inactivity left little hope of seeing effected a protection which is of the last necessity for the commerce and navigation, the total interruption of which cannot fail to occasion a great dearness, and to bring on very soon a most sensible scarcity, without speaking of the impossibility of striking blows to an enemy who has for five months attacked this State by an unjust war, and has already rendered himself master by surprise of a great number of rich vessels of war, and merchant ships, and of some of our distant possessions.
"That the gentlemen, the principals, in virtue of these reasons, and of others not less pressing, have judged that they could not longer delay to lay before the eyes of the members of the Assembly of your Noble and Grand Mightinesses, in a manner the most pressing and the most lively, the terrible consequences, which this deplorable state of things makes them apprehend for their dear country. That the powers of the north, with whom the Republic is entered into alliance, and from whom she has sufficient reasons to expect succors, have marked more than once their astonishment at our inactivity, and at the affected tranquillity with which the Republic suffers all the insults of her enemy, without making the least preparation to repel them. That, from time to time, advices have come from our Ambassadors Extraordinary to the Court of Petersburg, that we had not to expect, neither from that Court, nor from her allies, succors, but in proportion to the efforts which the Republic should make on her part. That these things have appeared to the gentlemen, the principals, of so great importance, and of so extensive consequence, that it is more than time, that this sovereign Assembly pass, as soon as possible, to a scrupulous examination of the true causes of such inactivity; that she cause to be given instructions, and an explanation of the state of defence of the country, relative to the necessary orders which she has given; that she obtain information concerning the reasons of the extreme sloth and lukewarmness, with which they proceed to the protection of the country against an enemy formidable, especially for his activity, and concerning the means which we may and ought to employ, to shut up the source of these evils, and make them disappear.
"That the gentlemen, the constituents, have desired to put themselves out of the reach of all reproach from the inhabitants of this country, whose total ruin advances with rapid strides, and who, to this day, have not ceased to pour out with joy into the public treasury, the imposts and taxes, which we have imposed on them, demanding in return, with the greatest justice, to be protected by the fathers of the country. To this end, and to ward off as much as it is in their power, the ruin of this Republic, formerly so flourishing and so respected by its neighbors, they have charged in the manner the most express their Deputies to these States to insist in the strongest manner, that we proceed to the beforementioned examination, and that on the part of this Province things be directed in the generality in such a manner, that we demand, as soon as possible, to enter into negotiation with the Court of France, which has not ceased to give us such numerous and shining marks of her good will, and of her inclination to succor us against the common enemy, and has already shown us, by the effects, that her offers of service do not consist in vain words; to deliberate with this Court concerning the manner in which it will be convenient and practicable to act, by communicating to each other the reciprocal plans of operation, which we may attempt during this summer.
"That at the same time, it is not expedient to neglect to instruct our Ministers at the Courts of Russia, Sweden, and Denmark, of the state of things in this country, and of the means of defence, which the Republic puts in motion, with the express orders to make, without relaxation, to the said Courts, pressing and redoubled instances to send us a large number of vessels of war well equipped, to which at least one of them has already shown herself disposed; representing to them, at the same time, in a pressing manner, the present necessity of sending us, conformably to the stipulations of the convention lately concluded and ratified, as soon as possible, the succors promised in the said convention.
"That, besides the propositions, which we have pointed out, and from the success of which the gentlemen, the constituents, promise themselves all sorts of advantages, the venerable magistrates are still in the opinion, that this State, although abandoned to itself, against all expectation and all hope, does not yet cease to have numerous and sufficient resources, not to consider its defence as absolutely desperate; for it is very true, that after a long peace, the first alarm of a war, and of an unforeseen attack, may at first throw men's minds into terror, disorder, and consternation; but it is not less true, that the riches and the resources of the nation in general, having received a considerable increase by the enjoyment of the fruits of this peace, the supreme government finds itself, by employing them in a useful and salutary manner, in a condition to make head for a long time against an enemy already exhausted by a long and expensive war, and to take so good measures, that we may force her to renew an honorable and advantageous peace.
"In fine, the gentlemen, the said constituents, are of opinion, that, to give a ready effect to the resolutions tending to the said objects, and which may serve for the protection of the State, and of its establishments in the other parts of the world, and to discuss the resolutions with all the secrecy requisite, there be formed by the Lords the States, a committee of some gentlemen of the respective Provinces, giving them the power and instructions necessary to labor conjointly with his Highness, the Prince Hereditary Stadtholder, to contrive, prescribe, and put in execution, all the measures, which shall appear the most proper and the most convenient, to the end that we may, under the benediction of God Almighty, repair the past, and wash out the shame and the dishonor, with which this Republic is stained in the eyes of foreigners, and by a vigorous defence of the country, and of all which it holds most dear and precious, and to maintain it in the advantages of a liberty purchased so dear, against all further evils and calamities.
"Finally, the gentlemen, the said Deputies, find themselves, moreover, expressly charged to cause to be laid in the records of Holland the said proposition for the apology and the discharge of the gentlemen, their constituents, and to insist in all the ways possible, that we take in this regard prompt resolutions, whereof we may see the effects; in the view of accomplishing their salutary designs, to pray in the manner the most earnest and pressing the other members to labor to obtain in favor of this proposition, the suffrage of the gentlemen, their principals, to carry it into the approaching Assembly."
Thus ends this manly address, in which there is the appearance of the old Batavian spirit. In my excursions through the various parts of this country, I have found the eyes of all parties turned towards Amsterdam, and all true patriots said, that the salvation of this country depended upon the firmness of that city. There has indeed been in this city the appearance of feebleness and irresolution, but it has stood its ground. The presentation and publication of my Memorial to the States-General, which was more universally and highly applauded than was expected by me or any one else, furnished the regency of the city an opportunity to discover the general sense of the public voice, and they have not failed to take an early advantage of it. They have not mentioned a treaty with America, the reason of which was, that this subject was already taken ad referendum, and under the consideration of the several branches of the sovereignty. They mention only a negotiation with France, knowing very well, that this would necessarily draw on the other; so that things seem at present in a good train; but a long time will necessarily be taken up, according to the constitution, and in the present disposition of this country, before anything can be done to effect.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Amsterdam, May 25th, 1781.
Sir,
The following convention, concerning recaptures made from the English, is, it is hoped, the first step towards more intimate connexions between this Republic, on one side, and France and the United States of America on the other.
FRENCH AND DUTCH CONVENTION CONCERNING RECAPTURES.
"The Lords the States-General, having judged, that it would be of reciprocal utility to establish between France and the United Provinces of the Low Countries, uniform principles with relation to captures and recaptures, which their respective subjects might make upon those of Great Britain, their common enemy, they have proposed to the Most Christian King to agree with them on a regulation concerning this matter. His Most Christian Majesty, animated with the same views, and desiring to consolidate more and more the good correspondence, which subsists between him and the United Provinces, has well received the overture of the Lords the States-General. In consequence, his said Most Christian Majesty, and the said Lords the States-General have given their full powers, to wit; His Most Christian Majesty to the Sieur Gravier, Count de Vergennes, &c. his Counsellor of State of the Sword, his Counsellor in all his Councils, Commander of his Orders, Minister and Secretary of State, and of his commands and finances; and the Lords the States-General to the Sieur de Berkenrode, their Ambassador to the Most Christian King, who, after having duly communicated their respective powers, have agreed on the following articles.
"Article i. The vessels of one of the two nations, French and Dutch, retaken by the privateers of the other, shall be restored to the first owner, if they have not been in the power of the enemy during the space of twentyfour hours, at the charge of the said owner, to pay one third of the value of the vessel recaptured, as well as of her cargo, cannon, and apparel, which shall be estimated by agreement between the parties interested, and if they cannot agree among themselves, they shall apply to the officers of the Admiralty of the place where the recaptor shall have conducted the vessel retaken.
"Art. ii. If the vessel retaken has been in the power of the enemy more than twentyfour hours, it shall belong entirely to the recaptor.
"Art. iii. In case a vessel shall have been retaken by a vessel of war belonging to the Most Christian King, or to the United Provinces, it shall be restored to the first proprietor, paying the thirtieth part of the value of the vessel, of the cargo, cannon, and apparel, if it has been retaken in twentyfour hours; and the tenth, if it has been taken after the twentyfour hours; which sums shall be distributed as a gratification to the crews of the vessels recaptured. The estimation of the thirtieth and tenth, beforementioned shall be regulated conformably to the tenor of the article first of the present Convention.
"Art. iv. The vessels of war and privateers of the one and the other of the two nations shall be admitted reciprocally both in Europe, and in the other parts of the world, in the respective ports with their prizes, which may be there unloaded, and sold according to the formalities used in the State where the prize shall have been conducted; provided, nevertheless, that the lawfulness of the prizes made by the French vessels shall be decided conformably to the laws and regulations established in France concerning this matter, in the same manner as that of prizes made by Dutch vessels shall be judged according to the laws and regulations established in the United Provinces.
"Art. v. Moreover, it shall be free to His Most Christian Majesty, as well as to the Lords the States-General, to make such regulations as they shall judge good relative to the conduct, which their vessels and privateers respectively shall hold in regard to the vessels, which they shall have taken and carried into one of the ports of the two dominions.
"In faith of which, the aforesaid Plenipotentiaries of His Most Christian Majesty, and of the Lords the States-General, in virtue of our powers respectively, have signed these presents, and have hereunto affixed the seal of our arms. Done at Versailles, the first of the month of May, 1781.
GRAVIER DE VERGENNES, LESTEVENON VAN BERKENRODE."
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Amsterdam, May 27th, 1781.
Sir,
In the Assembly of the States-General, the following Report has lately been made.
"Messrs de Lynden de Hemmen, and other Deputies of their High Mightinesses for Maritime Affairs, have, in consequence of the commissorial Resolution of the 27th of the last month, examined a letter of the Directors named in the commission by the respective chambers of the granted general company of the Dutch East Indies, to the Assembly of Seventeen, held the 23d of the same month at Amsterdam, representing the great inconveniences to which it would be exposed by the delay of the expedition of the vessels of the company, if it were not soon provided with the customary provisions, at least as much as in ordinary times, as well as the possibility that the enemy may attempt an attack in that country, upon which the Directors would be exposed to answer for it, having in the different chambers seven vessels ready to put to sea, with the hope that ere long this number will be still further augmented; soliciting to this end, a convenient number of vessels of war, to give a safe escort to the ships of the company, while the Directors on their parts will put all in motion to watch over the safety of their vessels; wishing to this end to arm some of these vessels in an extraordinary manner, to the end that they may be able to oppose some resistance both for themselves and for the others, scattered over the sea of the Indies. That, nevertheless, if their High Mightinesses could not determine themselves to this, they, the Directors, hoped that they should not be responsible for the consequences which might result. That on the contrary, all the sharers in general, and their High Mightinesses in particular, would agree that in this the Directors have done all that could be required of persons to whom had been confided the direction of the goods of so many widows and orphans, of persons who, under the immediate auspices of their High Mightinesses, had the honor to direct a Colony whose prosperity is essentially connected with that of this country.
"Upon which, having demanded and received the considerations and the advice of the committees of the Colleges of the respective Admiralties, which are at present here, we have reported to the Assembly, that the gentlemen, the Deputies, should be of opinion, that notwithstanding the most ardent wishes to employ a sufficient number of vessels of war, not only for the defence of the ships but also that of the possessions of the company of the East Indies of this country, it would, however, be impracticable at this time, considering the present situation of the navy of this State, universally known, which could not appear strange to any one instructed in the natural representations so often repeated from time to time by the Colleges of the Admiralty in this respect; especially if he considers, that a navy, fallen into so great a decay, could not be rebuilt so suddenly, and placed so soon upon a respectable footing; that, moreover, this navy already so enfeebled, was become still more so by the surprise and capture of different vessels of war, by casual disasters happened to others, and because the rest were dispersed into so many different places, that for the equipment projected for this year, there was wanting a great quantity of vessels and frigates well equipped and provided, at least such as in the case in question could be used; that besides the vessels ready to act, which are actually in the ports of the Republic, ought in the first place, and before all things, to serve for the defence of the coasts and harbors (or mouths of the rivers) as well as for the protection of the navigation towards the North Sea and the Baltic, and of the ships, which return from thence; that principally by reason of the unheard of scarcity of seamen, occasioned in a great measure by the capture of so enormous a quantity of Dutch merchant ships, which had been manned by the best seamen of the nation, it was almost impossible to determine the time when the other vessels of war in commissions should be able to act.
"That, nevertheless, the Company of the East Indies was of too great importance to this country, for us to be able to reject entirely her demand; and by so much the less as the Directors do not request to be protected to the detriment of the Republic, but they demonstrate also that they are really willing on their part to make their last efforts for their own defence, and contented themselves to require the suitable support of the State, to sustain the forces which the company was about to put in action; that from the refusal of a requisition of this nature it might result, that in losing all hope in the protection of the State, they may neglect also those efforts, which otherwise might be employed with some appearance of success; that, besides, the national establishments in this distant part of the globe would also fall, and without the least resistance, into the hands of the enemy, and that this Republic at the end of the present war would find itself destitute of all its resources; that this presentiment, apparently, ought to effect a close union of all the forces, to fulfil as far as possible the desire of the said Directors, and that to the end to try all practicable means, expecting at the same time the celestial benediction, and the prompt and effectual succor of our high allies, in default of ordinary remedies, it is necessary to have recourse without the smallest loss of time to extraordinary remedies, and to this effect his Most Serene Highness, in his quality of Stadtholder and Admiral-General of the Republic, ought to be solicited and authorised, if it was possible, either by borrowing vessels of war, their equipages, or by purchasing or hiring here or elsewhere, other suitable ships, which might be appropriated to this, or finally in every other practicable manner to reinforce at the expense of the country, the marine of the State, with the greatest celerity, and as much as possible; in consequence of which, in concert with the said Directors of the East India Company, we may regulate the time, the manner, and the force of the protection to be procured for the company in question; the whole, as his Most Serene Highness, saving the sense of the resolution of their High Mightinesses of the 26th of March last, shall judge the most convenient for the greatest utility of the Republic, and of the said Company. Finally, that it would be convenient also to intimate to the Colleges of the Admiralty respectively of this country, to co-operate as much as possible with his Most Serene Highness, not only to put and hold with the greatest expedition in a convenient state the vessels of the Republic, but also in particular for everything that may contribute to accelerate their equipment and sailing, and to the greatest success of the enrolments; with a promise, that the extraordinary expenses which shall result from it and be advanced with the advice of his Most Serene Highness, shall be restored and made good to them.
"Upon which, having deliberated, the Deputies of the Province of Zealand have taken a copy of this report, to be able to communicate more amply."
I do myself the honor to transmit such state papers entire, because Congress will be able from them to collect the real state of things better than from any remarks of mine. The state of the Republic is deplorable enough. There is but one sure path for it to pursue, that is, instantly to accede to the Treaty of Alliance between France and America. They see this, but have not firmness to venture upon the measure. Indeed, the military character both at land and sea, seems to be lost out of this nation. The love of fame, the desire of glory, the love of country, the regard for posterity, in short, all the brilliant and sublime passions are lost, and succeeded by nothing but the love of ease and money; but the character of this people must change, or they are finally undone.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Amsterdam, May 29th, 1781.
Sir,
The English, by the capture of St Eustatia, seem to have committed the most complete blunder of all. There was found in that Island a greater quantity of property belonging to the Britons themselves, than to the French, Dutch, or Americans. They have broken up a trade, which was more advantageous to them, than to any of their enemies, as it was a channel through which British manufactures were conveyed to North America, and much provisions and assistance to their fleets and armies in the West Indies. As the British merchants were warranted by an act of Parliament to trade to this Island, all those who are sufferers by its capture are clamoring against government and especially against Rodney and Vaughan, for illegally seizing their property and threatening these commanders with as many law-suits as there are losses. But what completes the jest is, that M. de la Motte Piquet has carried safe into Brest two and twenty of the vessels loaded with the spoils of St Eustatia, which Rodney had sent under convoy of Commodore Hotham and four ships of the line; so that Rodney after having lost his booty is likely to have law-suits to defend, and very probably the whole to repay to the owners.
Thus the cards are once more turned against the gambler; and the nation has gained nothing but an addition to their reputation for iniquity. This is good justice. There is room to hope for more instances of it; because their fleets are coming home from the West Indies, and the Spanish fleet of thirty sail of the line under Cordova is again at sea, and it is hoped the French fleet will soon go out again.
The English fleets are so fully employed by the French and Spaniards, that the Dutch might do a great deal if they would; but something in this machine is fatally amiss. The patriots weep, but all in vain. The fleets and ships that sail, are said to have orders to act only on the defensive. The courtiers say, that Amsterdam is the cause of the war; the friends of Amsterdam say, the courtiers are corrupted by the English. Some say, the Prince declares he will never do anything against the English; others say, that he has authorised the French Ambassador to assure the King his master, that he was ready to make arrangements with him; others report sayings of the Princess, that the conduct of some of the courtiers will be the ruin of her family. All these reports serve to no purpose, but to show the confusion and distraction of the country. However, there must be a change soon for the better or worse, for hunger will break down all ordinary fences.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Amsterdam, May 31st, 1781.
Sir,
The following memorial lays open a dispute between two nations.
"High and Mighty Lords,
"It is well known to your High Mightinesses, with what constancy and for how long a time, the subscriber has had the honor to lay before you, by order of his Court, how much she desires to accomplish a settlement of the differences, which exist upon the Rio Volta between her subjects and yours, who have by little and little wrongfully occupied and fortified the posts of Creve Cœur and of Good Hope, which at present incommode and restrain the Danish establishments upon that coast to a degree almost to destroy the existence of them, to put them to expenses for their maintenance, which absorb their utility, and to render more and more necessary measures, which his Majesty would desire not to be obliged to think of. In consequence, although the subscriber has rendered a faithful account of the assurances, which have been repeatedly given him, of the desire, which your High Mightinesses have to take away even from its source all subject of misunderstanding reciprocally, a desire very conformable with that of the King his master; nevertheless, as nothing has resulted from these general assurances he finds himself at present obliged to execute the orders, which he has received; to demand of your High Mightinesses to cause to be evacuated the said forts of Creve Cœur and Good Hope, the existence of which cannot consist with that of the establishment of Denmark. He has express orders to make this requisition, and to give to understand, that as his Majesty will be very sensible of this friendly manner of terminating the present differences upon the coast of Guinea, so will he see with sincere regret that you will oblige him to give to this affair a more serious attention. The Hague, April 28th.
ST SAPHORIN."
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Amsterdam, May 31st, 1781.
Sir,
The cities of Haerlem and Dort have seconded Amsterdam, although the other cities of Holland have hitherto been silent, as appears by the following declarations.
"A declaration of the gentlemen, the Deputies of Dort, concerning the proposition of the city of Amsterdam, made at the assembly of their Noble and Grand Mightinesses on the 18th of May, 1781.
"The gentlemen, the Deputies of Dort, have declared to the assembly, that they had been earnest to transmit to the Regency of their city the propositions of the gentlemen, the Burgomasters and Counsellors of Amsterdam, communicating to them at the same time, that with regard to the matter, which makes the object of it, the gentlemen, the Deputies, had beforehand declared, that since the substance of the said proposition was entirely conformable to that, which for some time had formed among the gentlemen, the Constituents, the object of preliminary deliberations, the Deputies had believed themselves tacitly authorised to adopt immediately the said proposition in all its points, which determined them also to testify their very sincere gratitude to the gentlemen, the Deputies of Amsterdam, and in their persons to the gentlemen, the Burgomasters and Regents of the same city, for the enlightened and vigilant zeal with which these gentlemen in taking this step, so salutary and so necessary, had shown that they have at heart the true interests of their dear country, which had already experienced so many injuries. That at present, the gentlemen, the Deputies, after the communications alleged, found themselves expressly instructed to cause to be inserted in the minutes of their Noble and Grand Mightinesses, for the justification of the Regency of their city before posterity, that the venerable Magistracy of Dort, approving what is before mentioned, had learned with a lively satisfaction the proposition before mentioned; that it was ready and disposed in the name of that city, to concur efficaciously in all the means, which may be judged the most convenient, to save with alacrity this country, now threatened and surrounded with the greatest and most terrible dangers; that to this end the venerable Regents of Dort would not fail to deliberate immediately upon the particular points, which the proposition in question presents, and to cause in course their resolution to be transmitted to the assembly of their Noble and Grand Mightinesses."
Note of the Deputies of Haerlem, touching the provisional resolution taken by their Noble and Grand Mightinesses, upon the proposition of Amsterdam.
"The gentlemen, the Deputies of the city of Haerlem, resuming the extension of the 18th of May, have declared, that in accepting the proposition of the gentlemen, the Deputies of the city of Amsterdam, their advice had been, that since the said proposition ought to be attributed to a laudable desire to watch over the common interests, the gentlemen, the Deputies of Amsterdam, and in their persons, the gentlemen their constituents, ought to be thanked for the zeal and marked attention upon this occasion for the utility of their dear country. But, as at that time almost all the members relished this advice in such a manner, that the assembly had converted it into a provisional resolution, the gentlemen, the Deputies, had a good right to presume, that, in imitation of many antecedent facts, this advice would have become an essential measure, to cause to be passed the beforementioned provisional resolution. But the gentlemen, the Deputies, seeing the contrary, and their remarks made in this regard, answered by a frozen silence on the part of the other members, they have, both on account of this circumstance, and to ascertain what really passed in consequence of the proposition in question, and to justify the report made to the gentlemen, their principals, upon this object, judged necessary to cause this note to be inserted in the minutes of their Noble and Grand Mightinesses."
With hearty wishes that this dumb spirit may be soon cast out, I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE ASSEMBLY OF THE STATES-GENERAL.
Amsterdam, June 1st, 1781.
Sir,
I have received from my Sovereign, the United States of America, in Congress assembled, their express instructions to notify to their High Mightinesses, the States-General, the complete and final ratification of the confederation of the Thirteen United States, from New Hampshire to Georgia, both included, on the 1st day of March last.
I do myself the honor to enclose an authentic copy of this important act, and to request the favor of you, Sir, to communicate it to their High Mightinesses in such a manner as you shall judge most convenient; as in the present circumstances of affairs I know of no more proper mode of discharging this part of my duty.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Amsterdam, June 5th, 1781.
Sir,
The Deputies of Middleburg, in the assembly of the States of Zealand, on the 14th of May, consented to the petition for granting larger bounties to those who shall engage in the service of the Republic by sea. Their advice has been given in this manner;
"The gentlemen, the Deputies of Middleburg, have said that they were authorised by the gentlemen, their principals, to conform themselves to the report in question, in all its parts. They are further specially instructed and ordered, (renewing the advice of their city, communicated with their consent to the two States of war of the 9th of last month,) to represent upon this occasion, in the name of the gentlemen, their principals, and to insist strongly, that without delay it should be deliberated by a committee, concerning the measures the most prompt and the most efficacious to be taken by this Province, to direct things in course in the generality, in such a manner, that in the critical and disastrous situation in which the Republic is, we should apply our attention conjointly, with redoubled zeal, activity, and wisdom, in defence of the territory, commerce, and possessions of the Republic; that we finally awake out of that unexpected inaction, in which as is too apparent the Republic is still found, the causes of which cannot, and ought not in any degree, to be attributed to this Province; or that at least, without delay and without reserve, the true reasons of this dangerous and disgraceful situation should be communicated to the Lords, the States of Zealand, from whom nothing, which concerns the Union ought to be concealed; to the end, that in course they may deliberate sincerely with the other confederates upon the means of deliverance and of precaution, the most prompt, and the most convenient for the common advantage, safety, and preservation.
"The Lords, the States of Zealand, have also represented to their High Mightinesses, the propriety of establishing batteries upon the coast of Flanders, upon the places the most exposed, and to provide them with cannon and necessary stores, that they may be able to act, with the armed vessels stationed upon the river, against any enterprises which may be attempted by the enemy's vessels.
"On the 22d of last month, their Noble and Grand Mightinesses deliberated upon the proposition of the Counsellor Pensionary, made on the 18th of the same month, in the name of the gentlemen, the counsellors' committees, viz. that it having been resolved, by a resolution of their Noble and Grand Mightinesses of the 16th of January, to negotiate a sum of eight millions, at two and a half per cent interest, this negotiation had had so happy a success, that it was almost filled up, as the treasury general and the other treasuries of the quarter of the south of this Province have received seven millions fortysix thousand six hundred and fifty florins, and those of the quarter of the north, five hundred and seventyeight thousand eight hundred florins. That the Counsellor Pensionary, seeing that the present situation of affairs requires in all respects, that the treasury of the State should be provided of a larger quantity of money, has proposed to the consideration of their Noble and Grand Mightinesses, whether they did not judge it convenient to augment the negotiation in question by four other millions, and, consequently, to extend it to twelve millions, upon the same footing and with the same interest, as determined by their resolution of the 16th of January last.
"Upon which it was thought fit, and resolved, to consent to the negotiation of these eight millions, and to increase it with four others, so as to make twelve millions upon the same footing. The Prince has made a tour to the Brille, Helvoetsluys, Goeree, and Willemstadt, where he has reviewed the troops and vessels of war, and returned to the Hague on the third of this month."
I send to Congress an account of these faint and feeble symptoms of life, because there is no appearance of any more vigorous. I am told that this vis inertiæ is profound policy. If it is policy at all, it is so profound, as to be perfectly incomprehensible. However, their property and dominion, their honor and dignity, their sovereignty and independence are their own, and if they choose to throw them all away, for aught I know, they have a right to do it. There is one comfort, if other nations have nothing to hope, they have nothing to fear from such policy.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
TO M. BERENGER, SECRETARY OF THE FRENCH EMBASSY AT THE HAGUE.
Amsterdam, June 8th, 1781.
Sir,
I have received the letter, which you did me the honor to write me, on the 5th of this month, informing me, that you have received a letter from the Count de Vergennes, by which his Excellency directs you to tell me, that the interests of the United States require my presence at Paris, and that he should desire that I should go there, as soon as my affairs in Holland will permit me.
I should be extremely obliged to you, Sir, if you would confide to me the nature of the business that requires me at Paris, that I might be able to form some judgment, whether it is of so much importance, and so pressing, as to make it necessary for me to go forthwith.
His Excellency Dr Franklin, and Colonel Laurens, have arranged affairs in such a manner, that the accounts of the Indian are to be produced to me, and I am to draw bills to discharge them, so that it would retard the departure of that interesting vessel, if I were to go now; and it is of some importance to the public that I should complete my despatches to go to Congress by her. I am also unfortunately involved in a good deal of business, in accepting and discharging bills of exchange, a course of business which would be put into some confusion, if I were to go immediately; and the general affairs of Congress in this Republic might suffer somewhat by my absence. But notwithstanding all, if I were informed that it is anything respecting a general pacification, or an invitation of this Republic to accede to the alliance between France and the United States, or any other affair of sufficient weight to justify my quitting this port immediately, I would do it. Otherwise it would, as I humbly conceive, be more for the public interest, that I should wait until some of the business that lies upon me here is despatched, and the rest put into a better order. Let me beg the favor of your sentiments, Sir. Whenever I go, I must beg the favor of you to furnish me with a passport.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Amsterdam, June 11th, 1781.
Sir,
The following petition is too curious in itself, and too much attended to by the public at this time, to be omitted.
"To the Gentlemen, the Burgomasters, Sheriffs and Counsellors of the city of Antwerp.
"The inhabitants of the city of Antwerp in general, and those who are there concerned in commerce, in particular, should think that they injured their own interests, if they neglected, at a time when all Europe talks of the advantages, which the opening of the Scheldt would produce, to address themselves to you, Gentlemen, to make known their desire, that you would please to take the necessary measures for this purpose. While all nations fix at present their attention upon the liberty of navigation, shall we be the only people, who, although having a greater interest in it than others, should remain quiet, and suffer to pass away, unimproved, the moment, which appears to be now arrived to deliver ourselves from the yoke, which the Republic of Holland imposed upon us in the days of their first celebration? No! It is time that we awake! Since the treaty of Munster, this city and its commerce are fallen into a great decay, but we have still the means in our hands to revive them, because the inhabitants have ever continued to have an indirect portion in commerce. It was they, who after the suppression of the Company of Ostend, have assisted in the establishment of the East India Companies of Sweden and Denmark; and it would not be difficult to prove, that projects of all sorts have taken place in their speculations. What could they not do, therefore, when it shall be free to them to make a direct and unrestrained commerce? The simple hope, which they have of it, causes among them a revival of the spirit of commerce. When we compare the situation of the cities of Amsterdam and Antwerp, we shall find that that of the latter has many advantages over the former. The commerce of corn, which makes of Holland the factory of Europe, and all the trade of the North, offers itself to the city of Antwerp. We should soon find there magazines provided with everything necessary to extend commerce, and equal that of Amsterdam. This commerce alone would be sufficient to make a revival of the bright days, which preceded the peace of Munster.
"But what afflicts us, Gentlemen, is, that there are persons who would divide the interests of provinces, and give birth to a rivalry between the ports of Ostend and Antwerp, as if one port the more would be too much for the States of his Majesty. If this could be a question, no man could doubt that the city of Antwerp is much better situated to make an extensive commerce, than the city of Ostend. Experience alone is sufficient to demonstrate it. The commerce, which Antwerp has made heretofore, came there naturally of itself, although it had been formerly at Bruges, because the port of Antwerp was better, and in all respects more advantageous. But these cities have nothing in common, and if the Scheldt was open, and remained open, Ostend would not suffer any damage from it. We have the advantage to have in our Sovereign a Prince, whose whole application tends to render his subjects happy; nothing can contribute more to their prosperity than commerce. The fine arts, which have supported themselves at Antwerp, in spite of the decay of commerce, for near one hundred and forty years, would acquire here a new degree of perfection and lustre.
"We hope, Gentlemen, that your care and zeal for everything, which can contribute to the prosperity of a city, which you have already lately delivered from beggary, will make you discover, with particular satisfaction, new means of procuring labor for the poor and needy, diminish thereby the expense of their maintenance, without reckoning all the other advantages, and especially the augmentation of our population, which would be the result of our demand."
This petition discloses objects of so much weight in those scales, in which the political and commercial interests of the nations of Europe are now balancing, that it is worth while to transmit some observations, which have been made upon it, which will lay open the whole subject, with all its connexions. They were written in French by M. Cerisier.
"It is to have a false idea of things, to think and to say, that Holland and Zealand, taking an unjust advantage of their victories, and of the weakness of their enemies, have dictated, with arms in their hands, the outrageous and despotic conditions of holding their ports shut up. We have only to cast our eyes upon the geographical situation of Antwerp, we have only to recollect the first events of the Belgic Revolution, to acknowledge this error. The city of Antwerp for a long time made a part of the Belgic confederation; she entered into the union of Utrecht, as she had entered into the pacification of Ghent, she was even for several years the centre of the new Republic; it was not until 1585, that she fell back under the yoke of the Spaniards. But the Duke of Parma, in retaking Antwerp, could not equally make himself master of all the forts situated below that city, towards the mouth of the Scheldt. The confederates continued masters of these, and even retook some places, which had been taken from them in the course of the war. Thus they remained masters of the lower navigation of this river, an advantage, which they caused to be confirmed to them in the treaty of peace. In casting our eyes on the other hand, on the memorable siege of Antwerp, it is to this city that it is necessary to impute the misfortune of having an useless port, since, by a more vigorous and wise defence, she would have remained in the union, with all the advantages which resulted from it.
"Zealand and the city of Amsterdam, have always held the slavery of the port of Antwerp of much importance. But it is very far from being true, that this city, by recovering the liberty of her navigation, would be able to draw away any considerable part of their commerce. The maritime places of the United Provinces have had for several ages, and many years before the revolution, a great navigation and a flourishing commerce; this has been demonstrated by modern authors. See the Tableau de l'Histoire des Provinces Unies, et la Richesse de la Hollande. It is an error then to believe, that they were raised upon the ruins of Ghent, Bruges, and Antwerp; although we cannot deny, that they have received some augmentation from them.
"But it is England, which has drawn the greatest advantages from them. The cause is evident; it is, that the same troubles, which chased commerce from these cities, agitated at the same time Holland, Zealand, Friesland, and the neighboring Provinces. The factions of the Houcks and the Cabeliaux, the Schieringers, and the Vetkopers, the Litchembergs, and the Gunterlings, the Hekeren, and the Bronkhorst, have nearly at the same time for many years, torn almost the whole country, which forms at this day the Republic of the United Provinces, in the times when Flanders was a prey to the most violent intestine dissensions, when Ghent and Bruges held the Emperor Maximilian in prison; and when the chastisements inflicted on these two cities, drove out the industry, and commerce, which enriched them. The United Provinces were the centre of the rebellion and the theatre of the most afflicting calamities, when the cruelties of the Spaniards chased commerce from the city of Antwerp. The most violent causes, in fact, are necessary to drive commerce from a country where she has fixed her residence. The powerful houses of commerce, the immense funds necessary to carry it on, the credit, the industry, do not transplant themselves easily from one country to another.
"We ought not to impute to slavery the fall of the commerce of the Austrian Low Countries. We must ascend to that epocha, when the fiscal and religious despotism of Spain carried into the Low Countries the yoke of civil servitude and the flames of the Inquisition. Commerce cannot harmonise with slavery, with the tyrannical exaction of imposts, with persecutors, or with hangmen. It was principally to London, that industry, and the merchants of Louvain, Ghent, Bruges, and Antwerp, fled. Although Holland and Zealand were at the same time a prey to similar misfortunes, and even still more terrible, they found themselves in a condition to raise a powerful marine, to beat their ancient masters, and to seize upon their spoils in the Indies. It was upon their courage, upon their navigation, upon their establishments in the Indies, and not upon the mouth of the Scheldt, that they laid the foundations of a commerce, the richest and most extensive that ever was.
"If all the Low Countries had remained attached to the confederation, they would all have partaken of the riches, the industry, the power, and the grandeur of the United Provinces. The Austrian Low Countries were not able to recover their brilliant commerce, because they had lost it. To repair this loss, it would have been necessary, that Holland and England, filled with their manufactures, should have had the complaisance to send them back all these manufactures with their riches, their workmen, and their raw materials. It was only Louis the Fourteenth who could in this respect take Philip the Second for a model. If the Flemish and the Brabantians, should have again a source of raw materials, and of workmen, would it be easy to recall industry and naturalise it there, after so long an exile? The little progress of commerce in those countries has many other causes, besides the subjugation of one of its brooks. It is necessary to look for them in the multitude and enormity of the duties imposed upon merchandises, which enter, or go out of the Austrian dominions, duties, which are repeated from one Province, and even from one city to another; it is necessary to look for them in the tyrannical and insolent inquisition of officers, with whom the frontiers are covered, in the fiscal and iniquitous subjection, to which packages and travellers are exposed; the former to a search, which exposes the goods to be spoiled, and the other to an indecent and odious inspection. They have forced women to strip themselves, even to their shifts, to discover, with a scandalous avidity, effects subject to these odious taxes.
"A part of the commerce of Germany, and several Provinces of France with Holland, would have no other market than the Low Countries, if the imposts and the collection of them were not tyrannical. The merchants of St Quentin, of Rheims, of Paris, will all tell you, that the lawns, wines, and modes, which they send into the countries situated upon the Baltic, would be embarked at Ostend, without those armies of inquisitors like highwaymen, who drive away, by a perpetual restraint, commerce, the friend of liberty. Add to this, the delays, and the dearness of land-carriage, interrupted with barriers, in the countries, where there are no canals; all these obstacles do not only hurt the commerce of transportation, but also that of importation and exportation. The foreigner, finding so many difficulties in spreading his superfluities in those countries, is the less capable of taking off theirs.
"Moreover, how many ameliorations may be made in the natural resources of that country? Before they allow themselves in uncertain speculations abroad, they should carry to the highest point, industry at home. There are even reformations, which are very difficult, and without which these countries will never hold the balance against countries, in which the number, the celibacy, the riches, and the laziness of the clergy, do not devour the industry of the people. Is the slavery of the Scheldt then the cause, that Louvain is peopled only with students and professors? Malines filled with attornies and judges? That Mons, Tournay, Ypres, Ghent, and Bruges, are no longer more than carcasses? If there were a means of reviving these cities, would it not be by the enlargement and the safety of the port of Ostend?
"Even if the ports of Ostend, of Nieuport, and Antwerp offered roads free, safe, and commodious, would business fly to them for refuge, and abandon the ports of Hamburg, Dantzick, Amsterdam, Rotterdam, Middleburg, Dunkirk, Rouen, Nantes, Rochelle, Bordeaux, the Elbe, the Somme, the Seine, the Loire, the Garonne, and the ports of the three kingdoms of Great Britain, where it enjoys all the advantages and facilities, which it can desire? The English themselves, who dazzle at this day the Austrian Low Countries with the hope of a free and flourishing commerce, would not they be the first to oppose this revolution, if it had any appearance of success? It is their jealousy of the prosperity of Amsterdam, which makes them clamor against the subjection of the Scheldt. But they would clamor much louder, if the liberty of the Scheldt should restore to the Low Countries the hope of recovering their ancient commerce. All States seek with emulation to augment the national industry. Russia, and even other northern States, are making efforts and sacrifices to procure for themselves manufactures. All countries, even Spain and Portugal, begin to perceive that these things are more useful than autos-da-fe. The Austrian Low Countries have them also. But could they augment them at the expense of other countries; especially at a time, when so many States pique themselves in having a warlike marine to maintain their commerce and their national industry?
"But, it will be said, is it not manifest that the navigation of Antwerp being opened, commerce, by reascending the river, would diffuse her benign influence throughout all the extent of an agreeable, and fertile territory, full of canals and great roads, &c.? I answer again, why would not the ports of Bruges, Ghent, Ostend, and Nieuport produce the same effect? It is even apparent, that these ports would lose by the new outlet of Antwerp, the little commerce which remained to them. In that case, Brabant would only raise itself on the ruins or at the expense of Flanders. The liberty of this river would enrich perhaps the interior of the country, but it would certainly impoverish the coasts of the sea. They say it is unjust to hold the Scheldt shut up; but would it not, on the contrary, be the height of injustice to open again a navigation, assured to the Hollanders by the natural consequence of a revolution universally ratified, and by a long possession? What man, what State, would be authorised to appropriate a thing to itself because it was for his convenience? This rule, it is true, has in our days effected the dismemberment of Poland, the invasion of Silesia, and the present war of England against Holland. But in taking away the property of the Dutch, with what right can one find fault with the violence of Russia?
"It will be said, that the restraint of a river dug by nature, for the use of the inhabitants who live upon the banks, is contrary to natural right, against which no prescription ever runs. But do not the turnpikes, or fall-stops, with which these rivers are thickset, contravene also the rights of nature? The house of my neighbor intercepts the light, of which I have great occasion; have I the right for this reason to pull it down?
"In one word, the mouth of the Scheldt is in the territory of the United Provinces. The Republic, according to received principles, may interdict the navigation of it to foreigners, as well as to its own subjects. She excludes only the former; because she finds her advantage in it, as the English find theirs in their famous act of navigation, much more tyrannical than the subjection of the Scheldt. The Belgians will say, the waters of this river wash and fertilize our country in passing through it. But have not the French still a better right to the same navigation, because this river takes its rise in France? The Swiss would have a good grace to wish to arrogate to themselves the free navigation of the whole course of the Rhone, the Po, the Danube, and the Rhine, because these rivers flow from the mountains of Helvetia. The subjection of the Scheldt was ratified in 1648, in the famous treaty of Munster, or Westphalia, whereof all the powers of Europe are warranties, and which still passes for the basis of the political system of Europe, and for a fundamental law of the empire. We have seen in 1778, the Emperor himself obliged to renounce a succession supported upon authentic titles, because the powers, warranties of the peace of Westphalia, sustained, that this succession was contrary to that treaty. And yet it is wished, that in full peace, without title, without pretence, the Emperor should wrest from the Dutch a property, the fruits of which will never indemnify them for the sacrifices they have made for his house.
"They would have the Emperor an ambitious Prince, rolling the vastest projects in his head. But with what eye will the other powers view an usurpation, which they ought to seek to prevent by all the motives of honor and of interest; even although it should be from the ambitious idea of acting their part in the affairs of Europe? How? Shall he expose himself in the present moment to spread the flames of a general war in Europe, and to lose perhaps the Low Countries, which would be from that moment surrounded by inimical powers. For what? To procure to the inhabitants of Antwerp, the facility of conducting a few ships into the German ocean.
"Holland is in the last degree of weakness, embarrassment, and disunion; she has fear. Oh! yes; but the King of Prussia, but the electors of Saxony and Palatine, but the King of France, would have fear also; fear would unite them; and when one has a great deal, he begins to have less fear.
"That which would make of Antwerp a new Sidon, or a new Carthage, which would render this city the rival of Bordeaux, of Rouen, of Amsterdam, and of London, would be infinitely prejudicial to the French and the Russians. Either this business would be a part detached from that of the ports of the channel, and of the Baltic sea, and, in that case, France and Russia would not consent to build up a place of commerce, which would flourish at their expense; they would oppose the opening of a port, which would draw away the inhabitants from those, which they are laboring to make flourish; or it would be composed of branches torn from that which is done at the Texel, upon the Meuse, and the Thames, and, in that case, they will refuse their consent to this transplantation. If it is necessary, that the commerce of the Dutch and the English should fall, Russia and France will choose to take advantage of its decay, to transport it into their harbors."
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Amsterdam, June 12th, 1781.
Sir,
The States of Holland and West Friesland are adjourned to the 27th. In their last session, they consented to the augmentation of seventeen thousand six hundred and eightysix land forces, according to the plan, which the Council of State, in concert with the Stadtholder, had formed, on the 18th of April, and which had been carried on the 19th of the same month, to the Assembly of the States of the Province. They have also taken the resolution to lend to the East India Company the sum of one million two hundred thousand florins, at three per cent interest, to be reimbursed in thirtythree years, in payments of thirtysix thousand florins. The affairs of the Colony of Surinam are about to engage the attention of government, according to a petition, which the Deputies of the merchants of Dort, Haerlem, Amsterdam, and Rotterdam, presented on the 6th, to the States of Holland and West Friesland, and for which the merchants have demanded, in an audience, which they have had of the Stadtholder, the support of His Most Serene Highness. This petition was conceived in these terms.
PETITION FROM THE DEPUTIES OF DORT, HAERLEM, AMSTERDAM, AND ROTTERDAM, TO HOLLAND AND WEST FRIESLAND.
"The merchants, deputies of the cities of Dort, Haerlem, Amsterdam, and Rotterdam, represent in the most respectful manner, that the mortal stagnation of navigation and of commerce, which cannot preserve their well-being but by continual activity, has forced the petitioners not to disguise any longer the fatal effects, and in circumstances, when the naval force of the Republic is not yet in a state to procure them a sufficient protection, to seek for themselves a succor, which, in the extreme danger in which the colonies, which yet remain to the State, and even the State itself, are found at this day, may serve apparently to advance in more than one manner, the general interest of this Republic; that the supplicants, both for themselves, and speaking in favor and in the name of several thousands of their fellow-citizens, have taken the part to present to their High Mightinesses the States-General of the United Provinces, the petition, a copy of which is here joined, and to which they respectfully refer, as follows.
Petition.
"That as your Noble and Grand Mightinesses, have always testified, that the well-being of your fellow-citizens in general, and that of merchants in particular, ought to be supported in every manner, the petitioners assure themselves, that the more the danger becomes imminent, the more the zeal of your Noble and Grand Mightinesses will animate itself to prevent, under the divine blessing, the total ruin of the essential sources of the existence of the country; so that this danger being at present so great, and becoming from day to day more pressing, the petitioners dare to promise themselves, on the part of your Noble and Grand Mightinesses, all the succor and assistance requisite, and to hope, that they shall not invoke in vain their powerful support, relative to the prayer beforementioned. It is for this, that the petitioners address themselves to this Sovereign Assembly, in the manner the most respectful, and in a confidence the most entire in the inclination of your Noble and Grand Mightinesses for the protection of the citizens of the Republic, seriously praying, that it may please your Noble and Grand Mightinesses, to authorise your Deputies in the Assembly of the States-General to concur in directing, with all the earnestness possible, things in such a manner, that there be given to the petition aforesaid a prompt and favorable answer, and that measures be taken, to the end that the petitioners and those who are otherwise interested with them, may enjoy without delay the effect of a definitive determination, &c.
"To their High Mightinesses, the States-General of the United Provinces give respectfully to understand, the undersigned proprietors, and owners of vessels navigating to the Colony of Surinam, owners of plantations, situated there, merchants and others interested in the commerce of the said colony;
"That this Colony, independently of the interest, which the undersigned, and a great number of others equally interested, take in it, may be regarded as of the greatest importance for the Republic itself, by reason of the very considerable revenues, which, for a long course of years, it has procured, not only to the direction privileged by grant, but also to the Republic itself, and which become every day more lucrative, by the enormous expenses, which the proprietors of plantations have made to cultivate new lands, and to improve the culture of several territorial productions.
"To this effect, the petitioners refer to the estimate annexed, containing the quantity of productions, which for some years have been transported from the Colony into the ports of the country. That these productions, after having been transported from this country, some wrought up here, and others as they were received, procure continually to the treasury of the Republic very important sums, proceeding from different duties, which are directly or indirectly relative to them. That the necessity to go in search of all these productions of the Colony, and that of transporting thither provisions and other effects, employs annually a large number of great ships, which are for the most part fine frigates, solidly built, the number of which amounted to more than fourscore, which all pay every voyage the duties of lest, which are considerable, and serve, at the same time, for the maintenance of a numerous body of navigators, which amount to about three thousand well experienced seamen. That, moreover, the importance of this Colony does not fall short in point of utility of any other, both with relation to what has been alleged, and because, in exchange for its productions, we receive here the precious metals, and the cash of other nations, which remain in the bosom of the United Provinces; while, on the contrary, it is necessary to export them to the East Indies, there to pay for territorial productions, the manufactures of the Indies; and the payments, which foreigners make to us, to procure themselves merchandises, must equally return to the Indies for new purchases. That thus the navigation and the commerce with this Colony serve not only to the amelioration of the finances of the Republic, and to the augmentation of the national cash; but they are still an abundant source of general prosperity for the inhabitants, scattered in the Seven Provinces.
"Many, by means of the free property of their plantations, draw from thence important revenues, and encouraged by success make them largely circulate; while a much larger number of our countrymen are the bearers of obligations, carrying large interests negotiated upon mortgages, the preservation of which is of the greatest weight, considering that the sustenance of so many thousands of our fellow-citizens depends upon them. That, moreover, all which serves for housekeeping, all which is wanted for the culture of the land, the building and repairing of edifices, and even eatables, must be transported from hence into this Colony. This commerce, therefore, cannot fail to procure to a great number of manufacturers, mercers, and traders, a continual outlet, which even surpasses all belief, and which is by so much the more useful, as this commerce consists for the most part in objects furnished by our territory, either in raw materials, or in things manufactured here. This article alone procures the maintenance of an infinite number of artisans in the cities, and of the cultivators of the field; without mentioning the construction and repairs of a great number of vessels employed in this navigation; of their provisions, both for the voyage and the return, which gives a living to several thousands of men.
"That thus the public prosperity and that of individuals, so intimately connected together, would both receive an irreparable blow, if they were deprived of the advantages, which they draw from this abundant source. That this misfortune has already denounced itself, and in the most sensible manner from the commencement of this war, the further consequences of which are so alarming, that they deserve to be warded off or prevented by all means imaginable. That, nevertheless, the petitioners on their part cannot otherwise obviate them, than by putting the vessels they use in this navigation, in a necessary state of defence, and in equipping them sufficiently for the war; which will render them strong enough to repel all the enemy's privateers, of whatever size, and that they may be able to defend themselves even against the English men-of-war, and thereby assist and relieve the military marine of the Republic.
"But that the excessively increased prices of everything, which concerns the equipment of vessels, the bounties and the pay, risen to near double, which must now be given to seamen, would render an equipment of this nature so expensive, that the charges would never be repaid by the freight. That, nevertheless, without an equipment of such vessels, we should risk too much; this consideration has even determined the owners, whose vessels were loaded before the hostile attack of the English, to unload them and suspend the voyages, to the great prejudice of the Colony, of themselves, and of their freighters. That, moreover, they still find great difficulties to expedite their ships; on the one hand, from the certainty that the passage to the Colony and in the West Indies themselves, is infested with the enemy's vessels of war and privateers, who by surprise have already made themselves masters of a great number of our merchant vessels, and have even invaded the defenceless possessions of the State, such as St Eustatia, St Martins, Essequebo, and Demerara; on the other hand, in the uncertainty whether this excellent Colony, in the neighborhood of which, as they have learned, the enemy's squadrons cruise without opposition, has not undergone the same fate; in which case their valuable vessels with their rich cargoes, would fall into the power of an enemy, who from the heights of fortresses, taken by surprise, continue to display the Dutch flag, under shelter of which, and by means of a certain number of vessels of war, he seizes upon merchant ships destitute of defence, who, confiding in the public faith, go in there without fear.
"That, nevertheless, if by these considerations and others of the same nature, the navigation to this Colony is longer suspended, the well-being of the Republic cannot avoid the most sensible prejudice, and the Colony must be considered as abandoned; her inhabitants will see themselves even reduced to deliver themselves into the hands of their enemies, to the ruin and total loss not only of the classes the most at their ease, but of all the inhabitants whatsoever of the United Provinces; so that we ought not to delay a single moment, nor neglect any means of encouragement or precaution to preserve them; so much the rather, as it appears scarcely convenient under this embarrassment, to invoke the assistance of foreign nations, to make the transportation, and to go to the Colony and to return; because, that in that case, we should lose this navigation, and we should lend our own hand to the entire declension, not only of the aid furnished to the treasury of the Republic, by the activity of this commerce and this navigation, but also to the interruption of the sales of so many manufacturers, mercers, and traders, and even to the entire privation of the sustenance of an immense number of workmen and artisans, to whom this construction of vessels and this navigation so extended, procured their daily gain, which they cannot forego without being reduced to the most deplorable situation. That this repugnance to navigate on one's own account will be further followed by the desertion of a great number of sailors, who for want of finding employment here, and tempted by the advantageous promises of the enemy, will go there in search of service, to the double detriment of the public interest of the Republic. That the respectable fleet, composed of valuable vessels destined to this navigation, would rot in our ports, and the officers who command them, many of whom have not been thought unworthy to be called to the service of their country, would be obliged to abandon with their families this country, where all the other means of gaining a livelihood fail more and more; and as they have solely applied themselves to navigation, they would go in search of their subsistence into places, where, by our interruption, navigation makes new advances every day. That this method, indicated by necessity, of recurring to foreign flags, by the more considerable expenses which arise from it, would so absorb the revenues, that not only no planter would be able, with the little which should remain to him, to support his plantation, but, moreover, there would remain no well-grounded hope for the great number of bearers of obligations to flatter themselves with obtaining any payment, still less the entire payment of the interests promised them; since without having yet supported these additional expenses, and notwithstanding the excessive prices at which the productions have been sold, they have seen themselves forced to diminish considerably the interests, and in some cases to suspend even the entire payment; without mentioning so many other political considerations relative to this object, which cannot escape the penetrating eye of the Sovereign, so that without hope of a full protection, this single means of obtaining something, in ever so small a degree, is even considered as very precarious, and as augmenting more and more an inaction so fatal to a country, which under the divine blessing, owes its prosperity so envied, to its application, its valor, and the fortitude of its inhabitants. Time may pass away, (and certainly the moments are too precious) before they may dare to flatter themselves with a protection so efficacious, as the danger of the crews, the valuable cargoes, and the pressing necessity of the Colony require.
"That to this effect, the pensioners take the liberty to solicit your High Mightinesses with profound respect, in case it is impossible to grant immediately a sufficient escort to go to the Colony and return, that in that case, as upon other occasions, it has been graciously granted by your High Mightinesses, for the support of trade, the equipment of vessels, societies, &c., to be so good also, as to grant generously in favor of the equipments to make for this Colony, Berbicia, and the interesting establishment of Curaçao, an encouragement equivalent to the design of the considerable disbursements, which they will be obliged to make, to put their vessels in a certain state of defence; and, moreover, for better order and direction, to cause to be escorted, their ships sailing in company, by as many vessels of war as it will be possible to spare for this expedition. In fine, that under the good pleasure of your High Mightinesses, and that these ships well armed may also serve to molest as much as possible the enemy, there may be granted them letters of marque and reprisals, under the customary condition, to the end that they make use of them upon occasion, by the brave officers, which the subscribers dare boast that they will employ in their ships."
This petition has been referred to the respective Deputies of the Colleges of the Admiralty, to make report on it as soon as possible. The Deputies of the merchants having beforehand solicited, in the most pressing manner, the Prince Stadtholder, to support with his powerful recommendation an affair of so great importance.