CORRESPONDENCE CONTINUED. (continued 7)

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

TO B. FRANKLIN

Amsterdam, May 2d, 1782.

Sir,

I am honored with your favor of the 20th of April, and Mr Laurens's son proposes to carry the letter to his father forthwith. The instructions by the courier from Versailles came safe, as all other despatches by that channel no doubt will do. The correspondence by Mr Hartley I received by Captain Smedley, and will take the first good opportunity by a private hand to return it, as well as that with the Earl of Shelburne.

Mr Laurens and Mr Jay will, I hope, be able to meet at Paris, but when it will be in my power to go, I know not. Your present negotiation about peace falls in very well to aid a proposition, which I am instructed to make, as soon as the Court of Versailles shall judge proper, of a triple or quadruple alliance. This matter, the treaty of commerce, which is now under deliberation, and the loan, will render it improper for me to quit this station, unless in case of necessity. If there is a real disposition to permit Canada to accede to the American association, I should think there could be no great difficulty in adjusting all things between England and America, provided our allies also are contented. In a former letter, I hinted that I thought an express acknowledgment of our independence might now be insisted on; but I did not mean, that we should insist upon such an article in the treaty. If they make a treaty of peace with the United States of America, this is acknowledgment enough for me.

The affair of a loan gives me much anxiety and fatigue. It is true, I may open a loan for five millions, but I confess I have no hopes of obtaining so much. The money is not to be had. Cash is not infinite in this country. Their profits by trade have been ruined for two or three years; and there are loans open for France, Spain, England, Russia, Sweden, Denmark, and several other powers as well as their own national, provincial, and collegiate loans. The undertakers are already loaded with burthens greater than they can bear, and all the brokers in the Republic are so engaged, that there is scarcely a ducat to be lent, but what is promised. This is the true cause why we shall not succeed; yet they will seek a hundred other pretences. It is considered such an honor and such an introduction to American trade to be the house, that the eagerness to obtain the title of American banker, is prodigious. Various houses have pretensions, which they set up very high; and let me choose which I will, I am sure of a cry and clamor. I have taken some measures to endeavor to calm the heat, and give general satisfaction, but have as yet small hopes of success. I would strike with any house that would ensure the money, but none will undertake it, now it is offered, although several were very ready to affirm that they could, when it began to be talked of. Upon inquiry, they do not find the money easy to obtain, which I could have told them before. It is to me, personally, indifferent which is the house, and the only question is, which will be able to do best for the interests of the United States. This question, however simple, is not easy to answer. But I think it clear, after very painful and laborious inquiries for a year and a half, that no house whatever will be able to do much. Enthusiasm, at some time and in some countries, may do a great deal; but there has as yet been no enthusiasm in this country for America, strong enough to untie many purses. Another year if the war should continue, perhaps we may do better.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

The Hague, May 16th, 1782.

Sir,

On the 12th of this month, I removed into the Hôtel des Etats-Unis de l'Amérique, situated upon the canal, called the Fleweele Burgwal, at the Hague, where I hope the air will relieve my health in some degree from that weak state, to which the tainted atmosphere of Amsterdam has reduced it.

The American cause has gained a signal triumph in this country. It has not persuaded an ancient rival and an avowed natural hereditary enemy to take a part against Great Britain; but it has torn from her bosom an intimate affectionate friend, and a faithful ally, of a hundred years continuance. It has not persuaded an absolute monarchy to follow the dictates of its own glory and interest, and the unanimous wish of the people, by favoring it; but, availing itself only of the still small voice of reason, urging general motives and national interests, without money, without intrigue, without imposing pomp, or more imposing fame, it has prevailed against the utmost efforts of intrigue and corruption, against the almost universal inclination of persons in government, against a formidable band of capitalists and the most powerful mercantile houses in the Republic, interested in English funds, and too deeply leagued in English affairs.

Although these obstacles are overcome so far, as to have obtained an acknowledgment of our independence, yet it is easy to see, that they are not annihilated, and, therefore, we cannot expect to receive such cordial and zealous assistance, as we might receive, if the government and the people had but one heart.

I wish it were in my power to give Congress, upon this occasion, assurances of a loan of money, but I cannot. I have taken every measure in my power to accomplish it, but I have met with so many difficulties, that I almost despair of obtaining anything. I have found the avidity of friends as great an obstacle as the ill will of enemies, I can represent my situation in this affair of a loan, by no other figure than that of a man in the midst of the ocean negotiating for his life among a shoal of sharks. I am sorry to use expressions, which must appear severe to you; but the truth demands them.

The title of American banker, for the sake of the distinction of it, the profit of it, and the introduction to American trade, is solicited with an eagerness beyond description. In order to obtain it, a house will give out great words, and boast of what it can do; but not one will contract to furnish any considerable sum of money; and I certainly know, let them deceive themselves as they will, and deceive as many others as they may by their confident affirmations, that none of them can obtain any considerable sum. The factions that are raised here about it between the French interest, the Republican interest, the Stadtholderian interests, and the Anglomane interest, have been conducted with an indecent ardor, thwarting, contradicting, calumniating each other, until it is easy to foresee the effect will be to prevent us from obtaining even the small sums, that otherwise might have been found. But the true and decisive secret is, there is very little money to be had. The profits of their trade have been annihilated by the English for several years. There is, therefore, no money but the interest of their capitalists, and all this is promised for months and years beforehand, to book-keepers, brokers, and undertakers, who have in hand loans open for France, Spain, England, Russia, Sweden, Denmark, for the States-General, the States of Holland, the States of Friesland, the East and West India Companies, &c. &c. &c.

But the circumstance, which will be fatal to my hopes at this time, is this; there is just now unexpectedly opened a loan of nine millions for the India Company, under the warranty of the States, in which they have raised the interest one per cent above the ordinary rate. I had obtained an agreement of the undertakers for two millions; but before it was completed, this loan appeared, which frightened the undertakers, so as to induce them to fly off. I must, therefore, entreat Congress to make no dependence upon me for money.

There is one subject more, upon which I beg leave to submit a few hints to Congress. It is that of M. Dumas, whose character is so well known to Congress, that I need say nothing of it. He is a man of letters, and of good character; but he is not rich, and his allowance is too small at present for him to live with decency. He has been so long known here to have been in American affairs, although in no public character, that I know of, but that of an agent or correspondent appointed by Dr Franklin, or perhaps by a committee of Congress, that, now our character is acknowledged, it will have an ill effect, if M. Dumas remains in the situation he has been in. To prevent it, in some measure, I have taken him and his family into this house; but I think it is the interest and duty of America, to send him a commission as Secretary to this Legation, and Chargé des Affaires, with a salary of five hundred a year sterling, while a Minister is here, and at the rate of a thousand a year, while there is none.

There is another gentleman, whose indefatigable application to the affairs of the United States, and whose faithful friendship for me in sickness and in health, demand of me, by the strongest claims of justice and of gratitude, that I should mention him to Congress, and recommend him to their favor. This gentleman is Mr Thaxter, whose merit, in my opinion, is greater than I dare express.

Edmund Jennings, of Brussels, has honored me with his correspondence, and been often serviceable to the United States, as well as friendly to me. His manners and disposition are very amiable, and his talents equal to any service, and I cannot but wish that it might be agreeable to the views of Congress to give him some mark of their esteem.

How shall I mention another gentleman, whose name, perhaps, Congress never heard, but who, in my opinion, has done more decided and essential service to the American cause and reputation within these last eighteen months, than any other man in Europe.

It is M. A. M. Cerisier, beyond all contradiction one of the greatest historians and political characters in Europe, author of the Tableau de l'Histoire des Provinces Unies des Pays Bas, of the Politique Hollandois, and many other writings in high esteem. By birth a Frenchman, educated in the University of Paris, but possessed of the most genuine principles and sentiments of liberty, and exceedingly devoted by principle and affection to the American cause. Having read some of his writings, and heard much of his fame, I sought and obtained an acquaintance with him, and have furnished him with intelligence and information in American affairs, and have introduced him to the acquaintance of all the Americans who have come to this country, from whom he has picked up a great deal of true information about our affairs, and, perhaps, some mistakes. His pen has erected a monument to the American cause, more glorious and more durable than brass or marble. His writings have been read like oracles, and his sentiments weekly echoed and re-echoed in gazettes and pamphlets, both in French and Dutch, for fifteen months. The greatest fault I know in him, is his too zealous friendship for me, which has led him to flatter me with expressions which will do him no honor, however sincerely and disinterestedly they might flow from his heart.

Congress must be very sensible, that I have had no money to lay out in secret services, to pay pensions, to put into the hands of Continental agents, or in any other way, to make friends. I have had no money but my salary, and that has never been paid me without grudging. If I have friends in Europe, they have not most certainly been made by power, nor money, nor any species of corruption, nor have they been made by making promises, or holding out alluring hopes. I have made no promises, nor am under any obligation, but that of private friendship and simple civility to any man, having mentioned such as have been my friends, because they have been friends to the United States, and I have no other in Europe at least, and recommended them to the attention of Congress, as having rendered important services to our country, and able to render still greater. I have done my duty, whatever effect it may have. If some small part of those many millions, which have been wasted by the most worthless of men, could have been applied to the support and encouragement of men of such great value, it would have been much better. It is high time; it is more than time, that a proper discernment of spirits and distinction of characters were made; that virtue should be more clearly distinguished from vice, wisdom from folly, ability from imbecility, and real merit from proud imposing impudence, which, while it pretends to do everything, does nothing but mischief.

The treaty of commerce is under consideration, and will not, that I foresee, meet with any obstacle.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON TO JOHN ADAMS.

Philadelphia, May 22d, 1782.

Dear Sir,

It is so important to let you know that the late change in the British Ministry, and the conciliatory measures they propose, have occasioned no alteration in the sentiments of the people here; that though I am too much hurried (this conveyance going sooner than was intended) to take particular notice of the letters we have received from you, and which remain unanswered, yet I cannot but avail myself of it to inform you, that it will not have the least effect upon the sentiments or wishes of our people, who remain invariably attached to their independence, and to the alliance, as the best means to obtain it.

Sir Guy Carleton has written to General Washington a very polite letter, complaining of the manner in which the war has been carried on, proposing to conduct it in future upon more liberal principles, and observing, that "they were both equally concerned to preserve the character of Englishmen;" and concluding with the request of a passport for Mr Morgan, his Secretary, to carry a similar letter of compliment to Congress. Congress have directed that no such passport be given. The State of Maryland, whose legislature happened to be sitting, have come to resolutions, which show their determination not to permit any negotiation except through Congress; and their sense of the importance of the alliance.

No military operations are carrying on at present. The enemy, having received no reinforcements, and growing weaker every day, of course afford us a fine opportunity of striking to advantage, if we are not disappointed in our expectations of a naval armament, or even without such armament, if we have sufficient vigor of mind to rely on our own strength.

I commit the enclosed for Mr Dana to your care; I wish it could get to him, if possible, without inspection.

Congress have determined in future to pay your salaries here quarterly. I shall consider myself as your agent, unless you should choose to appoint some other, and make out your account quarterly, and vest the money in bills upon Dr Franklin, to whom I will remit them, giving you advice thereof, so that you may draw on him. By the next vessel I shall send bills for one quarter, commencing the 1st of January last. I wish to have a statement of your account previous to that, so that I may get it settled, and remit the balance.

I have the honor to be, &c.

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON TO JOHN ADAMS.

Philadelphia, May 29th, 1782.

Dear Sir,

It is with equal surprise and concern that I find not the least attention paid to the several letters I have written you, since I have had the honor to be in office. I attribute this to their not having reached you, till I saw an extract of a letter written to M. Dumas, that went by the same conveyance with one to you, published in the Courier de l'Europe, from which circumstance I conclude it must have been received. It would give me pleasure to learn that I had been deceived in this particular, because the punctuality, with which your correspondence with Congress had hitherto been maintained, would otherwise lead me to conclude, that you were not satisfied with the present arrangement of the Department of Foreign Affairs, a reflection which would be painful to me in proportion to the value I put upon your esteem.

I have seen your letter of the 26th of March to Dr Franklin, in which you speak of the application you have had on the score of your power to treat of a truce; this, together with similar applications to Dr Franklin, and the proposals made at the Court of Versailles, convinces me that it is their wish to endeavor to detach us from each other. What an insult it is to our intellect to suppose, that we can be catched by this cabinet system of politics. I entertain hopes that your answer, together with that of the Count de Vergennes, will teach them to think more honorably of us. Our expectations with respect to the success of your mission are considerably raised, as well by your letter as by other circumstances, that we have learned through different channels; by this time I hope you are in full possession of your diplomatic rights.

I wrote to you three days ago; since which we have nothing that deserves your attention, except what you will learn by reading the enclosed to Mr Dana, sent you under a flying seal. It may be well to take notice of this affair in the Leyden Gazette, as I doubt not if Asgill is executed, that it will make some noise in Europe. We are distracted here by various relations of a battle fought between the fleets in the West Indies, on the 12th of April. The Antigua and New York account is, that the British have been victorious, that the Ville de Paris, and six other ships, were taken or destroyed; the French account is, that Rodney was defeated, and that Count de Grasse had gone to leeward with his transports. Though it is six weeks since the action, we have nothing that can be depended upon.

I am, Sir, with great respect, &c.

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON TO JOHN ADAMS.

Philadelphia, May 30th, 1782.

Sir,

After I had written the letter of yesterday, and sent it off, I received your favors of the 4th, 21st, and 27th of February; and the 10th and 11th of March. The three last I laid before Congress this morning, that of the 21st I have kept by me, for further consideration; though I think, upon the whole, as you have submitted this to my discretion, that I shall lay it also before Congress.

I know they have been solicitous to have some explanations of the reasons, which induced you to take the step you did. Those you assign in your letter are very full, and I see nothing in it, which it will not be proper for you to state to them; and it may remove some objections, that have been raised to the measure.

I frankly confess to you, that the style of that letter pleases me better than any other you have written, so far as it goes into minutiæ, which we ought to exact from all our Ministers, since nothing short of this can give us a just idea of our foreign politics. As for a general state of them, it may be got through various channels. But every word or look of a foreign Minister, or popular leader, may serve to explain matters, which are otherwise inexplicable.

I am sorry for the difficulty the cypher occasions you. It was one found in the office, and is very incomplete. I enclose one, that you will find easy in the practice, and will therefore write with freedom, directing that your letter be not sunk in case of danger, as many are lost by that means. Want of time induces me to send you a set of blanks for Mr Dana, which you will oblige me by having filled up from yours with some cyphers, and transmitted by a careful hand to him. This will make one cypher common to all three, which I think will, on many occasions, be of use to you and Mr Dana.

I am very glad to hear of your proposed removal to the Hague, as it is the proper stage on which to display your abilities and address. I cannot hope to get any determination of Congress on the subject of your purchase, in time to be transmitted by this conveyance. When another offers, you shall hear from me. Can nothing be done towards procuring a loan from Holland on account of the public. Ten millions of livres would set our affairs here on the most respectable footing.

We have received an account from Charleston, of the victory obtained by Rodney. This is a severe blow, but I hope will come too late to affect the politics of the United Provinces.

In the United States, it will, I hope, have no other effect than to urge us to greater exertions, and a reliance upon our own strength, rather than on foreign aid. You will be pleased to furnish me with the most minute details of every step, that Britain may take towards a negotiation for a general or partial peace.

I am, Sir, with great respect,

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON

TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

Amsterdam, June 9th, 1782.

Sir,

The Admiralty have reported to their High Mightinesses their remarks upon the plan of a treaty of commerce, which I had the honor to lay before them, together with such additions and alterations as they propose. This report has been taken ad referendum by all the Provinces, except Overyssel, which has determined to vote as Holland shall vote, this being the principal maritime Province, and the other inland.

The forms of proceeding according to this constitution, are so circuitous, that I do not expect this treaty will be finished and signed in less than three months, though some of the most active members of the government tell me, they think it may be signed in six weeks. I have not yet proposed the Treaty of Alliance, because I wait for the advice of the Duc de la Vauguyon. His advice will not be wanting in the season for it, for his Excellency is extremely well disposed.

I have, after innumerable vexations, agreed with three houses, which are well esteemed here, to open a loan. The extreme scarcity of money will render it impossible to succeed to any large amount. I dare not promise anything, and cannot advise Congress to draw. I shall transmit the contract, for the ratification of Congress, as soon as it is finished, and then I hope to be able to say at what time, and for how much Congress may draw.

The nation is now very well fixed in its system, and will not make a separate peace. England is so giddy with Rodney's late success in the West Indies, that I think she will renounce the idea of peace for the present. The conduct of Spain is not at all changed. This is much to be lamented on public account, and indeed on account of the feelings of my friend, Mr Jay; for I perfectly well know the cruel torment of such a situation, by experience, and I know too, that he has done as much, and as well as any man could have done in that situation.

The late President Laurens made me a visit at the Hague last week, in his way to his family in France. He informed me, that he had written from Ostend to Dr Franklin, declining to serve in the commission for peace. I had great pleasure in seeing my old friend perfectly at liberty, and perfectly just in his political opinions. Neither the air of England, nor the seducing address of her inhabitants, nor the terrors of the Tower, have made any change in him.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

P. S. I hope Congress will receive a collection of all the resolutions of the Provinces, and the petitions of the merchants, manufacturers, &c. respecting the acknowledgment of American independence, and my reception as Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States, by their High Mightinesses. I shall transmit duplicates and triplicates of them as soon as health will permit. But Mr Thaxter has been ill of a fever, and myself with the influenza, ever since our removal from Amsterdam to the Hague. This collection of resolutions and petitions, is well worth printing together in America. It is a complete refutation of all the speculations of the small half-toryfied politicians among the Americans, &c. of the malevolent insinuations of Anglomanes through the world, against the American cause. The partisans of England, sensible of this, have taken great pains to prevent an extensive circulation of them.

J. A.

TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

The Hague, June 14th, 1782.

Sir,

The Court of Petersburg, is very industrious in its endeavors to accomplish a separate peace between England and Holland. Her Minister at Versailles has made an insinuation to the French Court, that her Majesty would be much obliged to the King, if he would not make any further opposition to such a separate peace. To this insinuation, the following wise and firm answer has been given by the Court of France.

"The King is sensibly impressed with the fresh proof of confidence, which the Empress has given in communicating to him her measures and ideas respecting a separate peace between England and the States-General. His Majesty perceives therein the sentiments of humanity, which actuate her Imperial Majesty, and he takes the earliest opportunity to answer, with the same degree of freedom, what particularly concerns him in the verbal insinuations communicated by Prince Baratinski.

"Faithful to the rule he has established, of never controlling the conduct of any power, the King has not sought to direct the deliberations of the States-General, either to incline them to war, or to prevent them from making a separate peace; England having unexpectedly attacked the Provinces of the United Netherlands, his Majesty hastened to prevent the ill consequences by every means in his power; his services have been gratuitous, his Majesty has never exacted any acknowledgment on their part. Should the States-General think that the obligations they owe to his Majesty, as well as the interest of the Republic, impose it on them as a duty, not to separate their cause from the King's and his allies, the Empress of Russia is too wise and too just not to acknowledge, that it is not for his Majesty to divert them from such a resolution, and that all that he can do, is to refer to their wisdom, to conclude on what best suits with their situation.

"The Empress is not ignorant, that circumstances have induced the States-General to concert operations with the King. His Majesty flatters himself, that this Princess has no views of prevailing on them to desist from this arrangement, which necessarily results from the position of the two powers with respect to England, and which must naturally contribute to the re-establishment of the general tranquillity, the object both of her Imperial Majesty's and the King's wishes."

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

The Hague, June 15th, 1782.

Sir,

This morning I made a visit to the Grand Pensionary, M. Van Bleiswick, and had a long conference with him concerning the plan of a treaty of commerce, which is now under consideration, and endeavored to remove some of his objections, and to explain to him the grounds and reasons of certain articles, which have been objected to by others; particularly the article which respects France, and that which respects Spain. He made light of most of the objections, which had been started to the plan, and thought it would be easy to agree upon it; but there must be time for the cities to deliberate.

I asked him, if they did not intend to do us the honor soon, of sending an Ambassador to Congress, and consuls, at least, to Boston and Philadelphia? He thought it would be very proper, but said they had some difficulty in finding a man who was suitable, and, at the same time, willing to undertake so long a voyage. I asked him, if it would not be convenient to send a frigate to America to carry the treaty, their Ambassador, and consuls, all together, when all should be ready? He said, he could not say whether a frigate could be spared.

"Very well," said I, smiling, and pointing to the Prince's picture, "I will go and make my Court to his Highness, and pray him to send a frigate to Philadelphia, with a treaty, an Ambassador, and two consuls, and to take under her convoy all merchant vessels ready to go." "Excellent," said he, smiling, "I wish you good luck."

We had a great deal of conversation, too, concerning peace, but as I regard all this as idle, it is not worth while to repeat it. When a Minister shall appear at Paris, or elsewhere, with full powers from the King of England, to treat with the United States of America, I shall think there is something more than artifice to raise the stocks, and lay snares for sailors to be caught by press gangs.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON TO JOHN ADAMS.

Philadelphia, July 4th, 1782.

Dear Sir,

By every late advice from Holland, we learn their disposition to enter into a treaty with us; and though we have no intelligence from you since the 11th of March, we still presume, that you have, ere this been received in your public character. No wise government, constituted as that of the United Provinces is, will venture long to oppose the wishes of the people. I am very solicitous to know how you have availed yourself of the opening this has afforded.

If you have been unconditionally received, it will give you more leisure, to mature the plan of a subsequent treaty, which is too important in all its consequences to be hurried. If possible, it were to be wished, that the heads of it, as proposed on either side, could be sent here and submitted to the judgment of Congress, before anything was absolutely agreed. The independency, to which each of the States is entitled, renders great caution in all commercial engagements, not provided for particularly by the confederation, absolutely necessary, for which reason, I should prefer definite articles, to loose expressions of standing on the same ground with the most favored nations.

Our connexion with the West Indies, renders it proper to lay that trade as open to us as possible. Great benefit would result both to us and the Dutch from giving us one or two free ports in such of their Colonies as raise sugars, where we could exchange the produce of both countries, and check that monopoly, which other nations will endeavor to create at our expense. Nothing will encourage the growth of such colony, or enable it to raise sugars to more advantage than the cheap and easy rates, at which they would thereby receive the produce of this country.

I need not urge the propriety of availing yourself of your present situation to procure a loan. You may easily convince the government of the validity of the security, which it is in the power of a growing country, as yet very little incumbered with debt to give. That security will derive new force from our being a commercial people, with whom public credit is almost invariably preserved with the most scrupulous attention. And such is our present situation, that a twentieth part of what Great Britain expends annually in her attempt to enslave us, would be more than sufficient to enable us to defeat all her attempts, and to place our affairs on the most respectable footing.

I see the people of the United Provinces are struck with the importance of forming a commercial connexion with us, when ours with Great Britain is dissolved. Not only Congress, as appears by their public acts, but the whole body of the people, are strongly opposed to the least intercourse with Britain. This opposition would effectually prevent it, if in addition thereto three or four large frigates, or two fifties, could be stationed in the Delaware, or Chesapeake, so as to protect our commerce against the British frigates from New York. In such a case, a voyage to this country, and from thence to the Islands, where our flour and lumber command the highest price, either in money or produce, affords the fairest prospect to the European merchants of the most profitable returns. Tobacco and bills offer a more direct return to those, whose capitals will not permit them to engage in the circuitous commerce I have mentioned.

This letter is hastily written, as the express that carries it is to go off this evening, and I have several others to write. I mention this, that you may not consider anything it contains as an instruction from Congress, to whom it has not been submitted.

I have the honor to be, &c.

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON

TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

The Hague, July 5th, 1782.

Sir,

I have the honor to enclose copies in Dutch and English of the negotiation, which I have entered into for a loan of money. My commission for borrowing money, promises to ratify what I should do; and the money lenders require such a ratification, which Messrs Willinks, Van Staphorsts and De la Lande and Fynjè, have engaged shall be transmitted. Authentic copies of the original contracts, in Dutch and English, are enclosed for the ratification of Congress, which I must entreat them to transmit forthwith by various opportunities, that we may be sure of receiving it in time, for I suppose the gentlemen will not think it safe for them to pay out any considerable sum of the money, until it arrives.

Although I was obliged to engage with them to open the loan for five millions of guilders, I do not expect we shall obtain that sum for a long time. If we get a million and a half by Christmas, it will be more than I expect. I shall not venture to dispose of any of this money, except for relief of escaped prisoners, the payment of the bills heretofore drawn on Mr Laurens, which are every day arriving, and a few other small and unavoidable demands, but leave it entire to the disposition of Congress, whom I must entreat not to draw, until they receive information from the directors of the loan, how much money they are sure of; and then to draw immediately upon them. These directors, are three houses, well esteemed in this Republic, Messrs Wilhem and Jan Willink, Nicholas and Jacob Van Staphorsts, and De la Lande and Fynjè.

I have made the contract, upon as good terms as I could obtain. Five per cent interest. Two per cent to the House, or rather to the Society of Houses. Two per cent to the undertakers; and half per cent for brokerage and other charges. This four and a half per cent, together with one per cent for receiving and paying off the annual interest, is to include all the expenses of the loan of every sort. These are as moderate terms as any loan is done for. France gives at least as much, and other powers much more.

I must beg that the ratifications of the obligations may be transmitted immediately by the way of France, as well as Holland, by several opportunities. The form of ratification must be submitted to Congress; but would it not be sufficient to certify by the Secretary in Congress, upon each of the copies enclosed in English and Dutch, that they had been received and read in Congress, and thereupon resolved that the original instruments, executed by me before the said notary, be and hereby are ratified and confirmed?

The form of the obligation is such as was advised by the ablest lawyers and most experienced notaries, and is conformable to the usage when loans are made here, for the Seven Provinces. It is adapted to the taste of this country, and therefore lengthy and formal, but it signifies no more in substance, than, "that the money being borrowed must be paid."

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

The Hague, July 5th, 1782.

Sir,

Soon after my public reception by their High Mightinesses, the body of merchants of the city of Schiedam, were pleased to send a very respectable deputation from among their members, to the Hague, to pay their respects to Congress, and to me, as their representative, with a very polite invitation to a public entertainment in their city, to be made upon the occasion. As I had several other invitations from various places and Provinces about the same time, and had too many affairs upon my hands to be able to accept of them, I prevailed upon all to excuse me, for such reasons as ought to be, and, I suppose, were satisfactory.

The Deputies from Schiedam requested me to transmit from them to Congress, the enclosed compliment, which, with many other things of a similar kind, convinced me that there is in this nation a strong affection for America, and a kind of religious veneration for her just cause.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

ADDRESS,

Of the merchants of the town of Schiedam in Holland, to his Excellency John Adams, after their High Mightinesses the Lords, the States-General of the United Provinces of the Netherlands, had acknowledged the freedom and Independency of the United States of North America, and admitted the said John Adams, as Minister Plenipotentiary and Envoy of the Congress of the said United States.

"If ever any circumstances were capable of recalling to the minds of the people of these Provinces, the most lively remembrance of the cruel situation to which their forefathers found themselves once reduced, under the oppressive yoke of Spanish tyranny, it was, no doubt, that terrible and critical moment, when the Colonies of North America, groaning under the intolerable weight of the chains, with which the boundless ambition of Great Britain had loaded them, were forced into a just and lawful war, to recover the use and enjoyment of that liberty, to which they were entitled by the sacred and unalienable laws of nature.

"If ever the citizens of this Republic have had an occasion to remember, with sentiments of the liveliest gratitude, the visible assistance and protection of a Being, who, after having constantly supported them during the course of a long, bloody war, which cost their ancestors eighty years' hard struggles and painful labors, deigned by the strength of his powerful arm to break the odious fetters under which we had so long groaned, and who, from that happy era to the present time, has constantly maintained us in the possession of our precious liberties; if ever the citizens of these Provinces have been bound to remember those unspeakable favors of the Almighty, it was no doubt at that moment when haughty Britain began to feel the effects of divine indignation, and when the vengeance of heaven defeated her sanguinary schemes; it was, when, treading under foot the sacred ties of blood and nature, and meditating the destruction of her own offspring, her arms were everywhere baffled in the most terrible and exemplary manner, her troops defeated, and her armies led into captivity, and at last, that haughty power, humbled by that heaven, which she had provoked, saw the sceptre, which she had usurped, fall from her enfeebled hands; and America, shaking off the cruel yoke, which an unnatural stepmother had endeavored to impose forever upon her, thanked bounteous heaven for her happy deliverance.

"If ever the inhabitants of this country, and those of this city in particular, have had a just cause for joy, and good grounds to conceive the highest hopes of prosperity and happiness, it was undoubtedly at that so much wished-for moment, when, with a unanimous voice, the fathers of the country declared the United States of America to be free and independent, and acknowledged your Excellency as Minister Plenipotentiary and Envoy of the illustrious Congress.

"Impressed with the various sentiments of respect, joy, and gratitude, with which the unspeakable favors of the Almighty towards both countries must inspire every feeling and sensible mind; encouraged besides, by so many happy omens, the subscribers, in behalf of the merchants and inhabitants of this city, have the honor to congratulate your Excellency as the Representative of the illustrious American Congress, and to assure you in the strongest terms, that if any event, recorded in the annals of our country, is capable of impressing us with the liveliest joy, and of opening to our minds the happiest prospect, it is that glorious and ever memorable day, when our august sovereigns, the Lords States-General of the United Provinces of the Netherlands, solemnly acknowledged the independence of the United States of America; a step which, under the pleasure of God, must become the foundation of an unalterable friendship, and the source of mutual prosperity to the two Republics, whose union being cemented by interests henceforth common and inseparable, must forever subsist, and be constantly and religiously preserved by our latest posterity.

"Allow us then, ye deliverers of America, ye generous defenders of her infant liberties, to congratulate your illustrious Envoy, and to express to him the liveliest satisfaction that we feel for an event, which crowns the wishes of the nation. Accept also of the fervent prayers, which we address to heaven, beseeching the Almighty to shower down his blessings on your Republic and her allies.

"Permit us also to recommend to you, in the strongest manner, the interests of our country, and of this city in particular. Let those of our citizens who have been the most zealous in promoting the acknowledgment of your independence, enjoy always a particular share of your affection.

"That among those who may follow our example, no one may ever succeed in detracting from the good faith and integrity of Holland, or causing the sincerity of our efforts to advance our mutual interests to be suspected, which are founded on the unalterable principles of pure virtue, and a religion common to both of us.

"Permit us, in fine, that faithful to ourselves, and attentive to whatever can interest our commerce, the only source of our prosperity, we may flatter ourselves, that the produce of this flourishing city, our distilled liquors and other merchandise, may be freely imported to your States without any hinderance, or without being subjected to heavy duties; and may the protection, with which you shall honor us and the privileges that you shall grant us, rivet the bonds of our mutual friendship, and be to both nations the source of an unceasing prosperity."

TO JOHN JAY.

The Hague, August 10th, 1782.

Sir,

It was with very great pleasure that I received, this morning, your kind favor of the 2d. I am surprised to learn, that yours and Mr Jay's health have been disordered in France, where the air is so fine.

That your anxieties have been very great, I doubt not. That most of them were such as you ought not to have met with, I can easily conceive. I can sincerely say, that all mine, but my fever, were such as I ought not to have had. Thank God they are passed, and never shall return, for nothing that can happen shall ever make me so anxious again. I have assumed the felicis animi immota tranquilitas.

Nothing would give me more satisfaction, than a free conversation between you and me upon the subjects you mention, and all others directly or indirectly connected with it, or with any of our affairs; but I do not see a possibility of taking such a journey. The march of this people is so slow, that it will be some time before the treaty of commerce can be finished, and after that I have other orders to execute, and must be here in person to attend every step. But besides this, I think I ought not to go to Paris, while there is any messenger there from England, unless he has full powers to treat with the Ministers of the United States of America. If the three American Ministers should appear at Paris, at the same time, with a real or pretended Minister from London, all the world would instantly conclude a peace certain, and would fill at once another year's loan for the English. In Lord Shelburne's sincerity, I have not the smallest confidence, and I think that we ought to take up Fox's idea, and insist upon full powers to treat with us in character, before we have a word more to say upon the subject. They are only amusing us. I would rather invite you to come here. This country is worth seeing, and you would lay me under great obligations to take your residence, during your stay, in the Hôtel des Etats-Unis. Many people would be glad to see you. I should be very glad, however, to be informed, from step to step, how things proceed.

As you justly observe, further accessions of power to the House of Bourbon may excite jealousies in some powers of Europe, but who is to blame but themselves? Why are they so short sighted or so indolent, as to neglect to acknowledge the United States, and make treaties with them? Why do they leave the House of Bourbon to content so long and spend so much? Why do they leave America and Holland under so great obligations? France has, and ought to have, a great weight with America and Holland, but other powers might have proportionable weight if they would have proportional merit.

If the powers of the neutral maritime confederation, would admit the United States to accede to that treaty, and declare America independent, they would contribute to prevent America at least from being too much under the direction of France. But if any powers should take the part of England, they will compel America and Holland too, to unite themselves ten times more firmly than ever to the House of Bourbon.

I do not know, however, that America and Holland are too much under the direction of France, and I do not believe they will be, but they must be dead to every generous feeling as men, and to every wise view as statesmen, if they were not much attached to France, in the circumstances of the times.

I received two letters from you in the spring, one I answered, but have not the dates at present; the other kindly informed me of the arrival of my son in America, for which I thank you.

With great regard and esteem, I am, dear Sir, your most obedient, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

The Hague, August 18th, 1782.

Sir,

I have the honor to enclose, for the information of Congress, a copy of Mr Fitzherbert's commission.

The States-General have appointed M. Brantzen their Minister Plenipotentiary to treat concerning peace, and he will set off for Paris in about three weeks. His instructions are such as we should wish. The States of Holland and West Friesland have determined the last week upon our project of a treaty of commerce, and I expect to enter into conferences with the States-General this week, in order to bring it to a conclusion. I hope for the ratification of the contract for a loan, which has been sent five different ways. Upon the receipt of this ratification, there will be thirteen or fourteen hundred thousand guilders ready to be paid to the orders of Congress by Messrs Wilhem and Jean Willink, Nicholas and Jacob Van Staphorst, and De la Lande and Fynjè.

The States and the Regencies are taking such measures with the Stadtholder, by demanding his orders and correspondence about naval affairs, and by re-assuming their own constitutional rights in the appointment of officers, &c. as will bring all things right in this Republic, which we shall find an affectionate and a useful friend. The communication of the following instructions to me is such a piece of friendship and such a mark of confidence, as makes it my duty to request of Congress that it may be kept secret.

INSTRUCTIONS,

Projected and passed for the Ambassador Lestevenon de Berkenrode, and M. de Brantzen.

"1. His Most Christian Majesty, having manifested in the most obliging manner by his Ambassador Extraordinary, the Duc de la Vauguyon, who resides here, his favorable intention to have an eye to the interests of the Republic in the negotiation for a general peace, the aforesaid Ministers will neglect nothing, but, on the contrary, will employ all their diligence and all their zeal to preserve and fortify more and more this favorable disposition of his Majesty towards this State.

"2. To this end those gentlemen, in all which concerns the objects of their commission, or which may have any relation to them, will act in a communicative manner, and in concert with the Ministry of his said Majesty, and will make confidential communications of all things with them.

"3. They will not enter into any negotiation of peace between the British Court and the Republic, nor have any conferences thereupon with the Ministers of the said Court, before they are assured beforehand, in the clearest manner, and without any equivocation, that his British Majesty has in fact, and continues to have, a real intention to acquiesce, without reserve, that the Republic be in full possession and indisputable, enjoyment of the rights of the neutral flag, and of a free navigation, in conformity to, and according to the tenor of, the points enumerated in the declaration of her Imperial Majesty of Russia, dated the 28th of February, 1780.

"4. When these gentlemen shall be certain of this, and shall have received the requisite assurances of it, they shall conduct in such a manner in the conferences, which shall then be held thereupon with the Ministers of his Britannic Majesty, as to direct things to such an end, that, in projecting the treaty of peace and friendship between his said Majesty and the Republic, all the points concerning the free navigation be adopted word for word, and literally from the said declaration of her Imperial Majesty, and inserted in the said treaty; and, moreover, in regard to contraband, (upon the subject of which the said declaration refers to the treaties of commerce then subsisting between the respective powers) that they establish henceforward a limitation, so precise and so distinct, that it may appear most clearly in future, that all naval stores, (les munitions ou matières navales) be held free merchandises, and may not by any means be comprehended under the denomination of contraband; as also, that with regard to the visitation of merchant vessels, they establish the two following rules as perpetual and immutable, viz; first, that the masters (patrons) of merchant ships shall be discharged upon exhibiting their documents, from whence their cargoes may be known, and to which faith ought to be given, without pretending to molest them by any visitation; secondly, that when merchant ships shall be convoyed by vessels of war, all faith shall be yielded to the commanding officers, who shall escort the convoy, when they shall declare and affirm, upon their word of honor, the nature of their cargoes, without being able to require of vessels convoyed, any exhibition of papers, and still less to visit them.

"5. These gentlemen shall insist also, in the strongest manner, and as upon a condition sine qua non, upon this, that all the possessions conquered from the Republic by the ships of war or privateers of his British Majesty, or by the arms of the English East India Company during the course of this war, or which may be further conquered from it before the conclusion of the peace, be restored to it, under the eventual obligation of reciprocity; and this, as far as possible, in the same state in which they were at the time of the invasion. And, whereas the greatest part of these possessions have been retaken from the common enemy, by the arms of His Most Christian Majesty, these gentlemen will insist in the strongest manner, with his Majesty and his Ministry, that, by the promise of restitution of these possessions to the State, immediately after the conclusion of the peace, the Republic may receive real proofs of the benevolence and of the affection, which his Majesty has so often testified for it.

"6. These gentlemen will insist also, in the strongest manner, upon the just indemnification for all the losses unjustly caused by Great Britain, to the State and to its inhabitants, both in Europe and elsewhere.

"7. In the affairs concerning the interest of the Company of the East Indies of this country, these gentlemen ought to demand and receive the considerations of the commissaries, who are now at Paris on the part of the Company, and act in concert with them in relation to these affairs.

"8. In all respects, these gentlemen will hold a good correspondence with the Ministers of the other belligerent powers; and it is very specially enjoined upon them, and recommended, to direct things to this, that in the said negotiations, there be given no room to be able to conclude or resolve either treaty or cessation of hostilities, if it be not with the common and simultaneous concurrence of all the belligerent powers.

"9. Finally, and in general, these gentlemen, during the course of all this negotiation, will have always before their eyes, that the conferences at Paris, at least for the present, ought to be looked upon but as preparatory and preliminary; and that the decision of points, which may remain in litigation, ought to be reserved to a general Congress, together with the final adjustment of the definitive treaty of peace; the whole, at least, until their High Mightinesses, further informed of the success of these negotiations, and of the inclination of the belligerent powers, shall find good to qualify these gentlemen for the final and peremptory conclusion of a treaty."

These instructions will show Congress, in a clear light, the disposition of this Republic to be as favorable for us and our allies as we could wish it.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

The Hague, August 22d, 1782.

Sir,

Their High Mightinesses have at length received their instructions from all the Provinces, and I have this day been in conference with the Grand Committee, who communicated to me the remarks and propositions on their part. To this, I shall very soon give my replication, and I hope the affair will be soon ended.

I was received in State by two of the Lords at the head of the stairs, and by them conducted into the committee room, where the business is transacted. The committee consisted of one or more Deputies from each Province, together with the Grand Pensionary, Bleiswick, and the Secretary Fagel.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON TO JOHN ADAMS.

Philadelphia, August 29th, 1782.

Dear Sir,

Near five months have elapsed, since I have been favored with a line from you. Your letter of the 4th of March, is the last that has as yet found its way to America.

Let me entreat you, Sir, to reflect on the disgrace and discredit it brings upon this department, to be kept thus in the dark relative to matters of the utmost moment, and how impossible it is, without better information, to declare the designs or wishes of Congress, since they must be in some measure directed by the state of their affairs in Europe; and, yet, Sir, they have hitherto been left, in a great measure, to collect that state from private letters, common newspapers, or the communications of the Minister of France.

There is another circumstance, in which the reputation of our Ministers themselves, is materially concerned. Letters, announcing a fact, that is well known before their arrival, lose half their force and beauty. They cease to be interesting, and are read with indifference. You have done yourself great injustice frequently in this way, for though your letters have generally been particular, yet, from not being sufficiently attentive to the means of conveyance, we frequently have had the facts they related, published in the newspapers a month before their arrival. As one instance out of many, we received with your letter of the 11th of March, Amsterdam papers of the 30th, which informed us of the determination of Holland relative to your reception. We are told that you were received in your public character the 19th of April, and yet, Sir, we have not to this hour had any official information on that head. I am ready to make every allowance for the miscarriage of letters; but this should only urge our Ministers to multiply the number of their copies, particularly where the subject of them is important. I feel myself so hurt at this neglect, Congress are so justly dissatisfied at seeing vessels arrive every day from France without public letters at this very critical period, from any of our Ministers, that I fear I have pressed the subject further than I ought to have done. If so, be pleased to pardon my earnestness, and to impute it to my wish, as well to render this office more useful to the public, as to enable you to give Congress more ample satisfaction.

The advantages, which will be derived to these States from the acknowledgment of their political existence, as an independent nation, are too many and too obvious, not to be immediately and sensibly felt by them. I sincerely congratulate you on having been the happy means of effecting this beneficial connexion. We may reasonably hope, that your official letters will detail the progress of so interesting an event, and thereby enable us to form some judgment of the nature and principles of the government of the United Provinces. From the zeal they manifest to us, I should hope, that you would find no great difficulty in the accomplishing of one great object of your mission, the procuring a loan, which neither the probability or the conclusion of a peace will render unnecessary. On the contrary, I am inclined to believe, that our wants will be more pressing at the close of the war, when our troops are to be paid and disbanded, than at any other period; and as it seems to have been your sentiment hitherto, that money could be procured when our political character was fully known, I venture to hope, that you have availed yourself of your present situation to obtain it.

General Carleton and Admiral Digby, presuming, I suppose, that our Ministers were not the most punctual correspondents, have been pleased to inform us, through the commander-in-chief, that negotiations for a general peace are on foot. If so, I presume this will find you in France. In addition to the great objects, which will become the subjects of discussion, and on which you are fully instructed, I could wish again to repeat one, that I have mentioned in my last to you, which materially interests us. I mean the procuring a market for lumber and provisions of every kind in the West Indies. Should France pursue her usual system with respect to her Colonies, and England follow her example, the shock will be severely felt here, particularly in the States, whose staples are flour, beef and pork. But should either of them be so fully apprised of their true interest as to set open this market, at least for these articles, the advantage, they will derive from it must compel the others to adopt the same system.

I need only mention this matter to you. The arguments to show the mutual advantage of this commerce to this country, the Colonies and the parent States will suggest themselves readily to you, and be suggested by you to those we are interested in convincing. The turtle and fruit of the Bahama Islands have formed powerful connexions among the good eaters and drinkers of this country. I recommend their interests to your care. They flatter themselves their friends, the Spaniards, will not interrupt their ancient alliance, if these islands should remain in their hands.

I have already transmitted you an account of the evacuation of Savannah. The enclosed papers contain a proclamation of General Scott, announcing that of Charleston, and generously offering to provide for the transportation of the royalists to East Florida, where the climate will doubtless aid administration, in the proposed reduction of the list of pensioners. The fleet under the Marquis de Vaudreuil has unfortunately lost a seventy four, by striking a rock in the harbor of Boston. Congress have endeavored to compensate this loss, by presenting His Most Christian Majesty with the America.

I have caused two quarters' salary to be remitted to Dr Franklin on your account, for which you will be so obliging as to send me your receipt. I must again press you to appoint an agent to receive your money here, as I act without any authority at present, which I must decline the hazard of doing in future.

I have the honor to be, &c.

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON

TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

The Hague, September 4th, 1782.

Sir,

Your triplicate of the 5th of March, No 5, triplicate of the 22d of May, No. 6, duplicate of the 29th of May, No. 7, and duplicate of May the 30th, No. 8, together with the despatches for Mr Dana, came to hand yesterday.

The judicious inquiries in that of the 5th of March, are chiefly answered by the enclosed pamphlet, which I have caused to be printed, in order to be sent into England, Scotland, and Ireland, as well as America. You will find most of your questions answered by great bodies of merchants, manufacturers, and others, in the first instance, and by the States of the several separate Provinces in the next place, and lastly by their High Mightinesses.

I wish the truth would warrant a more satisfactory account of the ships prepared, and preparing for sea. Those prepared are employed by concert with France, in the North Sea, where they make a useful diversion, having lately obliged Lord Howe to detach a considerable number of ships, and the last accounts say, to go himself with fourteen ships of the line, in order to protect their trade from the Baltic, which has certainly retarded, possibly wholly prevented, the relief of Gibraltar. This, however, is not certain. I cannot assure Congress of more than twelve Dutch ships of the line, ready for sea. Some of that number are not in a good condition; not more than two or three can be depended on to be added, in the course of this season.

As to the leading members of the Great Council, we must distinguish between the Assembly of the Deputies of the States-General, and the Assembly of the Deputies of Holland and West Friesland. The Grand Pensionary of Holland, who is always a member of the Assembly of their High Mightinesses, is constitutionally the most leading member. M. Van Bleiswick is the present Grand Pensionary. With him I have frequent conferences, and they have always been agreeable; but the situation of this Minister is at present extremely critical and embarrassing. In former times, when there was no Stadtholder, or at least when his authority was less extensive, the Grand Pensionaries of Holland have been in effect Stadtholders. They have been a centre of union for all the Provinces; but being more immediately connected with, and dependent on, the Province of Holland, they have been suspected by the other Provinces to give too much weight to that, which has caused them to attach themselves to the Stadtholders, as a more impartial support to the whole States.

To speak candidly, a competition between these two great interests and these two high offices, seems to have been the cause of the violent storms in this country; but as the Stadtholders have had the military power by sea and land at their disposal, and by the pomp and splendor of a Court, have had the means of imposing more upon the nation, they have by decrees prevailed. At critical, dangerous times, tragical scenes have been exhibited, and Barnevelt's head was struck off at one time, Grotius escaped by a kind of miracle, and the De Witts were torn in pieces, it is scarcely too bold to say by the open or secret commands, or connivance of the Stadtholders. The Stadtholder's power, since 1758, until this year, has been so augmented, and the Grand Pensionary's so diminished, that M. Van Bleiswick is to be pitied. More is expected of him than he can perform. He is between two fires. The Stadtholderian party on the one side, and the Republican on the other. The consequence is, that he manages both as well as he can; is extremely cautious and reserved, never explains himself, but in cases of absolute necessity, and never attempts to assume the lead. If he were to attempt to act the part of some former Grand Pensionaries, the consequence would be, either he would not be supported, and would perish like Barnevelt, or De Witt, or being supported, the Stadtholdership must give way, and the Prince fly to his estates, in Germany. M. Van Bleiswick is a great scholar, linguist, natural philosopher, mathematician, and even physician; has great experience in public affairs, and is able and adroit enough in the conduct of them; but not having a temper bold and firm enough, or perhaps loving his ease too much, or not having ambition, or patriotism, or zeal, or health enough, to assume a great and decided conduct, he is fallen in his reputation. They suspect him of duplicity, and in short, measures are prepared and brought into the States of Holland without his consent, or previous knowledge, and there carried; a thing unknown until these days.

Another great officer of state, who constitutionally has influence in the Assembly of their High Mightinesses, is the Secretary M. Fagel. This gentleman is of a family, which has ever been zealously attached to the Stadtholder, and consequently to England, and strongly prejudiced against France. His ancestor was made Grand Pensionary, in place of the murdered and immortal De Witt; and from that time to this, the family have been invariably friends to the Princes of Orange, and to England, and enemies to France. The present Secretary does not belie his lineage. He is supposed to be the least satisfied with the new conventions with us and with France, of any man. I have had several conferences with him. He is a venerable man of seventy, is polite, and has always been complaisant enough to me; but Congress will easily see, from this sketch of his character, that he is not the man for me to be intimate with. There is a new President of their High Mightinesses every week. I have had conferences with several, M. Ijassens, M. Van Citters, M. Boreel, M. Van den Sandheuvel, and the Baron Lynden de Hemmen; but this continual variation prevents any one from acquiring esteem and weight from the office; so that they are to be considered only as common members of the Assembly.

There is a nobleman, the Baron de Lynden, who belongs to the Province of Zealand, and who was formerly Ambassador in Sweden, and afterwards appointed to Vienna, but refused to go. I have had the pleasure of a great deal of conversation with him, and his advice has been useful to me. He is a sensible and worthy man, and his sentiments are very just. He has been now for some months in Zealand, and the world has seen several striking effects of his presence in that Province. He is much in opposition to the Duke of Brunswick, and consequently to the Court, to whose cause this nobleman's rank, former offices, and connexions, have done much damage. There are several other members of the Assembly of their High Mightinesses, that I have some acquaintance with, the Baron Van Schwartenbourg, M. Kuffeler of Friesland, M. Brantzen of Guelderland, and others, whom it is not necessary to name at present. But Holland, being full half the nation, the Assembly of that Province gives always, sooner or later, the tone to the whole. The Pensionaries of the cities are the principal speakers, and most active members of this Assembly, for which reason I have cultivated the acquaintance of these gentlemen, and will continue to do so more and more. There are three among them, with whom I have been the most conversant, M. Gyzelaer of Dort, M. Visscher of Amsterdam, and M. Van Zeeberg, of Haerlem.

M. Gyzelaer is a young gentleman of about thirty; but of a genius and activity, a candor and prudence, which, if his health is not too delicate, must make him the man of the first consideration in this Republic. I am happy in a friendly and familiar acquaintance with him, and shall certainly continue it, because his abilities and integrity, his industry, his great and growing popularity, and his influence in the Assembly of the States of Holland, as well as in all the provinces and cities, will render him an important man, in spite of all the opposition of the Court.

Nevertheless, although I cultivate the friendship of the patriots, I shall not give offence to the Court. The friendship of this Court we never had, and never shall have, until we have that of England. This gentleman's friendship has already been of vast service to the cause of Congress as well as to me, and will continue to be so. There is no intelligence in a political line, which I ought to know, but what I can easily obtain in this way. To detail the conversations, would be to relate all the measures taken or proposed, relative to the negotiations for a separate peace, to the concert with France, the general peace, &c. as well as from step to step, the advancement to the acknowledgment of our independence. There are some of these conversations, which ought never to be put on paper, until the measures and events, which are the fruit of them, have taken place.

M. Visscher is a respectable character, an amiable man, and steady in the good system. With him also, I have been invariably upon good terms; but I cannot but lament the absence of M. Van Berckel, an excellent character, of solid judgment, sound learning, great experience, delicate honor, untainted virtue, and steady firmness, sacrificed to the most frivolous whimsies, and miserable intrigues of private pique, the jealousy and envy of weak, I cannot here add wicked old age, and individual ambition. Van Berckel and Visscher together would be noble Ministers for Amsterdam; but the elder of the "Par nobile fratrum" is wanting.

M. Van Zeeberg is another excellent character; of great reputation as a lawyer, a man of integrity, and a patriot, with whom I have been, and am, upon the best terms. It is odd enough, that most of these Pensionaries have been deacons of the English church in this place, Dr Mc Lane's. En passant, young lawyers seek an election to be deacons in the churches, as a first step to advancement in their profession, as well as in the State. M. Van Berckel, M. Van Zeeberg and others, have been deacons of this church, yet neither speaks English; nor is any of them less an enemy to England for having passed through this stage in their career of life, and I shall be the more so, for hearing once a week, an admirable moral lecture in the English language, from one of the best preachers in Europe.

I hope this will be sufficient at present as a sample of sketches of characters that you demand of me, among the leading members of the Assembly. I might mention several Burgomasters, as M. Hooft, of Amsterdam, Van Berckel, of Rotterdam, &c. &c. &c.; but I must not give too much at once.

You inquire whether there is no intercourse between the French Ambassador and me? I answer, there is a constant, uninterrupted harmony and familiarity between the Duc de la Vauguyon and his family, and me. I visit him, and he visits me. I dine with him, and he and his family dine with me as often as you can wish; and he is ever ready to enter into conversation and consultation with me upon public affairs. He is an amiable man, whom I esteem very much. He is able, attentive, and vigilant, as a Minister; but he has been under infinite obligations to the United States of America and her Minister, for the success he has had in this country. Nothing on this earth but the American cause, could ever have prevented this Republic from joining England in the war, and nothing but the memorial of the 19th of April, 1781, and the other innumerable measures taken in consequence of it by the same hand, could ever have prevented this Republic from making a separate peace with England. The American cause and Minister have done more to introduce a familiarity between the French Ambassador and some leading men here, than any other thing could; and if anybody denies it, it must be owing to ignorance or ingratitude. It is at the same time true, and I acknowledge it with pleasure and gratitude, that our cause could not have succeeded here without the aid of France. Her aid in the East Indies, West Indies, and upon the barrier frontiers, her general benevolence, and concert of operations, as well as the favorable and friendly exertions of her Ambassador, after the decisive steps taken by me, contributed essentially to the accomplishment of the work. I have an opportunity of meeting at his house, too, almost as often as I desire, the other foreign Ministers; but of this more hereafter.

You desire also to know the popular leaders I have formed acquaintance with. The two noblemen, the Baron Van der Capellan de Pall, of Overyssel, and the Baron Van der Capellan de Marsch, of Guelderland, I have formed an acquaintance with; the former, very early after my first arrival. I have had frequent and intimate conversations with him, and he has been of the utmost service to our cause. His unhappy situation, and unjust expulsion from his seat in government, the opposition of the Court, and of his colleagues in the Regency, make it delicate to write freely concerning this nobleman. He has an independent fortune, though not called rich in this country. His parts and learning are equal to any, his zeal and activity superior. I dare not say in what a multitude of ways he has served us; posterity will, perhaps, know them all.

Two years ago, upon my first arrival at Amsterdam, I fell acquainted, at M. Van Staphorst's, with M. Calkoen, the first gentleman of the bar, at Amsterdam; a man of letters, well read in law and history, and an elegant writer. He desired to be informed of American affairs. I gave him a collection of our constitutions, and a number of pamphlets and papers, and desired him to commit to writing his questions. In a few days, he sent me thirty questions in Dutch, which show him to be a man of profound reflection and sagacity. I got them translated, and determined to seize the opportunity to turn his attention to our affairs, and gain his confidence. I wrote him a distinct letter upon each question, and endeavored to give him as comprehensive an insight into our affairs as I could.[8] He was much pleased with the answers, and composed out of them a comparison between the American and Batavian Revolutions, which he read with applause to a society of forty gentlemen of letters, who meet in a club at Amsterdam. I lent him Burgoyne's and Howe's pamphlets in vindication of themselves, which he communicated also. By this means, this society, whose influence must be very extensive, were made hearty converts to the opinion of the impracticability of a British conquest, and the certainty of American success; points very dubious in the minds of this nation in general, when I first came here, as I can easily prove. With this gentleman, I have ever preserved an agreeable acquaintance. It was he who drew up the petition of the merchants of Amsterdam in favor of American independence.

About the time of presenting my memorial, I became acquainted with another lawyer at the Hague, M. Van Zoon, who has been also from time to time active in our favor, and drew up the petitions of Rotterdam.

The gazetteers of this country are not mere printers, they are men of letters; and as these vehicles have a vast influence in forming the public opinion, they were not to be neglected by me, whose only hopes lay in the public opinion, to resist the torrent of a court and government. I therefore became naturally acquainted with the family of the Luzacs, in Leyden, whose gazette has been very useful to our cause, and who are excellent people. M. John Luzac, drew up the two petitions of Leyden to their Regency.

At Amsterdam, my acquaintance with M. Cerisier enabled me to render the Politique Hollandais, and the French Gazette of Amsterdam, useful on many occasions; and by means of one friend and another, particularly M. Dumas, I have been able to communicate anything that was proper to the public, by means of the Dutch gazettes of Amsterdam, Haerlem, and Delft. By means of these secret connexions with printers and writers, I have had an opportunity to cause to be translated and printed, many English pamphlets tending to elucidate our affairs, particularly those valuable documents of Howe and Burgoyne, than which nothing has contributed more to fortify our cause. They are considered as the decisive testimonies of unwilling witnesses and cruel enemies. With these persons, and others whom I could not have conversations with, I have had correspondence as frequent as my time would allow.

At Amsterdam, I was acquainted with several mercantile houses, M. de Neufville & Son, M. Crommelin & Sons, Messieurs Van Staphorsts, De la Lande & Fynjè, Madame Chabanel & Son & Nephew, M. Hodshon, M. Van Arp, M. Teagler, and several others, who, in their several ways, were useful to our affairs.

I come now to the most difficult task of all, the description of the foreign Ministers. The Minister of the Emperor is ninety years of age, and never appears at Court, or anywhere else. I have never seen him or his secretary. The Ministers from Russia, Sweden, Denmark, Portugal, Sardinia, and Liege, I see every week at Court, where I sup regularly when the others do, though it is very visible that I am not the guest the most favored by the Prince. I dine with them all, sometimes at the French Ambassador's and Spanish Minister's, but have not dined at any of their houses, nor they at mine. Not one of them would dare to give or receive an invitation, except France, Spain, and Liege. The Minister from Sweden, the Baron d'Ehrenswerd, is lately removed to Berlin, to my great regret, as he appeared to me a very good character, and behaved very civilly to me several times when I met him at Court and at the French Ambassador's. The Secretary of Legation does the business, now M. Van Arp, who appears to be a worthy man, and is not afraid to converse with me. The Minister from Prussia, M. de Thulemeyer, is very civil, attacks me, (as he expresses it) in English, and wishes to meet me on horseback, being both great riders; will converse freely with me upon astronomy, or natural history, or any mere common affairs; will talk of news, battles, sieges, &c.; but these personages are very reserved in politics and negotiations. They must wait for instructions.

M. de St Saphorin, the Envoy from Denmark, is a personage of very odd behavior; a Swiss by birth, but an open and not very discreet advocate for England. It should be observed, that the Queen Dowager of Denmark, is sister to the Duc Louis de Brunswick; and as the King is not a distinguished character among crowned heads, she is supposed to have much influence at Court, and the Minister here may be complaisant to her. But neither that power nor its Minister is able to do more than influence a gazette or two, to publish some very injudicious speculations. I am not the only foreign Minister that converses or corresponds with gazetteers; though it at least is certain, that I never give them money. I hope I am not singular in this. This gentleman has been much with another since his arrival, M. Markow, the adjoint Minister from Russia, another advocate for the English, without being able to do them any service. He was never more than a Secretary of Legation before. He has been here formerly in that character, and in the partition of Poland. He was preceded here, by reports of his great talents at negotiations and intrigue, and it was said, that he had never failed of success; but his residence here has made no sensation or impression at all. He talks in some companies indiscreetly in favor of England, but is not much attended to. His behavior to me, is a distant bow, an affected smile sometimes, and now and then, a "Comment vous portez-vous?" One evening at Court, when the Northern Epidemy was here, he put me this question after supper, in great apparent good humor; "terriblement affligé de l'influença," said I; "C'est en Angleterre." says he, laughing, "qu'on a donné ce nom, et il ne feroit point du mal, si vous voudriez vous laisser gagner un peu par l'influence de l'Angleterre." I had at my tongue's end to answer, "C'est assez d'être tourmenté de l'influence qui vient de Russie!! but I reflected very suddenly, if he is indiscreet, I will not be; so I contented myself to answer, very gravely, "jamais, Monsieur, jamais."

The Prince de Gallitzin, his colleague, is of a different character; a good man, and thinks justly; but his place is too important to his family to be hazarded; so he keeps a great reserve, and behaves with great prudence. Knowing his situation, I have avoided all advances to him, lest I should embarrass him. The Sardinian Minister is very ready to enter into conversation at all times; but his Court and system are wholly out of the present question. The Portuguese Envoy Extraordinary, D. Joas Theolonico d'Almeida, is a young nobleman glittering with stars, and, as they say, very rich. He has twice, once at Court, and once at the Spanish Minister's, entered familiarly into conversation with me, upon the climates of America and Portugal, and the commerce that has been, and will be between our countries, and upon indifferent subjects; but there is no appearance that he is profoundly versed in political subjects, nor any probability that he could explain himself, until all the neutral powers do, of whom Portugal is one.

The Spanish Minister, D. Llano, Count de Sanafée, has at last got over all his punctilios, and I had the honor to dine with him, in company with all the foreign Ministers and four or five officers of rank in the Russian service, on Tuesday last. He and his Secretary had dined with me some time ago. I shall, therefore, be upon a more free, if not familiar, footing with him in future. He has indeed been always very complaisant and friendly, though embarrassed with his punctilios of etiquette. There is one anecdote, that in justice to myself and my country I ought not to omit. The first time I ever saw him was at his house, a day or two after my reception by the States. He sent for me. I went, and had an hour's conversation with him. He said to me, "Sir, you have struck the greatest blow of all Europe. It is the greatest blow that has been struck in the American Cause, and the most decisive. It is you who have filled this nation with enthusiasm; it is you who have turned all their heads." Next morning he returned my visit at my lodgings, for it was before my removal to this house. In the course of conversation upon the subject of my success here, he turned to a gentlemen in company, and said to him, "this event is infinitely honorable to Mr. Adams. It is the greatest blow (le plus grand coup) which could have been struck in all Europe. It is he, who has filled this nation with enthusiasm; it is he, who has disconcerted the admirers of England (Anglomanes); it is he, who has turned the heads of the Hollanders. It is not for a compliment to Mr Adams that I say this, but because I believe it to be his due."

I wish for some other historiographer, but I will not, for fear of the charge of vanity, omit to record things, which were certainly said with deliberation, and which prove the sense, which the Ministers of the House of Bourbon had of the stream of prejudice here against them, and of the influence of America and her Minister, in turning the tide.

I hope, Sir, that these sketches will satisfy you for the present; if not, another time I will give you portraits at full length. In the meantime, I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

The Hague, September 6th, 1782.

Sir,

In your letter of the 5th of March, you ask "whether this power has entered into any treaty with France since the war, and whether any such thing is in contemplation?"

They have made no treaty, but a convention concerning recaptures, which you must have seen in the papers. The East India Company have concerted operations with France in the East Indies, and the Prince, by the resolution of the States, has concerted operations in these European seas for this campaign, and the city of Amsterdam has lately proposed in the States of Holland, to renew the concert for next year, and to revive an old treaty of commerce with France. In my letter of the 18th of August, I have sent you a copy of the instructions to their Ministers for peace, "not to make peace, truce, or armistice, but with the simultaneous concurrence of all the belligerent powers," among whom the United States of America are certainly one in the sense and meaning of their High Mightinesses.

You observe, Sir, "that France is interested with us, in procuring a public acknowledgment of our independence." You desire me to write freely, and my own disposition inclines me to do so. This is a delicate subject, and requires to be cautiously handled. Political jealousy is very different from a suspicious temper. We should contemplate the vices naturally allied to the greatest virtues. We should consider the fevers that lie near a high state of health. We should consider the maxim that is laid down by all the political writers in the world, and the fact that is found in all histories, "that in cases of alliance between unequal powers, almost all the advantages ever did and ever will accrue to the greatest." We should observe in the Abbé Raynal's history of this revolution, that there is a party in France that blames the Ministry for putting themselves into the chains (fers) of Congress, and for not keeping us dependent enough upon them. Is it not natural for them to wish to keep us dependent upon them, that we might be obliged to accept such terms of peace as they should think would do for us? If the House of Bourbon should be suspected by any neutral power to grow too fast in wealth and force, and be disposed to form a league against it, is it not natural for it to wish that we may be kept from any connexions with such powers, and wholly connected with it, so as to be obliged to engage with it in all its wars.

It is impossible for me to prove, that the delay of Spain to acknowledge our independence, has been concerted between the French and Spanish Ministry; but I candidly ask any man, who has attended to the circumstances of this war, if he has not seen cause to suspect it! For my own part, I have no doubt of it, and I do not know that we can justly censure it. I have ten thousand reasons, which convince me that one Minister at least has not wished that we should form connexions with Holland, even so soon as we did, or with any power; although he had no right, and therefore would not appear openly to oppose it. When I took leave of that Minister to return to America, in the spring of 1779, he desired me expressly to advise Congress to attend to the affairs of the war, and leave the politics of Europe to them, (et laisser la politique à nous). In 1778 or 1779, when Mr Lee and I proposed to Dr Franklin to go to Holland, or to consent that one of us should go, the Doctor would not, but wrote to that Minister upon it, and received an answer, which he showed me, advising against it; and when I received my letter of credence here, the Minister here, who follows the instructions communicated by that Minister, took all possible pains to persuade me against communicating it; and Dr Franklin, without reserve in word or writing, has constantly declared, that Congress were wrong in sending a Minister to Berlin, Vienna, Tuscany, Spain, Holland, and Petersburg, and Dr Franklin is as good an index of that Minister's sentiments as I know.

Now I avow myself of a totally opposite system, and think it our indispensable duty, as it is our undoubted right, to send Ministers to other Courts, and endeavor to extend our acquaintance, commerce, and political connexions with all the world, and have pursued this system, which I took to be also the wish of Congress and the sense of America, with patience and perseverance against all dangers, reproaches, misrepresentations, and oppositions, until, I thank God, he has enabled me to plant the standard of the United States at the Hague, where it will wave forever.

I am now satisfied, and dread nothing. The connexion with Holland is a sure stay. Connected with Holland and the House of Bourbon, we have nothing to fear.

I have entered into this detail, in answer to your inquiry, and the only use of it I would wish to make is this, to insist upon seeing with our own eyes, using our own judgment, and acting an independent part; and it is of the last importance we should do it now thus early, otherwise we should find it very difficult to do it hereafter. I hope I have given you my sentiments, as you desired, with freedom, and that freedom, I hope, will give no offence, either in America or France, for certainly none is intended.

In your favor of the 22d of May, you direct me to draw upon Dr Franklin for my salary, and to send my accounts to you. My accounts, Sir, are very short, and shall be sent as soon as the perplexity of the treaty is over. As to drawing on Dr Franklin, I presume this was upon supposition, that we had no money here. There is now near a million and a half of florins, so that I beg I may be permitted to receive my salary here.

I have transmitted to Mr Dana your despatches, as desired in yours of the 29th of May, reserving an extract for publication in the gazettes, which the French Ambassador is of opinion, as well as others, will have a great effect in Europe. Your letter is extremely well written, and M. Dumas has well translated it, so that it will appear to advantage. Yours of the 30th of May affords me the pleasure of knowing, that you have received some letters from me this year, and I am glad you are inclined to lay that of the 21st of February before Congress. By this time I hope that all objections are removed to the memorial; but in order to judge of the full effect of that memorial, three volumes of the Politique Hollandais, several volumes of De Post Van Neder Rhin, all the Dutch gazettes for a whole year, and the petitions of all the cities should be read, for there is not one of them but what clearly shows the propriety of presenting that memorial, whose influence and effect, though not sudden, has been amazingly extensive. Indeed the French Ambassador has often signified to me lately, and more than once in express words, Monsieur votre fermeté a fait un très bon effet ici.

The cypher was not put up in this duplicate, and I suppose the original is gone on to Mr Dana in a letter I transmitted him from you sometime ago, so that I should be obliged to you for another of the same part.

Rodney's victory came, as you hoped it would, too late to obstruct me. I was well settled at the Hague, and publicly received by the States and Prince before we received that melancholy news. If it had arrived sooner, it might have deranged all our systems, and this nation possibly might have been now separately at peace, which shows the importance of watching the time and tide, which there is in the affairs of men.

You require, Sir, to be furnished with the most minute detail of every step, that Britain may take towards a negotiation for a general or partial peace. All the details towards a partial peace, are already public in the newspapers, and have all been ineffectual. The States-General are firm against it, as appears by their instructions to their Ministers. Since the conversations between me and Digges first, and Mr Laurens afterwards, there has never been any message, directly or indirectly, by word or writing, from the British Ministry to me. It was my decided advice, and earnest request by both, that all messages might be sent to Paris to Dr Franklin and the Count de Vergennes, and this has been done. Dr Franklin wrote me, that he should keep me informed of everything that passed by expresses; but I have had no advice from him since the 2d of June. Your despatches have all gone the same way, and I have never had a hint of any of them. I hope that Dr Franklin and Mr Jay have had positive instructions to consent to no truce or armistice, and to enter into no conferences with any British Minister, who is not authorised to treat with the United States of America.