CORRESPONDENCE CONTINUED. (continued 4)

"But as all these disbursements are lost, the petitioners for the causes alleged, and others particularised in the petition, pray that it may please their High Mightinesses to assign to the petitioners, and especially to the proprietors and freighters of vessels, a convenient indemnification and sufficient for the cost, damages, and interest borne and suffered, because the said convoy has not set sail; from whence it has resulted, that they have detained the vessels belonging to the petitioners, who, at the first requisition, are ready to produce the particulars to their High Mightinesses, that it may also please their High Mightinesses to give the necessary orders, to the end that the convoy destined for this purpose may be ready early enough to be able to set sail next spring, even by the month of March, to the end that by accelerating their departure, the loss of time suffered in the current year may be, at least in some degree, compensated, and that there may be an opportunity that the ships which are now in Norway and at Elsinore; supposing they should be obliged to pass the winter there, may then profit of this convoy for their return. Finally, that they would please to give, concerning all these objects, precise orders, and such as their High Mightinesses may judge the most proper to fulfil the wishes of the petitioners, and for the greatest utility of commerce."

This petition has been rendered commissorial for the respective Admiralties.

ANOTHER PETITION.

"The undersigned, merchants trading to the Levant, living at Amsterdam and Rotterdam, give respectfully to understand, that the petitioners acknowledge with the most lively gratitude the paternal care which your High Mightinesses have always manifested for the prosperity of the commerce of the Levant, and particularly the advantages procured to the Belgic navigation by the resolutions of your High Mightinesses of the 21st of May, 1770, and of the first of April, 1776; the first of which authorises the directors of the commerce of the Levant, and of the navigation of the Mediterranean, besides the accustomed imposition of six per cent of freight, to require of all foreign vessels coming from the Levant, five per cent of the value of the effects; and the second of which tends to raise considerably the tariff, after which they always tax the abovementioned effects; which has also fully answered to the salutary end of your High Mightinesses, to wit, to inspire a general aversion in foreign ships to suffer themselves to be employed in the transportation of productions from the Levant into the ports of these countries. But, the situation of the navigation of this country by the unfortunate and cruel war, which the King of England unjustly makes upon our dear country, is in fact entirely changed, and almost entirely interrupted and ruined, in such sort, that by the present impossibility to make use of those ships which have not been taken, business in general, and that of the Levant in particular, is in the deplorable condition, even for the account of neutral foreigners, (for that upon our own account is entirely stopped) either to be wholly abandoned, or to be carried on by the means of foreign vessels.

"The petitioners think it unnecessary to enumerate, particularly the disadvantages of the first points alleged, that is to say, the abandoning of this commerce, because in all times the considerable importance of the Levant trade has been universally acknowledged, and your High Mightinesses yourselves have always shown that you have been intimately persuaded of it. It is then manifest, that in the present situation of affairs there remains only the second means, which is to employ foreign ships; nevertheless, as the small quantity of these vessels joined to the inclination on all sides to employ them, has already occasioned an enormous rise of their freights, and since moreover they cannot be ensured, but by paying a premium three times larger than in past times, we encounter here obstacles the most discouraging and invincible, considering, that besides all this, the extraordinary imposition beforementioned of five per cent of the value of the merchandises calculated after the augmented tariff renders almost impracticable this manner of negotiating, and deprives it of all advantage; which in this critical situation of affairs, must ruin absolutely the commerce of the Levant; for since at this time it cannot be carried on, but for the account of neutral foreigners, it is incontestible that their enterprises being in all cases so much confined, they will find themselves in the indispensable necessity to suspend this commerce with us, and to transmit it to other places; besides this, there will be found many foreigners, who for these causes will excuse themselves from remitting to the petitioners what they justly owe because at present, by the enormous rise of bills of exchange this cannot be effected but by sending merchandises, which still augments and extends, in an aggravating manner, the risk of the petitioners.

"But finally to ward off this misfortune in season, if possible, the petitioners take the liberty respectfully to address themselves to your High Mightinesses, praying that you would please, during the course of this war, consequently as long as the Belgic vessels cannot be employed, to exempt the effects, loaded upon foreign ships and coming from the Levant to the ports of this country, from the said extraordinary imposition of five per cent of their value, and that you would also give the same advantages to the merchandises loaded on board the Pisano, a Venetian vessel, commanded by Captain Antonio Ragusin, from Smyrna, and lately arrived at the Texel; to the end that this branch of Commerce, so important, may not perish entirely, and that it may be preserved for the general well-being of the dear country.

"Divers freighters and part owners of vessels, fitted out for the Colony of Surinam, by the proprietors of plantations, merchants, and others interested in this commerce, as well as that of Curaçao, have addressed a petition to their High Mightinesses, and laid open the "deplorable condition of the two Colonies; that in consequence of the Resolution of the 14th of last June, in virtue of the petition, which they then presented, they equipped their vessels with despatch, and that in two months they had put in order a fleet of seventeen vessels, armed with four hundred guns, and manned with twelve hundred men, expecting a suitable convoy; but that several circumstances having without doubt hindered it from being ready, they pray first, their High Mightinesses, that they would prepare as soon as possible a convenient convoy, to go out with their ships, at a certain day, and conduct them to the West Indies; secondly, that their High Mightinesses, in case of delay, would be so good as to grant them an indemnification; thirdly, that their High Mightinesses, upon the exhibition of a certificate, as it was stipulated by their resolution of the 31st of July last, would be so good as to cause to be given to those who shall have made the armaments required, the bounties which they shall judge convenient, the petitioners being ready to give convenient sureties, and even to engage their vessels, in case they are not ready to sail at the time appointed."

At the requisition of his Highness, the request has been rendered commissorial in the respective Admiralties.

The representative and the directors of the East India Company have notified to their High Mightinesses, "that their finances are diminished, and that they are in the indispensable necessity of demanding of their High Mightinesses a succor of at least 550,000 florins; adding, that if some favorable change does not take place, they will soon be obliged to have again recourse to their High Mightinesses."

This petition has been rendered commissorial.

These papers will sufficiently show Congress how much the trade of this country is affected by the war, and what discontents must arise from it. Yet the British Ministry are amusing the government with their delusive ideas of mediation, armistices, Congresses, peace, and anything to lay them asleep.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON TO JOHN ADAMS.

Philadelphia, October 23d, 1781.

Dear Sir,

The enclosed resolution will inform you that Congress have thought it advisable to new model their department of foreign affairs, by the appointment of a Secretary, through whose hands the communications with their Ministers abroad are to pass. Though they did me the honor to elect me so long since as August last, I but lately determined to accept, and did not enter upon business till two days ago, so that you must not expect those minute communications, which I shall think it my duty to make to you when I have had leisure to arrange my department, and to acquaint myself more fully with the sentiments of Congress, which must upon the whole be my direction.

I can only say in general, that we consider your situation as extremely delicate, the state you are in, divided by powerful parties, and the bias that every man has to his own country, naturally gives him a predilection for that which most favors its interests. But this, though the child of virtue, is often the greatest obstacle to successful negotiations; it creates distrust and jealousies; it excites prejudices, which unfit us for conciliating the affections of those whose assistance we require, and induce too fond a reliance upon the information of those who wish to serve us. Aristocratic governments are, of all others, the most jealous of popular commotions; the rich and the powerful are equally engaged to resist them, and nothing will, in my opinion, so soon contribute to a peace between England and the United Provinces as the commotions which now clog the government of the latter.

You must, Sir, be infinitely better acquainted with the interior of the State you are in than I can pretend to be, and I rely much on your information for light, which I cannot attain here. If I venture to give you my sentiments, it is with the hope that you will correct my errors when I have discovered them by my freedom.

The United Provinces appear to me one of those governments whose very constitution disposes them to peace; the ambition of making conquests, either is or ought to be unknown to them. A war for the extension of commerce is a solecism in politics, since the shocks that the established trade sustains, infinitely overbalance any new accession that may be made by it. War, then, while the true interest of the United Provinces is considered, will be the child of necessity. That necessity happily exists at present, and will exist till Great Britain ceases to be the tyrant of the ocean. We are greatly interested in its continuance; but let us always bear in mind that the moment Great Britain makes the sacrifices, which prudence and justice require, the United Provinces will be drawn by the interest of commerce and the love of peace to close with them. Their acknowledgment of our independence would be an important and a leading object. Success here, and the injustice and cruelty of the British may affect it, but do not let us appear to be dissatisfied if it is delayed. They have a right to judge for themselves; from the very nature of their government, they must be slow in determining. Every appearance of dissatisfaction on our part, gives room to the British to believe the United Provinces disinclined to us, and paves the way to negotiations, which may end in a peace, which we are so much interested in preventing.

Your first object, then, if I may venture my opinion, is to be well with the government; your second, to appear to be so, and to take no measures, which may bring upon you a public affront. You will naturally treat the friends we have with the politeness and attention that they justly merit, and even with that cordiality which your heart must feel for those who wish your country well, but your prudence will suggest to you to avoid giving offence to government, by the appearance of intrigue. I know nothing of the refinements of politics, nor do I wish to see them enter into our negotiations. Dignity of conduct, the resources of our country, and the value of our commerce, must render us respectable abroad. You will not fail to lay the foundation of your alliances in these, by displaying them in the strongest point of view. The spirit of injustice and cruelty, which characterise the English, must also afford you advantages, of which I dare say you avail yourself.

I make no apology for the length or freedom of this; it is of the last importance to you (and I am satisfied you will think it so,) to be intimately acquainted with the sentiments entertained on this side of the water. In return, Sir, you will let me know, minutely, everything that can in any way be of use to us, particularly if either of the belligerent powers takes measures that may tend to establish a partial or general peace. At your leisure, acquaint me with the interior of the government you are in, and everything else interesting, which you may learn relative to others. Remember that Ministers are yet to be formed in this country, and let them want no light, which your situation enables you to afford them.

I would submit it to you, whether it would not be most advisable to spend as much time as possible at the Hague, and to form connexions with the Ministers of the powers not interested in our affairs. They are frequently best informed, because least suspected, and while your public character is unacknowledged, and you can visit without the clog of ceremony, I should conceive it no difficult task to engage the friendship of some among them.

But it is time to let you breathe; this I shall do without closing my letter, reserving the remainder of it for the communication of the most agreeable intelligence you ever received from America. The enclosed prints will announce one important victory to you, and we are in hourly expectation of the particulars of another, which will enable you to open your negotiations this winter with the utmost advantage.

October 24th. I congratulate you, Sir, upon the pleasing intelligence which, agreeable to my hopes, I am enabled to convey to you; enclosed you have a letter from General Washington to Congress; the terms granted to Lord Cornwallis, his fleet and army, and the letters that passed previous to the surrender of both. I make no comments upon this event, but rely upon your judgment to improve it to the utmost; perhaps, this is the moment in which a loan may be opened with most advantage. The want of money is our weak side, and even in the high day of success we feel its pressure.

As you may not perhaps be fully acquainted with the steps that led to this important victory, I enclose also an extract of my last letter to Dr Franklin. The British fleet consisting of twentysix sail of the line, including three fifties as such, with five thousand land forces, and General Clinton himself on board, sailed the 19th for the relief of Cornwallis. Count de Grasse is also out with thirtyfour sail of the line. I shall keep this open as long as possible, from the hopes of communicating an interesting account of their meeting.

November 1st. I am under the necessity of closing this without being able to give you any other account of the fleets, than that the British have not yet returned to New York; nor are we certain that the Count de Grasse has yet left the Chesapeake. If anything in the nature of a Court calendar is published at the Hague, you will be pleased to send me one or two impressions of it, as it may be of use to us.

I am, Sir, &c.

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Amsterdam, October 25th, 1781.

Sir,

I see in the London Courant, which arrived today, an advertisement of a translation into English of the address to the people of the Netherlands; so that this work is likely to be translated into all languages, and read by all the world, notwithstanding the placards against it. I have before sent that of Utrecht; that of Holland is as follows.

"The States of Holland and of West Friesland, to all those who shall see these presents, or hear them read, Greeting. As it is come to our knowledge, that notwithstanding the placards and ordinances, from one time to another, issued against the impression and dissemination of seditious and slanderous writings, there has been lately dispersed in various places of this Province, a certain very seditious and slanderous libel, entitled Aan het Volk van Nederland, (To the People of the Low Countries) in which the supreme government of this country, his Most Serene Highness, our Lord the Prince Hereditary Stadtholder, as well as his illustrious predecessors, to whom under God, we are indebted for the foundation and maintenance of our Republic, as well as of its liberty, are calumniated in the most scandalous and enormous manner, and in which the good people are invited to an insurrection and to seditious commotions.

"For these causes, being desirous to make provision in this case, without derogating from our former placards against lampoons, and other defamatory and scandalous writings, issued from time to time, and in particular from our renovation of the 18th of January, 1691, and our placard of the 17th of March, 1754, we have thought fit for the discovery of the author or authors of the said seditious and slanderous libel, entitled Aan het Volk van Nederland, and of his or their accomplices, to promise a reward of a thousand ryders of gold, (fourteen thousand florins) to him who shall give the necessary indications by which the author, writer, or printer of the said libel, or all those who may have had a part in it in any other manner, may fall into the hands of justice, and may be convicted of the fact; and in case that the informer was an accomplice in it, we declare by these presents, that we will pardon him for whatever upon this occasion he may have done amiss against his sovereign; moreover, he shall also enjoy the reward in question, and his name shall not be pointed out, but kept secret.

"Forbidding, consequently, in the most solemn manner by these presents, every one of what estate, quality or condition soever he may be, to reprint in any manner the said seditious and slanderous libel, to distribute, scatter, or spread it, upon pain of the confiscation of the copies, and a fine of six thousand florins, besides at least, an everlasting banishment from the Province of Holland and West Friesland, which fine shall go, one third to the officer who shall make the seizure; another third to the informer; and the remaining third to the use of the poor of the place where the seizure shall be made. And whereas, some persons, to keep their unlawful practices concealed, may be tempted to pretend, that the libel in question had been addressed to them under a simple cover, they know not by whom, nor from what place, we ordain and decree, that all printers, booksellers, and moreover all and every one, to whom the said seditious and slanderous libel, entitled Aan het Volk van Nederland, may be sent, whether to be sold, given as a present, distributed, lent or read, shall be held to carry it forthwith; and deliver it to the officer or the magistrate of the place of their residence, or of the place where they may receive it, under penalty of being held for disseminators of it, and as such punished in the manner before pointed out. Ordaining most expressly to our Attorney-General, and to all our other officers, to execute strictly and exactly the present placard, according to the form and contents of it, without dissimulation or connivance, under pain of being deprived of their employments. And to the end, that no one may pretend cause of ignorance, but that every one may know how he ought to conduct himself in this regard, we order that these presents be published, and posted up everywhere, where it belongs, and where it is customary to do it.

"Done at the Hague, under the small seal of the country, the 19th of October, 1781. By order of the States.

C. CLOTTERBOOKE."

Such are the severe measures, which this government think themselves bound to take to suppress this libel. They will have, however, a contrary effect, and will make a pamphlet, which otherwise perhaps would have been known in a small circle, familiar to all Europe. The press cannot be restrained; all attempts of that kind in France and Holland are every day found to be ineffectual.

I consider the disputes in the city of Geneva as arising from the progress of democratical principles in Europe. I consider this libel as a demonstration that there is a party here, and a very numerous one, too, who are proselytes to democratical principles. Who and what has given rise to the assuming pride of the people, as it is called in Europe, in every part of which they have been so thoroughly abased? The American revolution. The precepts, the reasonings, and example of the United States of America, disseminated by the press through every part of the world, have convinced the understanding, and have touched the heart. When I say democratical principles, I do not mean that the world is about adopting simple democracies, for these are impracticable, but multitudes are convinced that the people should have a voice, a share, and be made an integral part; and that the government should be such a mixture, and such a combination of the powers of one, the few and the many, as is best calculated to check and control each other, and oblige all to co-operate in this one democratical principle, that the end of all government is the happiness of the people; and in this other, that the greatest happiness of the greatest number is the point to be obtained. These principles are now so widely spread, that despotisms, monarchies, and aristocracies must conform to them in some degree in practice, or hazard a total revolution in religion and government throughout all Europe. The longer the American war lasts, the more the spirit of American government will spread in Europe, because the attention of the world will be fixed there, while the war lasts. I have often wondered that the Sovereigns of Europe have not seen the danger to their authority, which arises from a continuance of this war. It is their interest to get it finished, that their subjects may no longer be employed in speculating about the principles of government.

The people of the Seven United Provinces appear to me of such a character, that they would make wild steerage at the first admission to any share in government; and whether any intimations of a desire of change at this time will not divide and weaken the nation, is a problem. I believe rather it will have a good effect, by convincing the government that they must exert themselves for the good of the people, to prevent them from exerting themselves in innovations.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Amsterdam, November 1st, 1781.

Sir,

It is still as problematical as ever, what is the political system of this Republic, and indeed whether it has any system at all. They talk much, and deliberate long, but execute nothing. By the violence with which they speak and write of each other, a stranger would think them ripe for a civil war. In the Assembly of the States of Guelderland, held to consider the requisition of the King of France of a negotiation of five millions of florins, under the warranty of the Republic, the debates were sustained with great warmth. Some were for an alliance with France. The Baron de Nagel, Senechal of Zutphen, evaded the putting of the question, and said among other things, "that he had rather acknowledge the independence of the Americans, than contract an alliance with France."

The Baron Van der Cappellen de Marsch, was for an alliance with France and America too. He observed, "that nothing being more natural, than to act in concert with the enemies of our enemy, it was an object of serious deliberation to see if the interest of the Republic did not require to accept, without further tergiversation, the invitations and offers of the Americans; that no condescension for England could hinder us at present from uniting ourselves against a common enemy, with a nation so brave and so virtuous, a nation, which, after our example, owes its liberty to its valor, and even at this moment, is employed in defending itself from the tyranny of the enemy of the two nations; that, consequently, nothing could restrain us from acknowledging the independence of this new Republic; that our conduct differed very much from that held by our ancestors, who allied themselves to the Portuguese, as soon as they shook off the yoke of the Spaniards; that there was no doubt that the said alliances with the enemies of our enemy would soon restrain his fury, and operate a general peace advantageous for us."

As this is the first opinion given openly, which has been published, in favor of acknowledging American independence, it deserves to be recorded, but it will be long, very long, before the Republic will be unanimously of this opinion.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON TO JOHN ADAMS.

Philadelphia, November 20th, 1781.

Sir,

Since my last of the 23d of October, nothing material has happened here, unless it be the return of Digby to New York, where he has relanded great part of his troops, and, as is said, proceeded to the West Indies with the fleet, though this is not fully ascertained. Nor have we any authentic account, that the Count de Grasse sailed from the Chesapeake on the 4th instant.

It gives me pleasure, however, to mention an incident to you, which shows how much the yeomanry of this country have improved in military discipline, and must defeat every hope that Britain entertains of conquering a country so defended. It has been the custom of the enemy to move a large body of troops every fall, from Canada to Ticonderoga, while a light corps, with a number of Indians, entered the State from the westward, and destroyed the frontier settlements, burning the houses and barns, and scalping the old men, women, and children. Last year, they effected the destruction of Scoharie, and most of the settlements on the Mohawk River, before the militia could assemble to oppose them. This year, a small body of State troops, drafted from the militia for three months, about sixty New Hampshire levies, part of the militia of the country, and forty Oneida Indians, to the number of four hundred and eighty in all, under the command of Colonel Willet, hastily collected, upon the report of the enemy's coming from the westward to oppose them, while the rest of the militia, and some Continental troops marched upon Hudson's River, (the enemy having about two thousand men at Ticonderoga.) Willet met the enemy, who consisted of a picked corps of British troops, to the amount of six hundred and six, besides a number of Indians and tories; he fought and defeated them twice with his militia, killed their leader, Major Ross, and young Butler, as is said, made a number of prisoners, and pursued them three days, till he had driven them into the thickest part of the wilderness, whence fatigue and want of provision will prevent many of them from returning. Those at Ticonderoga have remained inactive ever since.

It must be a mortifying circumstance to the proudest people in the world, to find themselves foiled, not only by the American regular troops, but by the rough undisciplined militia of the country.

Admiral Zoutman's combat must also, I should imagine, have some effect in humbling their pride, and, what is of more consequence, in raising the spirits of the Dutch.

We find from your letters, as well as from other accounts of the United Provinces, that they are divided into powerful parties for and against the war, and we are sorry to see some of the most distinguished names among what you call the Anglomanes. But your letters leave us in the dark relative to the principles and views of each party, which is no small inconvenience to us, as we know not how to adapt our measures to them. It is so important to the due execution of your mission, to penetrate the views of all parties, without seeming to be connected with either, that I have no doubt you have insinuated yourself into the good graces and confidence of the leaders, and that you can furnish the information we require; you may be persuaded no ill use will be made of any you give, and that it is expected from you.

We learn from M. Dumas, that you have presented your credentials to the States-General; we are astonished, that you have not written on so important a subject, and developed the principle, that induced you to declare your public character before the States were disposed to acknowledge it. There is no doubt from your known prudence and knowledge of the world, that some peculiarity in your situation, or that of the politics and parties in the United Provinces, furnished you with the reasons, that overbalanced the objections to the measure, which arise from the humiliating light in which it places us. Congress would, I believe, wish to have them explained, and particularly your reason for printing your Memorial. I may form improper ideas of the government, interest, and policy of the United Provinces, but I frankly confess, that I have no hope, that they will recognise us as an independent State, and embarrass themselves in making their wished for peace, with our affairs. What inducements can we hold out to them? They know, that our own interest will lead us to trade with them, and we do not propose to purchase their alliance, by giving them any exclusive advantage in commerce.

Your business, therefore, I think lies in a very narrow compass; it is to conciliate the affection of the people, to place our cause in the most advantageous light, to remove the prejudices, that Britain may endeavor to excite, to discover the views of the different parties, to watch every motion, that leads to peace between England and the United Provinces, and to get the surest aid of government in procuring a loan, which is almost the only thing wanting, to render our affairs respectable at home and abroad. To these objects I am satisfied you pay the strictest attention, because I am satisfied no man has more the interest of his country at heart, or is better acquainted with its wants. As our objects in Holland must be very similar to those of France, I should suppose it would be prudent for you to keep up the closest connexion with her Minister; to advise with him on great leading objects, and to counteract his opinion only upon the most mature deliberation.

You were informed, before I came into office, that Mr Jay and Mr Franklin are joined in commission with you, and have received copies of the instructions, that Congress have given their commissioners; this whole business being terminated before I came down, I make no observations upon it, lest I should not enter fully into the views of Congress, and by that means help to mislead you in so important a subject. I enclose you a resolution, discharging the commission for establishing a Commercial Treaty with Britain. This also being a business of long standing, I for the same reason, transmit it without any observations thereon.

I would recommend it to you, to be, in your language and conduct, a private gentleman. This will give you many advantages in making connexions, that will be lost on your insisting upon the assumption of a public character, and the rather, as this sentiment prevails generally among the members of Congress, though, for reasons of delicacy with respect to you, I have not chosen to ask the sense of Congress, to whom it is my sincere wish, as well as my leading object, in the free letters I wrote you, to enable you to render your measures acceptable. A number of your letters, written last winter and spring, have this moment come to hand.

This letter will be sent to Europe by the Marquis de Lafayette, who has obtained leave of absence during the winter season. He wishes to correspond with you, and as from his connexion, his understanding, and attachment to this country he may be serviceable to you, I would wish you to write as freely to him, as you conceive those considerations may render prudent.

I have the honor to be, &c.

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

TO THE DUC DE LA VAUGUYON, AMBASSADOR OF FRANCE AT THE HAGUE.

Amsterdam, November 24th, 1781.

Mr Adams presents his most respectful compliments to his Excellency the Duc de la Vauguyon, and begs leave to acquaint him, that by the last night's post he received from Congress some important despatches, which it is his duty to communicate to the Ambassador of France. Mr Adams requests his Excellency to inform him, what hour will be most convenient for him to wait on him at the Arms of Amsterdam. Meantime, he most sincerely congratulates his Excellency on the glorious news from America by the Duc de Lauzun, of the surrender of Lord Cornwallis with his whole army, to the arms of the allies.

This card I sent by my secretary Mr Thaxter. The Duke returned for answer, that he would call upon me at my house, between twelve and one, to congratulate me on the news from America. Accordingly about one, he came and spent with me about an hour and a half.

I communicated to him my fresh instructions, and agreed to send him a copy of them tomorrow or next day, by the post waggon (chariot-de-poste.) He said he had not received any instructions from Versailles, upon the subject; but might receive some by next Tuesday's post. He asked me, what step I proposed to take in consequence of these instructions? I answered none, but with his participation and approbation; that I would be always ready to attend him at the Hague, or elsewhere, for the purpose of the most candid and confidential consultations, &c. He said that he thought that the subject was very well seen (très bien vû) and the measure very well concerted, (très bien combiné) and that it would have a good effect at this time, to counteract the artifice of the British Ministry, in agreeing to the mediation of Russia, for a separate peace with this Republic.

RESOLVES OF CONGRESS, COMPRISING THE INSTRUCTIONS TO JOHN ADAMS.

In Congress, August 16th, 1781.

On the Report of the Committee, to whom was recommitted their report on the communications from the Honorable the Minister of France, and who are instructed to report instructions to the Honorable John Adams, respecting a Treaty of Alliance with the United Provinces of the Netherlands,

Resolved, That the Minister Plenipotentiary of these United States at the Court of Versailles, be directed to inform His Most Christian Majesty, that the tender of his endeavors to accomplish a coalition between the United Provinces of the Netherlands, and these States, has been received by Congress, as a fresh proof of his solicitude for their interests. That previous to the communication of this His Most Christian Majesty's friendly purpose, Congress, impressed with the importance of such a connexion, had confided to Mr John Adams full powers to enter, on the part of the United States, into a Treaty of Amity and Commerce with the United Provinces, with a special instruction to conform himself therein to the treaties subsisting between His Most Christian Majesty and the United States. That Congress do, with pleasure, accept His Most Christian Majesty's interposition, and will transmit further powers to their Minister at the Hague, to form a Treaty of Alliance between His Most Christian Majesty, the United Provinces, and the United States, having for its object, and limited in its duration to, the present war with Great Britain. That he will be enjoined to confer, on all occasions, in the most confidential manner, with His Most Christian Majesty's Minister, at the Hague; and that provisional authority will also be sent to admit his Catholic Majesty as a party.

Resolved, That the Minister Plenipotentiary of these United States at the Hague, be, and he is hereby instructed to propose a Treaty of Alliance between His Most Christian Majesty, the United Provinces of the Netherlands, and the United States of America, having for its object, and limited in its duration to, the present war with Great Britain, and conformed to the treaties subsisting between His Most Christian Majesty and the United States.

That the indispensable conditions of the Alliance be, that their High Mightinesses, the States-General of the United Provinces of the Netherlands, shall expressly recognise the sovereignty and independence of the United States of America, absolute and unlimited, as well in matters of government as of commerce. That the war with Great Britain shall be made a common cause, each party exerting itself according to its discretion in the most effectual hostility against the common enemy; and that no party shall conclude either truce or peace with Great Britain, without the formal consent of the whole first obtained; nor lay down their arms, until the sovereignty and independence of these United States shall be formally or tacitly assured by Great Britain, in a Treaty, which shall terminate the war.

That the said Minister be, and he hereby is further instructed, to unite the two Republics by no stipulations of offence, nor guaranty any possessions of the United Provinces. To inform himself, from the Minister of these United States at the Court of Spain, of the progress of his negotiations at the said Court; and if an alliance shall have been entered into between his Catholic Majesty and these United States, to invite his Catholic Majesty into the Alliance herein intended; if no such alliance shall have been formed, to receive his Catholic Majesty, should he manifest a disposition to become a party to the alliance herein intended, according to the instructions given to the said Minister at the Court of Spain.

That in all other matters, not repugnant to these instructions, the said Minister at the Hague do use his best discretion.

Resolved, That the Minister Plenipotentiary of these United States at the Hague, be, and he hereby is instructed to confer in the most confidential manner with His Most Christian Majesty's Minister there.

Ordered, That the foregoing resolutions be communicated to our Ministers at the Courts of Versailles and Madrid, that they may furnish every information and aid in their power to our Minister at the Hague, in the accomplishment of this business.

Resolved, That the following commission be issued to Mr John Adams, for the purpose aforesaid.

The United States in Congress assembled, to all who shall see these presents, send, greeting.

Whereas a union of the force of the several powers engaged in the war against Great Britain may have a happy tendency to bring the said war to a speedy and favorable issue; and it being the desire of these United States to form an alliance between them and the United Provinces of the Netherlands; know ye, therefore, that we, confiding in the integrity, prudence, and ability of the Honorable John Adams, have nominated, constituted, and appointed, and by these presents do nominate, constitute, and appoint him, the said John Adams, our Minister Plenipotentiary, giving him full powers, general and special, to act in that quality, to confer, treat, agree, and conclude, with the person or persons vested with equal powers, by His Most Christian Majesty, and their High Mightinesses, the States-General of the United Provinces of the Netherlands, of and concerning a Treaty of Alliance between His Most Christian Majesty, the United Provinces of the Netherlands, and the United States of America; and whatever shall be so agreed and concluded for us, and in our name, to sign, and thereupon to make such treaty, convention, and agreements as he shall judge conformable to the ends we have in view; hereby promising, in good faith, that we will accept, ratify, and execute, whatever shall be agreed, concluded, and signed by him our said Minister.

In witness whereof we have caused these presents to be signed by our President, and sealed with his seal.

Done at Philadelphia, this sixteenth day of August, in the year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and eightyone; and in the sixth year of our independence, by the United States in Congress assembled.

THOMAS M'KEAN, President.

TO THE DUC DE LA VAUGUYON,

Amsterdam, November 25th, 1781.

Sir,

I have the honor to enclose to your Excellency a copy of the fresh instructions of Congress of the 16th of August last, which I received by the post on the 23d instant. I have also received a further commission from Congress, with full powers to confer, treat, agree, and conclude, with the person or persons vested, with equal powers by His Most Christian Majesty, and their High Mightinesses, the States-General of the United Provinces of the Netherlands, of and concerning a Treaty of Alliance between His Most Christian Majesty, the United Provinces of the Netherlands, and the United States of America.

This measure was apparently concerted between the Congress and the French Minister residing near them, and seems to be very happily adapted to the present times and circumstances.

I beg leave to assure your Excellency, that I shall be at all times ready to attend you, at the Hague, or elsewhere, to confer with you, in the most entire confidence, respecting this negotiation, and shall take no material step in it, without your approbation and advice.

There are three ways of proposing this business to their High Mightinesses; 1st, your Excellency may alone propose it in the name of His Most Christian Majesty; 2dly, it may be proposed jointly by the Minister of his Majesty, and the Minister of the United States; or 3dly, it may be proposed by the Minister of the United States alone, and as a consequence of his former proposal of a Treaty of Commerce. I beg leave to submit these three measures, to your Excellency's consideration, and shall very cheerfully comply with any, which you may most approve.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS

TO JOHN JAY, AMERICAN MINISTER AT MADRID.

Amsterdam, November 26th, 1781.

Sir,

By the last post, I received from L'Orient a set of fresh instructions from Congress, dated the 16th of August, and with the more pleasure, as I am enjoined to open a correspondence with your Excellency upon the subject of them.

I presume you have a copy by the same vessel; but as it is possible it may have been omitted, I shall venture to enclose a copy, and hope it may pass unopened. I have communicated it to the French Ambassador here, who says it is "très bien vû; très bien combiné." I shall take no step in it, without his knowledge and approbation. I shall hope for your Excellency's communications as soon as convenient.

The Dutch have an inclination to ally themselves to France and America, but they have many whimsical fears, and are much embarrassed with party quarrels. In time, I hope, they will agree better with one another, and see their true interests more clearly. This measure of Congress is very well timed.

I congratulate you on the glorious news of the surrender of Cornwallis. Some are of opinion it will produce a Congress at Vienna; but I cannot be of that sentiment. The English must have many more humiliations before they will agree to meet us upon equal terms, or upon any terms, that we can approve.

What is the true principle of the policy of Spain, in delaying so long to declare themselves explicitly? Her delay has a bad effect here.

Mr Dana has been gone northward these four months, but I have no letters from him. Whether the post is unfaithful, or whether he chooses to be talked about as little as possible at present, which I rather suspect, I do not know.

My respects to Mr Carmichael, and to your family, if you please.

With great esteem, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

TO B. FRANKLIN

Amsterdam, November 26th, 1781.

Sir,

I presume you have a copy from Congress of their instructions to me of the 16th of August; but, as it is possible it may be otherwise, I have enclosed one. I have communicated them to the Duc de la Vauguyon. I shall do nothing in the business without communicating it beforehand to him, with the most entire confidence, and receiving his approbation and advice. He informs me, that he has not yet received any instructions from his Court respecting it.

These instructions have arrived at a very proper time to counteract another insidious trick of the British Ministry, in agreeing to the mediation of Russia for a separate peace with Holland.

With unfeigned joy I congratulate your Excellency on the glorious news of the surrender of Cornwallis to the arms of the allies. How easy a thing would it be to bring this war to a happy conclusion, if Spain and Holland would adopt the system of France, and co-operate in it with the same honor and sincerity. There is nothing wanting but a constant naval superiority in the West Indies, and on the coast of the United States, to obtain triumphs upon triumphs over the English, in all quarters of the globe. The allies now carry on the war in America with an infinite advantage over the English, whose infatuation, nevertheless, will continue to make them exhaust themselves there, to the neglect of all their possessions in other parts of the world.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

TO JOHN JAY.

Amsterdam, November 28th, 1781.

Sir,

I had the honor to write to you on the 26th instant by the post, a conveyance which I am determined to try until I am certainly informed of its infidelity; in which case I will ask the favor of the French or Spanish Ambassador, to enclose my despatches.

I received, by the last post, a duplicate of despatches from Congress, the originals of which I received some time ago. I presume you have received the same from Congress, or from Passy; but, if otherwise, I will enclose in a future letter a commission and instructions for assisting at the conferences for peace, at Vienna or elsewhere, whenever they may take place. In this commission, Congress have added Mr Franklin, President Laurens, your Excellency, and Mr Jefferson; a measure which has taken off my mind a vast load, which, if I had ever at any time expected I should be called to sustain alone, would have been too heavy for my forces.

The capture of Cornwallis and his army is the most masterly measure, both in the conception and execution, which has been taken this war. When France and Spain shall consider the certain triumphant success, which will ever attend them while they maintain a naval superiority in the West Indies and on the coast of North America, it is to be hoped, they will never depart from that policy. Many here are of opinion, that this event will bring peace; but I am not of that mind, although it is very true that there are distractions in the British Cabinet, a formidable faction against Lord G. Germain, and, it is said, the Bedford party are determined to move for peace.

Our late triumphs have had an effect here. I have received several visits of congratulation, in consequence of them, from persons of consequence, from whom I did not expect them. But they are invisible fairies, who disconcert in the night all the operations of the patriots in the day.

There will, probably, be a proposal soon of a triple alliance between France, America, and Holland. If Spain would join, and make it quadruple, it would be so much the better.

General Green's last action in South Carolina, in consequence of which, that State and Georgia have both re-established their governments, is quite as glorious for the American arms as the capture of Cornwallis. The action was supported even by the militia, with a noble constancy. The victory on our side was complete, and the English lost twelve hundred men.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Amsterdam, December 4th, 1781.

Sir,

I have received those instructions, with which I was honored by Congress on the 16th of August, and communicated them forthwith to the French Ambassador, to their High Mightinesses, and to the American Ministers at Versailles and Madrid.[5] The Duc de la Vauguyon was of opinion, that they were very well considered and very well timed, to counteract another trait of British policy, in agreeing to the mediation of Russia for a separate peace with Holland. The British Ministry mean only to aid the stocks, and lull the Dutch.

There is no longer any talk of a Congress at Vienna. The late news of General Washington's triumphs in Virginia, and of the friendly and effectual aid of the Counts de Rochambeau and de Grasse, have made a great impression here, and all over Europe. I shall punctually observe my instructions, and consult in perfect confidence with the Duc de la Vauguyon, in the execution of my late commission. A quadruple alliance, for the duration of the war, would, probably, soon bring it to a conclusion; but the Dutch are so indolent, so divided, so animated with party spirit, and above all so entirely in the power of their Chief, that it is very certain that they will take the proposition ad referendum immediately, and then deliberate upon it a long time.

This nation is not blind; it is bound and cannot get loose. There is great reason to fear, that they will be held inactive, until they are wholly ruined. Cornwallis' fate, however, has somewhat emboldened them, and I have received unexpected visits of congratulation from several persons of note; and there are appearances of a growing interest in favor of an alliance with France and America. If I were now to make the proposition, I think it would have a great effect. I must, however, wait for the approbation of the Duke, and he, perhaps, for instructions from Versailles, and, indeed, a little delay will perhaps do no harm, but give opportunity to prepare the way. The general cry at this time in pamphlets and public papers, is for an immediate connexion with France and America.

The consent of Zealand is expected immediately to the loan of five millions for his Most Christian Majesty. My loan rests as it was, at a few thousand guilders, which, by the advice of Dr Franklin, I reserve for the relief of our countrymen, who escape from prison in England in distress. I have ordered a hundred pounds for President Laurens in the Tower, at the earnest solicitation of his daughter, who is in France, and of some of his friends in England; but for further supplies have referred them to Dr Franklin. I some time since had an intimation that the British Ministry were endeavoring to form secret contracts with traitorous Americans to supply the masts for the royal navy. According to my information, the British navigation in all parts of the world is at present distressed for masts, especially those of the largest size. Congress will take such measures as to their wisdom shall appear proper to prevent Americans from this wicked and infamous commerce, I wrote to Dr Franklin upon the subject, who communicated my letter, as I requested, at Court, and his Excellency supposes that the Count de Vergennes will write to Congress, or to the Chevalier de la Luzerne upon the subject.

The Continental goods left here by Commodore Gillon, are detained for freight and damages, and very unjustly as I conceive. I am doing all in my power to obtain possession of them, and send them to America, or dispose of them here, at as little loss as possible, according to the desire and advice of Dr Franklin. It is not necessary to trouble Congress to read a volume of letters upon the subject of these goods. All that can be done by me, has been and shall be done to save the public interest. This piece of business has been managed as ill as any that has ever been done for Congress in Europe, whether it is owing to misfortune, want of skill, or anything more disagreeable.

The Court of Russia does not at present appear to be acting that noble part, which their former conduct gave cause to expect. Mr Dana is at Petersburg, but he prudently avoids writing. If he sees no prospect of advantage in staying there, he will be very silent, I believe, and not stay very long.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

THE DUC DE LA VAUGUYON TO JOHN ADAMS.

Translation.

The Hague, December 7th, 1781.

Sir,

I have received the letter you did me the honor to write me, and the copy of the resolutions of Congress, of the 16th of August last. I flatter myself, that you will not doubt of my zeal to concert with you the ulterior measures, which they may require, as soon as the King has authorised me. But until his Majesty has transmitted to me his orders on this point, I can only repeat to you the assurances of my zeal for everything interesting to the common cause of France and North America, and the peculiar satisfaction I shall derive from my connexions with you in all circumstances.

I have the honor to be, &c.

DE LA VAUGUYON.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Amsterdam, December 13th, 1781.

Sir,

The answer of my Lord Stormont to M. Simolin is as follows.

"The alliance, which has subsisted so many years between Great Britain and the States-General, has always been considered by his Majesty as a connexion founded on the most natural relations, and which was not only conformable to the interests of the two nations, but as essential to their mutual well-being. The King has done everything on his part to maintain these connexions and to strengthen them; and if the conduct of their High Mightinesses had been answerable to that of his Majesty, they would have subsisted at this hour in all their force. But from the commencement of the present troubles, the single return with which the Republic has requited the constant friendship of the King, has been the renunciation of the principles of an alliance, the primary object of which was the mutual defence of the two nations; an obstinate refusal to fulfil the most sacred obligations; a daily violation of the most solemn treaties; an assistance given to those very enemies against whom the King had a right to demand succor; an asylum granted to American pirates in the ports of Holland, in public violation of the clearest stipulations; and to fill up the measure, a denial of justice and of satisfaction for the affront offered to the dignity of the King by a secret league with his rebel subjects.

"All these accumulated grievances have not permitted the King to act any other part, than that which he has taken with the most sensible reluctance. When we laid before the public the motives which had rendered this rupture inevitable, the King attributed the conduct of the Republic to its true cause, viz. the unfortunate influence of a faction, which sacrificed the interest of the nation to private views; but the King at the same time manifested the sincerest desire to be able to draw back the Republic to a system of strict union, efficacious alliance and reciprocal protection, which has so greatly contributed to the well-being and to the glory of the two nations.

"When the Empress of Russia offered her good offices to effectuate a reconciliation by a particular peace, the King testified his gratitude for this fresh proof of a friendship, which is to him so precious, and avoided to expose the mediation of her Majesty to the danger of a fruitless negotiation; he explained the reasons which convinced him, that in the then prevailing disposition of the Republic, governed by a faction, any reconciliation during the war with France, would be but a reconciliation in appearance, and would give to the party which rule in the Republic, an opportunity to re-assume the part of a secret auxiliary of all the King's enemies, under the mask of a feigned alliance with Great Britain. But if there are certain indications of an alteration in this disposition; if the powerful intervention of her Imperial Majesty can accomplish this change, and reclaim the Republic to principles, which the wisest part of the nation has never abandoned; his Majesty will be ready to treat of a separate peace with their High Mightinesses; and he hopes that the Empress of all the Russias may be the sole mediatrix of this peace. She was the first to offer her good offices; and an intervention so efficacious and so powerful as her's, cannot gain in weight and influence by the accession of the most respectable allies. The friendship of the Empress towards the two nations, the interest which her empire has in their reciprocal welfare, her known impartiality, and her elevated views, are so many securities for the manner in which she will conduct this salutary work, and in a negotiation, which has for its end the termination of a war, caused by the violation of treaties, and an affront offered to the Crown of a King, his Majesty refers himself with equal satisfaction and confidence to the mediation of a Sovereign, who holds sacred the faith of treaties, who knows so well the value of the dignity of Sovereigns, and who has maintained her own, during her glorious reign, with so much firmness and grandeur."

Thus the mediation of Russia is accepted, and that of Sweden and Denmark refused. The instructions of Congress and their new commission of last August are arrived in most happy time, to counteract this insidious manœuvre, and I hope the Duc de la Vauguyon will receive his instructions on the same subject before it be too late.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Amsterdam, December 14th, 1781.

Sir,

The first public body, which has proposed a connexion with the United States, is the Quarter of Oostergo, in the Province of Friesland. The proposition is in these words;

"Every impartial patriot has a long time perceived, that in the direction of affairs relative to this war with England, there has been manifested an inconceivable lukewarmness and sloth; but they discover themselves still more at this moment, by the little inclination which in general the Regencies of the Belgic Provinces testify to commence a treaty of commerce and friendship with the new Republic of the Thirteen United States of North America; and to contract engagements, at least during the continuance of this common war with the Crowns of France and Spain. Nevertheless, the necessity of these measures appears clearly, since according to our judgments, nothing was more natural, nor more conformable to sound policy, founded upon the laws of nature the most precise, than that this Republic immediately after the formal declaration of war by the English, (not being yet able to do anything by military exploits, not being in a state of defence sufficiently respectable to dare at sea to oppose one fleet or squadron to our perfidious enemy,) should have commenced by acknowledging, by a public declaration, the independence of North America.

"This would have been from that time the greatest step to the humiliation of England, and our own re-establishment, and by this measure, the Republic would have proved her firm resolution to act with vigor. Every one of our inhabitants, all Europe, who have their eyes fixed upon us, the whole world expected, with just reason, this measure from the Republic. It is true, that before the formal declaration of war by England, one might perhaps have alleged some plausible reasons to justify in some degree the backwardness in this great and interesting affair. But, as at present Great Britain is no longer our secret, but our declared enemy, which dissolves all the connexions between the two nations; and as it is the duty not only of all the Regencies, but also of all the citizens of this Republic to reduce by all imaginable annoyances this enemy, so unjust to reason, and to force him if possible, to conclude an honorable peace; why should we hesitate any longer to strike, by this measure so reasonable, the most sensible blow to the common enemy? Will not this delay occasion a suspicion, that we prefer the interest of our enemy, to that of our country? North America, so sensibly offended by the refusal of her offer; France and Spain, in the midst of a war supported with activity, must they not regard us as the secret friends and favorers of their and our common enemy? Have they not reason to conclude from it, that our inaction ought to be less attributed to our weakness, than to our affection for England? Will not this opinion destroy all confidence in our nation heretofore so renowned in this respect? And our allies, at this time natural, must they not imagine, that it is better to have in us declared enemies, than pretended friends; and shall we not be involved in a ruinous war, which we might have rendered advantageous, if it had been well directed?

"While, on the other hand, it is evident that by a new connexion with the States of North America, by engagements at least during this war with France and Spain, we shall obtain not only the confidence of these formidable powers instead of their distrust, but by this means we shall, moreover, place our Colonies in safety against every insult; we shall have a well-grounded hope of recovering with the aid of the allied powers, our lost possessions, if the English should make themselves masters of them, and our commerce, at present neglected and so shamefully pillaged, would reassume a new vigor, considering that in such case as it is manifestly proved by solid reasons, this Republic would derive from this commerce the most signal advantages. But since our interest excites us forcibly to act in concert with the enemies of our enemy; since the Thirteen United States of North America invited us to it long ago; since France appears inclined to concert her military operations with ours, although this power has infinitely less interest to ally itself with us, whose weakness manifests itself in so palpable a manner than we are to form an alliance the most respectable in the universe; it is indubitably the duty of every regency to promote it with all its forces, and with all the celerity imaginable.

"To this effect we have thought it our duty to lay before your Noble Mightinesses, in the firm persuasion that the zeal of your Noble Mightinesses will be as earnest as ours, to concur to the accomplishment of this point, which is for us of the greatest importance; that consequently, your Noble Mightinesses will not delay to co-operate with us, that upon this important object there may be made to their High Mightinesses a proposition so vigorous, that it may have the desired success; and that this affair, of an importance beyond all expression for our common country, may be resolved and decided by unanimous suffrages, and in preference to every particular interest."

M. Van der Capellan de Marsch was the first individual who ventured to propose in public a treaty with the United States, and the Quarter of Oostergo the first public body. This, indeed, is but a part of one branch of the sovereignty. But these motions will be honored by posterity. The whole Republic must follow. It is necessitated to it by a mechanism, as certain as clockwork; but its operations are and will be studiously and zealously slow. It will be a long time before the measure can be completed.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Amsterdam, December 18th, 1781.

Sir,

Having received an invitation to the Hague, in order to have some conversation with some gentlemen in the government, concerning the further steps proper for me to take in the present conjuncture, I had determined to have undertaken the journey today; but the arrival in town of the Duc de la Vauguyon, determined me to postpone it until tomorrow.

At noon, today, his Excellency did me the honor of a visit, and a long conversation upon the state of affairs at my house. He informed me, that upon the communication I had made to him, when he was here last, in person, and afterwards by letter, of my new commission and instructions, he had written to the Count de Vergennes; that he had explained to that Minister his own sentiments, and expected an answer. His own idea is, that I should go to the Hague in some week, when there is a President whose sentiments and disposition are favorable, and demand an answer to my former proposition, and afterwards, that I should go round to the cities of Holland, and apply to the several Regencies.

He thinks that I may now assume a higher tone, which the late Cornwallization will well warrant. I shall, however, take care not to advance too fast, so as to be unable to retreat. His advice is, to go to the Hague tomorrow, and meet the gentlemen who wish to see me there; this I shall do.

I have been very happy hitherto, in preserving an entire good understanding with this Minister, and nothing shall ever be wanting on my part, to deserve his confidence and esteem.

I have transmitted by two opportunities, one by Captain Trowbridge, from hence, another by Dr Dexter by the way of France, despatches from Mr Dana, at Petersburg, by which Congress will perceive that material advantages will arise from that gentleman's residence in that place, whether he soon communicates his mission to that Court or not.

The English papers, which I forward by this opportunity, will inform Congress of the state of things and parties in England. The Ministry talk of a new system. Perhaps they may attempt Rhode Island once more in exchange for Charleston, and try their skill in intercepting our trade.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

TO THE DUC DE LA VAUGUYON.

The Hague, December 19th, 1781.

Sir,

It has been insinuated to me, that the Spanish Ambassador here has instructions from his Court to enter into a negotiation with their High Mightinesses, concerning an alliance between Spain and the Republic. If this fact has come to your Excellency's knowledge, and there is no inconvenience nor impropriety in communicating it to me, I should be very much obliged to you for the information; not from curiosity merely, but for my government, in the steps I may have to take.

By my late instructions, of which your Excellency has a copy, I am to inform myself concerning the progress of American negotiations at the Court of Spain, and, if an alliance shall have been entered into between his Catholic Majesty and the United States, to invite his Catholic Majesty into the alliance proposed between France, their High Mightinesses, and the Congress. If no such alliance shall have been formed, to receive his Catholic Majesty, should he manifest a disposition to become a party, &c.

Congress have wisely enjoined it upon me, to confer in the most confidential manner with your Excellency, and I have made it a law to myself, to take no material step in this negotiation without your approbation; but my instructions seem to make it necessary to take some measures, at least, to sound the disposition of the Spanish Ambassador. I would, therefore, beg leave to propose to your consideration, and to request your opinion, whether you think it advisable for me to do myself the honor of making a visit to the Spanish Ambassador, and communicating to him the substance of my instructions, as far as it relates to the Court of Madrid; or whether it would be better to communicate it by letter; or whether your Excellency will be so good as to take upon yourself this communication, and inform me of the result of it?

I am advised here to wait on the President of their High Mightinesses as soon as possible, and demand a categorical answer to my former proposition, and then to wait on the Grand Pensionary and Mr Secretary Fagel, and, in turn, upon the Pensionaries of all the cities of Holland, to inform them of the demand made to the President. But I submit to your consideration, whether it will not be expedient to communicate the project of a triple or quadruple alliance to some confidential members of the States; as to the Pensionary of Dort, Haerlem, and Amsterdam, for example, with permission to them to communicate it, where they shall think it necessary, in order to give more weight to my demand?

The Court of Great Britain are manifestly availing themselves of the mediation of Russia, in order to amuse this Republic, and restrain it from exerting itself in the war, and forming connexions with the other belligerent powers, without intending to make peace with her upon any conditions, which would not be ruinous to her. It is, therefore, of the last importance to Holland, as well as of much consequence to the other belligerent powers, to draw her out of the snare, which one should think might be now easily done by a proposition of a triple or quadruple alliance.

Tomorrow morning at ten, I propose to do myself the honor of waiting on your Excellency, if that hour is agreeable, in order to avail myself more particularly of your sentiments upon these points.

In the meantime, I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

THE DUC DE LA VAUGUYON TO JOHN ADAMS.

Translation.

The Hague, December 20th, 1781.

Sir,

I have received the letter you did me the honor to address me. I shall be impatient to converse with you on the subject to which it relates, and shall expect to see you at ten o'clock tomorrow morning, as you desire.

Receive, Sir, my renewed assurances of the profound respect with which I have the honor to be, &c.

DE LA VAUGUYON.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Amsterdam, December 25th, 1781.

Sir,

There has appeared an ulterior declaration, in addition to the ordinances of the 30th of April and the 3d of November, concerning the navigation and the maritime commerce of the subjects of Prussia during the present war.

"The ordinances, which the King has caused to be published of the 30th of April and 3d of November of this year, have, in truth, already prescribed to the subjects of his Majesty, the manner in which they ought, for their greatest safety, to direct their navigation and their commerce; nevertheless, as several doubts have arisen in this regard, his Majesty, in order to obviate them, and to direct his subjects who trade by sea, has thought fit to establish, ordain, and declare, as follows.

"Article i. It cannot be doubted, and it is understood, that the Prussian vessels, which have put to sea before the publication of the ordinance of the 3d of November, and which, by consequence, could not be furnished with passports expedited by the Minister of foreign affairs, which are therein prescribed, cannot be taken or molested, by reason of the want of such passports, but that the passports heretofore in use, which they have taken at their departure, ought to have, until their return, their force and value, and to procure them, until that time, a sufficient security. To remove, however, still more effectually, all difficulties, which might exist in this regard, the obligation to furnish themselves with immediate passports from Berlin, is not to commence until after the 1st of January, 1782, to the end that every one may have time to take his measures in consequence.

"Art. ii. It is repeated and ordained, that small vessels, which do not carry more than fifty lasts, as well as those which navigate only in the Baltic Sea, and in the North Sea, and which do not pass the Channel, which separates France and England, are not obliged, at least if they do not themselves think it proper, to take passports from Berlin; but to gain time, it is permitted to them to take them as heretofore, at their convenience, from the Admiralties, the Chambers of War, and of the Domains of each Province, and from the magistrates of the cities. In consequence of which, it is ordained to these Colleges in the most express manner, not to grant these passports but to the real and actual subjects of the King, with the greatest precaution, providing carefully against all abuses which may be made of them, and observing strictly the ordinances published upon this object. The end which his Majesty proposed to himself in publishing the declaration of the 3d of November, has been, and is, singly, to procure to Prussian vessels, which navigate beyond the Channel in the ocean or the Atlantic Sea, and which carry their commerce into these distant seas and regions, a safety so much the greater against all prejudicial accidents, in causing to be expedited to them passports by his Minister of Foreign Affairs, who, by his knowledge of the state of public affairs, is the most in a condition to take the necessary precautions.

"Art. iii. The navigators, not being able to send to Berlin complete bills of lading of the cargoes of their vessels, before they are entirely loaded, there is not required of those who have occasion for immediate passports of the Court, any other thing, except that they produce certificates, and general attestations from the Admiralties, the Chambers of Domains, or the magistrates of the cities, concerning the property of the vessel, and when the passport should express also the cargo, concerning the quality of the cargo, that is to say, in what it consists; which is sufficient to judge, whether the merchandises are lawful, and whether the passports requested can be granted. The bills of lading, and complete and specific attestations of the quantity of each merchandise may be expedited as heretofore, in the usual manner, to places where the loading is made by the Admiralties, the Chambers of Finances, or the magistrates of the cities.

"Art. iv. In the ordinance of the 30th of April, his Majesty has been pleased, to encourage his subjects to the national commerce, to advise them to engage in maritime commerce as much as possible upon their own account, and with their own merchandises; and it has been established in consequence, in the declaration of the 3d of November, that to obtain passports from the Court, it was necessary to prove, by requisite certificates, that the owners both of the vessel and the cargo were Prussian subjects; nevertheless, all this was done properly in the form of advice, and to render them so much the more attentive to the precautions which they ought to take; it is not, for this the less free and lawful to the subjects of the King, who have obtained requisite passports, to transport also in their vessels, in conformity to the ordinance of the 30th of April, to places and ports which are not besieged, nor close blocked, merchandises and effects belonging to foreign nations, and even to belligerent nations, provided that these merchandises are of the nature of those, which, according to the 2d article of the declaration of the 30th of April, and conformably to the customs and rights of nations, are permitted and not of contraband; his Majesty will not fail to protect them, in such cases according to the principles which he has adopted and established in this regard with other powers, allies, and friends, and he has judged necessary to declare all which goes before, for preventing all abusive interpretation of the declaration of the 3d of November.

"Art. v. The captains and commanders of Prussian vessels ought, when they arrive in ports or places, where reside consuls of the King, to present to them their passports, and demand of them attestations, which certify that their vessels are still furnished with passports expedited to them.

"Art. vi. The commanders of these vessels would do well also, to take with them the ordinances of the 30th of April and the 3d of November, and the present declaration, to follow so much the better the precepts of it, and to be able, in case of need, to show them, and justify their conduct by them. Nevertheless, those two ordinances, as well as this, which renews them and serves to explain them, have not been published but for the direction of Prussian subjects, who exercise navigation and maritime commerce; and in cases even where they may fail in some point of their observation, and where they may not be furnished with passports requisite, they are not responsible for their negligence, but to his Majesty, their lawful sovereign, and the commanders of armed vessels of the belligerent powers cannot think themselves authorised thereby to stop them, or to take them, when they have not acted openly in a manner contrary to the principles of the maritime neutrality, adopted by his Majesty.

"Given at Berlin, the 8th of December, 1781, by express order of the King.

DE HERTZBERG."

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Amsterdam, December 25th, 1781.

Sir,

On the 11th of September, Lord Stormont delivered to the Baron de Noleken, Envoy of Sweden, the following notification of the refusal of the mediation of the Court of Stockholm, and the acceptation of that of Russia.

"The conservation of the public tranquillity has been the first object of the care of his Majesty, during the whole course of his reign. The commencement of this reign has been signalised by the return of peace. The King has made great sacrifices to procure this blessing to humanity, and he had reason to flatter himself, that, by this moderation in the midst of victory, he was establishing the public tranquillity upon solid and durable foundations; but these hopes have been disappointed, and these foundations have been shaken by the ambitious policy of the Court of Versailles. This Court, after having secretly fomented the rebellion enkindled in America, has leagued herself openly with the rebel subjects of his Majesty; and by this violation of the public faith, by this direct act of hostility, she began the war.

"The conduct of the Republic of Holland, during the whole course of this war, has excited a general indignation. This nation presents itself under an aspect very different from that of a nation simply commercial. It is a respectable power, connected for a long time with Great Britain by the strictest alliance. The principal object of this alliance was their common safety, and especially their mutual protection against the ambitious designs of a dangerous neighbor, which their united efforts have so often defeated, to their mutual prosperity, and that of all Europe.

"The desertion of all the principles of this alliance, which the King on his part had constantly maintained; an obstinate refusal to fulfil the most sacred engagements; a daily infraction of the most sacred treaties; succors furnished to those very enemies, against whom the King had a right to demand succor; an asylum and protection granted in the ports of Holland to American pirates, in direct violation of stipulations, the most clear and the most precise; and, to fill up the measure, a denial of satisfaction and of justice, for the affront committed to the dignity of the King, by a clandestine league with his rebel subjects; all these accumulated grievances have not left to the King any other part to take, than that which he has taken with the most sensible reluctance. In laying before the public the reasons, which have rendered this rupture inevitable, his Majesty attributed the conduct of the Republic to its true cause, the fatal influence of a faction, which sacrificed the national interest to private views; but the King has marked at the same time, the most sincere desire to draw back the Republic to the system of strict union, of efficacious alliance, and of mutual protection, which has so much contributed to the prosperity and the glory of the two States.

"When the Empress of all the Russias offered her good offices to effectuate a reconciliation by a separate peace, the King signifying his just gratitude for this new proof of a friendship, which is so precious to him, avoided to involve the mediation of her Imperial Majesty in a fruitless negotiation; but at present, as there are certain indications of an alteration of disposition in the Republic, some marks of a desire to return to those principles, which the wisest part of the Batavian nation has never forsaken, a negotiation for a separate peace between the King and their High Mightinesses, may be opened with some hopes of success under the mediation of the Empress of all the Russias, who was the first to offer her good offices for this salutary work. If his Majesty did not at first take advantage of it, it was because he had every reason to believe, that the Republic at that time sought only to amuse, by an insidious negotiation; but the King would think, that he answered ill the sentiments, which dictated those first offers, and that he was wanting to those regards so justly due to her Imperial Majesty, and to the confidence, which she inspires, if he associated in this mediation any other, even that of an ally most respectable, and for whom the King has the sincerest friendship."

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON TO JOHN ADAMS.

Philadelphia, December 26th, 1781.

Sir,

It is very long since we had the pleasure of hearing from you. Before this you will probably have received two letters of mine; a duplicate of the last goes with this.

Nothing material has happened since the date of that, except the evacuation of Wilmington, which was, as you know, a very important post, as it checked the trade of North Carolina, and kept up a dangerous connexion with almost the only tories on the Continent, who have shown spirit enough to support their principles openly.

This new sacrifice by Britain of their partizans, conspiring with that made by the capitulation of York, must open their eyes, and teach them what the experience of ages should have taught, that those friendships are weak, which arise, from a fellowship in guilt.

Our army, and the French troops are in quarters. The first in the Jerseys, and upon the Hudson river; the last in Virginia. General Greene will be reinforced by about eighteen hundred men, under St Clair. The enemy are shut up in New York, Savannah, and Charleston, though I believe they may yet have one or two posts, near the latter, which they will keep till St Clair joins Greene. Count de Grasse is in the West Indies, with so formidable an armament as promises the most important successes, during the winter; when joined by the force, that has sailed from Brest, and so many of the Spanish fleet as are prepared to co-operate with him, he will have about fifty sail of the line under his command.

I enclose several resolutions of Congress, which will convince you that their late successes have not rendered them supine or negligent. The spirit which animates them will pervade most of the States. I need not suggest to you, the use that should be made of this information. I am persuaded, that your own knowledge of the world, and the particular situation of the government you are in, will direct you to the best means of rendering them useful to this country. I also enclose an ordinance relative to captures and recaptures lately passed by Congress. You will observe, that it is formed upon the plan recommended by the armed neutrality. It does credit in that view to our moderation. Perhaps the conduct of Britain, and the neglect of the neutral powers to enforce their own regulations, may render the policy of the measure doubtful. This, however, gives new force to the deductions drawn from it in favor of our moderation and justice.

You will also observe, that it uses means to put an entire stop to all kind of commerce with Britain, or in British manufactures. In consequence of this, new habits and new fashions must be introduced. Wise nations will not neglect this favorable moment to render them subservient to the interest of their own commerce and manufactures. This affords you a topic which need not be urged to enlarge upon. I am very fearful that you will not fully understand the cyphers in which my last letters are written. I had them from the late committee of Foreign Affairs, though they say they never received any letters from you in them. Mr Lovell has enclosed what he thinks may serve as an explanation. I would recommend it to you to write to me in M. Dumas's cypher, till I can send you, or you send me one, by a safe hand. Should you be at Paris, Dr Franklin has Dumas's cypher.

And now, Sir, for all this American intelligence, let me receive from you a full return in European commodities of the like kind. I do not hesitate to impose this task upon you, because I know it is one that you have never neglected, and that you are fully impressed with the idea of its importance to us. Among other things, I am persuaded Congress would wish to know the success of your loan, and your prospects; the disposition of the government, and the strength of the Marine of the United Provinces; its objects and preparations for the ensuing campaign; the negotiations which may be carrying on at present, either for peace or war; the designs, finances, and Marine of Russia. I shall also apply to Mr Dana for information on this subject, as it will be much more practicable to correspond with him through you, than to get letters to him at this season of the year from here. I shall, however, attempt both.

I am too well acquainted with your industry and patriotism to think that you will repine at any trouble that this may give you. You know that Congress have a right to the fullest information from their Ministers, and that their Ministers have similar demands upon them. I shall endeavor, as far as lies in my power, to satisfy the last in future, since that charge has devolved upon me.

I enclose a number of newspapers that may afford you some information and amusement, and have the honor to be, Sir, &c.

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Amsterdam, December 29th, 1781.

Sir,

The Minister of the Court of Vienna has announced to their High Mightinesses, the accession of the Emperor to the armed neutrality, in the following manner.

ACCESSION OF AUSTRIA TO THE ARMED NEUTRALITY.

"The Emperor having been invited by her Imperial Majesty of all the Russias, to accede to the principles of neutrality, which have been laid down in her declaration of the 28th of February, 1780, transmitted to the belligerent powers, his Majesty has accepted of this invitation, so much the more willingly, as he is convinced of the justice and equity of these principles. In consequence, their Imperial Majesties have resolved between themselves, and caused to be exchanged at St Petersburg, acts of accession on one part, and of acceptation on the other, of which the subscriber, Envoy Extraordinary, has the honor to transmit copies, by order of his Court, to their High Mightinesses, requesting them to accept of this communication, as a fresh testimony which the Emperor is pleased to give them of his affection, and of his most perfect confidence.

"His Imperial Majesty hopes that this step will be considered as a new proof of his sincere and unalterable intentions to observe the strictest neutrality, and the most exact impartiality towards the belligerent powers. And as he has not ceased to give proofs of it through the whole course of this war, he flatters himself he shall be able to find in it sufficient pledges of that attention and regard, which he has a right to require in return on their part for the rights and liberties of neutral nations.

"Done at the Hague, this 11th day of December, 1781.

THE BARON DE KEISCHACH."

The act of accession, presented with the foregoing note, is of the following tenor.

"Joseph the Second, by the grace of God, &c. having been invited amicably by her Majesty, the Empress of all the Russias, to concur with her in the consolidation of the principles of the neutrality upon the sea, tending to the maintenance of the liberty of the maritime commerce, and of the navigation of neutral powers, which she has laid down in her declaration of the 28th of February, 1780, presented on her part to the belligerent powers, which principles imply in substance,

"1. That neutral vessels may navigate freely from port to port, and upon the coasts of the nations at war;

"2. That effects belonging to the subjects of powers at war be free upon neutral vessels, excepting merchandises of contraband;

"3. That no merchandises be considered as such, but those enumerated in the tenth and eleventh articles of the Treaty of Commerce, concluded between Russia and Great Britain the 28th of June, 1766;

"4. That to determine what characterises a port blocked, this denomination is only to be given to that, where, by the disposition of the power, which attacks it, with vessels sufficiently near, there is an evident danger of entering;

"5. Finally, that these principles serve as rules in proceedings and judgments concerning the legality of prizes.

"And her said Imperial Majesty of all the Russias, having proposed to us, to this effect, to manifest by a formal act of accession, not only our full adhesion to these same principles, but also our immediate concurrence in the measures to assure the execution of them, that we would adopt on our part, by contracting reciprocally with her said Majesty, the engagements and stipulations, following, viz.

"I. That on one part and on the other, we will continue to observe the most exact neutrality, and will carry into the most rigorous execution the prohibitions declared against the commerce of contraband of their respective subjects, with any of the powers already at war, or which may enter into the war in the sequel;

"II. That if, in spite of all the cares employed to this effect, the merchant vessels of one of the two powers should be taken, or insulted, by any vessels whatsoever of the belligerent powers, the complaints of the injured power shall be supported in the most efficacious manner by the other; and that, if they refuse to render justice upon these complaints, they shall concert immediately upon the most proper manner of procuring it by just reprisals;

"III. That if it should happen, that one or the other of the two powers, or both together, on occasion, or in resentment of this present agreement, should be disturbed, molested, or attacked, in such case they shall make common cause between themselves for their mutual defence, and labor in concert to procure themselves a full and entire satisfaction, both for the insult offered to their flag, and for the losses caused to their subjects;

"IV. That these stipulations shall be considered on one part, and on the other, as permanent, and as making a rule, whenever it shall come in question to determine the rights of neutrality;

"V. That the two powers shall communicate amicably their present mutual concert to all the powers who are actually at war.

"We, willing, by an effect of the sincere friendship, which happily unites us to her Majesty, the Empress of all the Russias, as well as for the well-being of Europe in general, and of our countries and subjects in particular, to contribute on our part to the execution of views, of principles, and measures, as salutary as they are conformable to the most evident notions of the law of nations, have resolved to accede to them, as we do formally accede to them, in virtue of the present act, promising and engaging solemnly, as her Imperial Majesty of all the Russias engages herself to us, to observe, execute, and warrant all the foregoing points and stipulations. In faith of which, we have signed these presents with our own hand, and have hereto affixed our seal.

"Given at Vienna, the 9th of October, 1781.

JOSEPH."

The Prince de Gallitzin has notified the acceptation of Russia nearly in the same words. By the fifth article the two Imperial Courts ought to notify this to Congress, for it is most certain that the United States are one of the powers actually at war. Whether they will or no, time must discover; but by the articles, to serve as a basis of peace at the proposed Congress at Vienna, these two Courts have certainly acknowledged the American Colonies to be a power at war, and a power sufficiently free to appear at Vienna, and make peace with Great Britain.

The confederation for the liberty of navigation of neutral nations, is now one of the most formidable that ever was formed in the world. The only question is, whether it is not too complicated and various to be managed to effect. The conduct of the Empress of Russia towards this Republic, and especially in offering her mediation for a separate peace between England and Holland, has excited some jealousies of her sincerity or her constancy. But I think it will appear in the end, that she intends that Holland shall enjoy the full benefit of this confederation, which will effectually deprive England of that sovereignty of the sea, which she so presumptuously claims and boasts. But if it should appear, which I do not expect, that the Empress should advise the Dutch to give up the right of carrying naval stores, after the example of Denmark, her glory will suffer no small diminution, and I presume that Holland, humble as she is, will not submit to it, but make immediately common cause with the enemies of her enemy.

I have the honor to be, &c.