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The Christ Myth

VII SYMBOLS OF THE MESSIAH: THE LAMB AND THE CROSS THE CHRISTIAN JESUS I THE PAULINE JESUS

C. Delisle Burns translation

The faith in a Jesus had been for a long time in existence among innumerable Mandaic sects in Asia Minor, which differed in many ways from each other, before this faith obtained a definite shape in the religion of Jesus, and its adherents became conscious of their religious peculiarities and their divergence from the official Jewish religion. The first evidence of such a consciousness, and also the first brilliant outline of a new religion developed with Jesus as its central idea, lies in the epistles of the tent-maker of Tarsus, the pilgrim-apostle Paul.

Of the epistles in his name which have been handed down to us, that to the Hebrews is quite certainly not Paul’s. But also the two epistles to the Thessalonians, that to the Ephesians, as well as the so-called pastoral epistles (to Timothy, Titus, and Philemon), are considered by the overwhelming majority of theologians to be forgeries; and also the authenticity of the epistles to the Colossians and Philippians is negatived by considerations of great weight. But with all the more certainty modern critical theologians believe that Paul was the writer of the four great didactic epistles—one to the Galatians, two to the Corinthians, and one to the Romans; and they are wont to set aside all suspicion of these epistles as a “grave error” of historical hypercriticism.

In opposition to this view the authenticity of even these epistles is contested, apart from Bruno Bauer, especially by Dutch theologians, by Pierson, Loman, von Mauen, Meyboom, Matthes, and others; and, in addition, recently the Bern theologian R. Steck, and B. W. Smith, Professor of Mathematics in the Tulane University of New Orleans, with whom the late Pastor Albert Kalthoff of Bremen was associated, have contested the traditional view with objections that deserve consideration. They have attempted to prove the Pauline epistles, as a literary product, to be the work of a whole school of second-century theologians, authors who either simultaneously or successively wrote for the growing Church.

But let us leave completely on one side the question of the authenticity of the Pauline epistles, a question absolute agreement on which will probably never be attained, for the simple reason that we lack any certain basis for its decision. Instead of this let us turn rather to what we learn from these epistles concerning the historical Jesus.

It only proves the dilemma of theologians on the whole question that they have recently asserted that Paul, notwithstanding his own protestations (Gal. i.), must have had a personal knowledge of the historical Jesus, as otherwise on the occasion at Damascus he could not have recognised the features and voice of the transfigured Jesus, not being already acquainted with them from some other quarter! With equal justice we might assert that the heathens also, who had visions of their Gods, must previously have known them personally, as otherwise they could not have known that Zeus or Athene or any other definite God had appeared to them. In the Acts we read only of an apparition of light which Paul saw, and of a voice which called to him, “Saul, why persecutest thou me?” Is the supposition referred to necessary to account for the fact that Paul, the persecutor of Jesus, referred the voice and the vision to Jesus?

This seems to be completely problematic. The “humanity” of Jesus stands as the central point of the Pauline idea. And yet the Jesus painted by Paul is not a man, but a purely divine personality, a heavenly spirit without flesh and blood, an unindividual superhuman phantom. He is the “Son of God” made manifest in Paul; the Messiah foretold by the Jewish Apocalyptics; the pre-existing “Son of Man” of Daniel and his followers; the spiritual “ideal man” as he appeared in the minds of the Jews influenced by Platonic ideas; whom also Philo knew as the metaphysical prototype of ordinary sensual humanity and thought he had found typified to in Gen. i. 27. He is the “great man” of the Indian legends, who was supposed to have appeared also in Buddha and in other Redeemer figures—the Purusha of the Vedic Brahmans, the Mandâ de hajjê and Hibil Ziwâ of the Mandaic religion influenced by Indian ideas, the tribe-God of syncretised Judaism. The knowledge which Paul has of this Being is for this reason not an ordinary acquaintance from teachings, but a Gnosis, an immediate consciousness, a “knowledge inspired”; and all the statements which he makes concerning it fall within the sphere of theosophy, of religious speculation or metaphysics, but not of history. As we have stated, the belief in such a Jesus had been for a long time the property of Jewish sects, when Paul succeeded, on the ground of his astounding personal experiences, in drawing it into the light from the privacy of religious arcana, and setting it up as the central point of a new religion distinct from Judaism.

Paul is said to have been born in the Greek city of Tarsus in Cilicia, the son of Jewish parents. At that time Tarsus was, like Alexandria, an important seat of Greek learning.

Here flourished the school of the younger Stoics, with its mixture of old Stoic, Orphic, and Platonic ideas. Here the ethical principles of that school were preached in a popular form, in street and market-place, by orators of the people. It was not at all necessary for Paul, brought up in the austerity of the Jewish religion of the Law, to visit the lecture-rooms of the Stoic teachers in order to gain a knowledge of Stoic views, for in Tarsus it was as though the air was filled with that doctrine. Paul was certainly acquainted with it. It sank so deeply into his mind, perhaps unknown to himself, that his epistles are full of the expressions and ideas of the Stoic philosopher Seneca, and to this are due the efforts which have been made to make Seneca a pupil of Paul’s, or the reverse, to make Paul a pupil of Seneca’s. A correspondence exists, which is admittedly a forgery, pretending to have passed between the two.

The question consequently arises as to the source from which the Gospels derived a knowledge of this Jesus; for on this alone the belief in an historical Jesus can rest.

Notes in this chapter

Note 1 · Of course the “Acts of the Apostles” is, and remains in spite of all modern attempts at vindication (Harnack), a very untrustworthy historicNote 2 · Cf. H. Jordan, “Jesus und die modernen Jesusbilder. Bibl. Zeit- u. Streitfragen,” 1909, 36. ↑Note 3 · “To create authors who have never written a letter, to forge whole series of books, to date the most recent production back into grey antiquNote 4 · E. Vischer, “Die Paulusbriefe, Rel. Volksb.,” 1904, 69 sq. ↑Note 5 · Op. cit., ix. 3 sqq. ↑Note 6 · 1 Cor. xv. 5 sqq. ↑Note 7 · Cf. W. Seufert, “Der Ursprung und die Bedeutung des Apostolates in der christlichen Kirche der ersten Jahrhunderte,” 1887, 46, 157. ↑Note 8 · An attempt is now being made to prove the contrary, citing 2 Cor. v. 16, which runs: “Wherefore we henceforth know no man after the flesh: eNote 9 · Gal. i. 11, 12; 1 Cor. ii. 10; 2 Cor. iv. 6. ↑Note 10 · Gal. i. 17–19. ↑Note 11 · Gal. ii. 1 sqq. ↑Note 12 · Id. i. 19. ↑Note 13 · Matt. xxviii. 10; Mark xiii. 33 sqq.; John xx. 17. ↑Note 14 · In the opinion of the Dutch school of theologians, whom Schläger follows in his essay, “Das Wort kürios (Herr) in Seiner Bezichung auf Gott Note 15 · Similarly Origen, “Contra Celsum,” i. 35; cf. Smith, op. cit., 18 sq. ↑Note 16 · Cf. as to this Sieffert in “Realenzyklop. f. prot. Theol. und Kirche” under “James.” In Ezr. ii. 2 and 9 there is also mention of “Brothers”Note 17 · This is actually the view of the Dutch school of theologians. ↑Note 18 · A. Kalthoff, “Was wissen wir von Jesus? Eine Abrechnung mit Prof. D. Bousset,” 1904, 17. ↑Note 19 · 1 Cor. vii. 10. ↑Note 20 · Id. ix. 14. ↑Note 21 · 1 Cor. xi. 23. ↑Note 22 · Cf. Brandt, “Die evangel. Geschichte u. d. Ursprung d. Christentums,” 1893, 296. Schläger also agrees with the Dutch school, and produces teNote 23 · M. Brückner’s opinion also is “that the Pauline account of the scene at the Last Supper is in all probability not a purely historical one, bNote 24 · Holtzmann has, as a matter of fact, in an essay in the “Christliche Welt” (No. 7, 1910) recently attempted to prove the contrary, citing froNote 25 · Kalthoff, “Die Entstehung d. Christentums,” 1904, 15. ↑Note 26 · P. Wernle, “Die Quellen des Lebens Jesu, Religionsgesch. Volksbücher,” 2 Aufl., 4. ↑Note 27 · Gunkel, op. cit., 93. ↑Note 28 · Gunkel also takes the view “that before Jesus there was a belief in Christ’s death and resurrection current in Jewish syncretic circles (op.Note 29 · “Not the teacher, not the miracle-worker, not the friend of the publicans and sinners, not the opponent of the Pharisees, is of importance fNote 30 · “Indeed, the historical Jesus in the sense of the Ritschlian school would have been for Paul an absurdity. The Pauline theology has to do raNote 31 · Movers, op. cit., 438 sqq.; Fraser, “Adonis, Attis, Osiris,” 42, 43, 47, 60, 79 sq. ↑Note 32 · Cumont, “Textes et monuments,” &c., i. 240; Pfleiderer, “Urchristentum,” i. 29 sqq. ↑Note 33 · 1 Cor. x. 16. ↑Note 34 · Pfleiderer, op. cit., 45. ↑Note 35 · xi. 19 sqq. ↑Note 36 · Smith, op. cit., 21 sq. ↑Note 37 · Cf. Zimmern, “Zum Streit um die Christusmythe,” 23. ↑Note 38 · “I am the A and the O, the beginning and the end,” the Revelation of John makes the Messiah say (i. 8.). Is there not at the same time in thNote 39 · Deut. xxi. 23. ↑Note 40 · We notice that already in these distinctions the germs of those endless and absurd disputes concerning the “nature” of the God-man lie conceNote 41 · Rom. i. 3. ↑Note 42 · Rom. viii. 3; 2 Cor. viii. 9; Phil. ii. 7 sq. ↑Note 43 · Gal. iii. 10 sqq.; Rom. iii. 9. ↑Note 44 · Rom. iii. 20, iv. 15, v. 20, vii., sqq. ↑Note 45 · Gal. iii. 19 sqq. ↑Note 46 · Rom. vi. 9 sq. ↑Note 47 · Id. v. 14. ↑Note 48 · Rom. iv. 3 sqq. ↑Note 49 · Rom. vi. 3 sqq. ↑Note 50 · Gal. iii. 27. ↑Note 51 · Cf. above, p. 137. ↑Note 52 · 1 Cor. x. 16 sqq., xi. 23–27. ↑Note 53 · 1 Cor. x. 3 sqq., 16–21. ↑Note 54 · Cf., e.g., Pfleiderer, op. cit., 333. ↑Note 55 · Cf. above, p. 49 sqq. ↑Note 56 · Plato, “Symposium,” c. 22. ↑Note 57 · Col. ii. 9. ↑Note 58 · Op. cit., 80. ↑Note 59 · Cf. my work, “Plotin und der Untergang der antiken Weltanschauung,” 1907. ↑Note 60 · Gal. ii. 20; Rom. viii. 4, 26. ↑Note 61 · Id. viii. 14 sqq. ↑Note 62 · 2 Cor. iii. 17. ↑Note 63 · Gal. v. 26. ↑Note 64 · 1 Cor. ii. 9, 14; Rom. xii. 2. ↑Note 65 · Op. cit., 86. ↑Note 66 · Wrede, Id. ↑Note 67 · Id. ↑Note 68 · Op. cit., 94. ↑Note 69 · Wrede, op. cit., 85. ↑Note 70 · 1 Cor. xv. 17. ↑Note 71 · Cf. as to the whole question my essay on “Paulus u. Jesus” (“Das Freie Wort” of December, 1909). ↑Note 72 · It is true that other theologians think differently on this point, as, e.g., Feine in his book, “Jesus Christus und Paulus” (1902), declaresNote 73 · Kalthoff has in his writings laid especial stress on this social significance of Christianity. Cf. also Steudel, “Das Christentum und die ZuNote 74 · xl. 26. ↑Note 75 · In the same way Vollers also, in his work on “Die Weltreligionen” (1907), seeks to explain the faith of the original Christian sects in JesuNote 76 · Cf. O. Pfleiderer, “Die Entstehung des Christentums,” 1905, 109 sqq. ↑Note 77 · Luke xxiv. 33, xlix. 52; Acts i. 4, 8, 12 sqq. ↑Note 78 · “Religionsgesch. Erklärung d. N.T.,” 261. Cf. also Joel iii. 1 and Isa. xxviii. 11, and the Buddhist account of the first sermon of Buddha: Note 79 · Stephen’s so-called “martyrdom,” whose feast falls on December 26th, the day after the birth of Christ, owes its existence to astrology, andNote 80 · Smith, op. cit., 23–31. ↑Note 81 · Frazer, “Golden Bough,” iii. 197. ↑Note 82 · Smith, op. cit., 30 sq. ↑Note 83 · This much is certain—a conclusive proof that Paul was really the author of the epistles current in his name cannot be given. With regard to Note 84 · It is well known that the ancient world was not as yet in possession of the idea of literary individuality in our sense of the word. At thatNote 85 · The possibility of the so-called Pauline epistles having been the work of later theologians, and of having been christened in the name of PaNote 86 · There we meet in the first place with the fact, testified to by Paul himself, that the Saviour revealed himself in person to him, and at theNote 87 · The case is similar with Paul’s testimony as to those who, like him, saw the Saviour after his death.6 It is possible that the people concerNote 88 · Paul himself never disguised the fact that he had seen Jesus, not with mortal eyes, but only with those of the Spirit, as an inner revelatioNote 89 · Certainly that James whose acquaintance Paul made in Jerusalem is designated by him as the “Brother of the Lord”;12 and from this it seems tNote 90 · From Paul, therefore, there is nothing of a detailed nature to be learnt about the historical Jesus. The apostle does indeed occasionally reNote 91 · All expressions concerning Jesus which are found in Paul are accordingly of no consequence for the hypothesis of an historical person of thaNote 92 · Paul did not give himself the least trouble to bring the Saviour as a man nearer to his readers. He seems to know nothing of any miraculous Note 93 · “There was already in their minds a faith in a divine revealer, a divine-human activity, in salvation to be obtained through sacraments.”27 Note 94 · Tarsus, in spite of its Eastern character, was a city saturated with Greek learning and ways of thought, but not these alone. The religious Note 95 · If in such circumstances Paul, the citizen of Tarsus, heard of a Jewish God of the name of Jesus, the ideas which were connected with him weNote 96 · Such a man as Paul, who had been educated in the school of Gamaliel as a teacher of the Law of the strict Pharisaical sort, could not indeedNote 97 · The moment in which this idea flashed through Paul’s mind was the moment of the birth of Christianity as Paul’s religion. The form in which Note 98 · It is evident that in reality it was merely a new setting to the old conception of the representative self-sacrifice of God—in which the genNote 99 · God, the “father” of our “Lord” Jesus Christ, “awakened” his son and sent him down upon the earth for the redemption of mankind. Although orNote 100 · And yet only the ceaseless fulfilment of the whole Law can save mankind from justice. We are all sinners.43 So the Law indeed awakened the kNote 101 · Christ now enters this world of darkness and of sin. As a man among men, he enters the sphere over which the flesh and sin have power, and mNote 102 · There is, in fact, such a possibility. It lies in this: even Christ himself is nothing but the idea of the human race conceived as a personaNote 103 · Now Christ, as already stated, is for Paul only a comprehensive expression for the ideal totality of men, which is therein represented as anNote 104 · Just what an elevation of the spirit to the world of ideas is for Plato, the union of mankind with Christ is for Paul. What the man actuallyNote 105 · The Platonic Eros is the mythical personification of the conception that the contemplation of Being (obj. gen.) as such is at the same time Note 106 · Ancient philosophy had attempted until now in vain to overcome the contradiction between the sense-world and the world of ideas, and to destNote 107 · So that when the Christian feels himself transformed into a “new creature,” equipped with power of knowledge and of virtue, blest in the conNote 108 · Not because he so highly esteemed and revered Jesus as an historical personality did Paul make Christ the bearer and mediator of redemption,Note 109 · “Paul already believed in such a heavenly Being, in a divine Christ, before he believed in Jesus.”66 The truth is that he never believed at Note 110 · Christ’s life and death are for Paul neither the moral achievement of a man nor in any way historical facts, but something super-historical,Note 111 · The fact is therefore settled, that Paul knew nothing of an historical Jesus; and that even if he had known anything of him, this Jesus in aNote 112 · The question raised at the beginning, as to what we learn from Paul about the historical Jesus, has found its answer—nothing. There is littlNote 113 · Christianity is a syncretic religion. It belongs to those multiform religious movements which at the commencement of our era were strugglingNote 114 · It borrowed the chief part of its doctrine, the specific point in which it differed from ordinary Judaism, the central idea of the God sacriNote 115 · That certainly is in sharpest contradiction to tradition, according to which Christianity is supposed to have arisen in Jerusalem and to havNote 116 · Now it is certainly probable that there was in Jerusalem, just as in many other places, a community of the Messiah which believed in Jesus a
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