II. GRAMMATICAL ANALYSIS.

Note.—The following grammatical analysis of Mr. Santiago’s speech can, of course, lay no claim to completeness: he surely uses some constructions and very many forms which I have not heard or have failed to note. Such fulness as will be found is due to Mr. Santiago’s intelligence and patience under questioning and in conversation. A very few of the examples represent his form of sentences in MacKinlay’s Handbook. The full representation of derivatives of the root pútol cut is due to Mr. Santiago’s kindness in listing these forms, wherever they seemed possible to his speech-feeling, in accordance with my list of morphologic elements, and in then forming sentences to illustrate them.

In the use of accent-marks and of the symbol y I have deviated from the practice of the International Phonetic Association. Where roots did not occur as independent words, I have prefixed a hyphen and given a theoretical meaning. In the explanation of constructions I have allowed myself the use of distorted English; although this time-honored device does not really reproduce the foreign expression (substituting, as it does, impossible constructions for natural ones), it does enable the reader to follow the general trend of the foreign idiom.

A. PHONETICS.

1. Distinctive sounds.

1.

The distinctive sounds are the following:

Labial Dental Palatal Velar Laryngeal

5 Stops: unvoiced p t k ʾ

Stops: ,, voiced b d g

Spirants (unvoiced) s h

Nasals (voiced) m n ŋ

Trill (voiced) r

10Lateral (voiced) l

High vowels i(e,y) u(o,w)

Low vowel a

2. a is a low unrounded vowel, as in Standard English far, but more tense and with the corners of the mouth (lips) slightly 15drawn back: hàlamanàn garden.

3. i and u, in what may be regarded as the normal form, are about as high as the Standard (American) English vowels in pit and put, but more tense; moreover, the lips are well drawn back for i and well rounded for u: ínit heat, lutúin be cooked.

204. In the final syllable of a phrase (or of a word spoken alone) the tongue position of i and u is as a rule lowered, often all the way to mid position; the tenseness and lip position are, however, kept, so that the resulting sound often resembles French è and lower o.

255. u is nearly always so lowered: bágo new, buhòk hair. It is not lowered in pùʾ ten.

6. i is not lowered before dentals: káhit though, ákin my, pígil compulsion. It is usually kept high also before velars: sahìg flooring, siŋsìŋ ring. Some words ending in velars more or less 30regularly have the lowering: pútik, pútek mud; so especially some proper names: Intsèk Chinese, Lóleŋ Lola.

Even in other cases the higher variants of i are commoner than the lower; hindìʾ not, kamì we, gabì night, mulìʾ again are commoner than these words with e; a very few words, such as ulèʾ again have oftener e than i; others, such as itèm black are fairly regular in their variation.

7. Within a closely unified phrase the lowering is as a rule omitted: ulí sya again he (ulèʾ), Hintú na! Stop! (hintòʾ). In 5this regard the habits are variable; the form chosen depends mostly on the speaker’s momentary attitude toward the closeness of joining of the words.

A dissimilative factor also seems to be involved: a following i or u favors the lowering:

10Natùtúlug aŋ áso. The dog is sleeping.

Natùtúlog si Hwàn. Juan is sleeping.

8. o occurs in a number of words as the vowel in the last two syllables: in all of them the intervening consonant is the glottal stop: óʾo yes, doʾòn there; boʾòʾ whole has occasionally buʾòʾ. 15The raised variant is not used within the phrase: Óʾo pòʾ. Yes, sir. Yes, ma’am. doʾòn sya there he.

e occurs in the same way in leʾèg neck, beside liʾìg.

9. In word-formation, when, by the addition of suffixes, the i or u is no longer final, it is not lowered: lútoʾ cook, lutúin be 20cooked; itèm black, itimàn be made black. Occasionally, however, the lowered vowel is retained: táo human being, ka-taó-han mankind, beside kataúhan, tao-taó-han manikin, pupil of the eye, beside tautaúhan.

The words with oʾo (§ 8) keep the lowered vowel when uncontracted: 25pina-roʾon-àn was gone to (doʾòn there); these words are also reduplicated with o: kinà-dò-roʾon-àn is been in.

10. e and o occur also in unassimilated loan-words: bèsbol baseball, Silà y nag-bè-bèsbol, They are playing baseball, estudiyànte, istudiyànte student, polìs, pulìs policeman, sipéro football 30player, baŋkéro canoer (both with Spanish suffix -éro added to Tagalog words: sípaʾ football, baŋkàʾ canoe).

For e see also § 29.

11. As the variation between i and e and between o and u is thus never distinctive, there is no need of indicating it in transcription; 35I have, however, used the characters e and o wherever I heard markedly lowered variants.

12. i and u occur also as non-syllabics; I use, respectively, the characters y and w: yaòn that, gáya like, wíkaʾ speech, word, táwag call. In final position they are always lowered: thus in 40patày dead person, ikàw thou, y represents non-syllabic e, w non-syllabic o.

13. In word-formation before suffixes vowels are in certain cases lost, see Morphology: kánin be eaten, -káin eat with suffix -in.

14. The laryngeal (glottal) stop occurs as a distinctive sound only after a vowel at the end of words: bátaʾ child, boy, girl, hindìʾ not, hintòʾ stop.

As a non-distinctive sound it is used as a vowel-separator 5wherever syllabic vowels follow each other without an intervening distinctive non-syllabic. In this use I shall not indicate it in transcription, as it may be taken for granted wherever vowels are written together. Such words as those in § 8 will therefore from now on be transcribed without the sign for glottal stop: 10doòn, óo, boòʾ. So táo (§ 9) means táʾo, etc. Cf. below.

15. The distinctive final glottal stop is usually lost before a following word in the phrase: hindí sya not he, Hintú na! Stop!

It is always lost before the words ŋ, t, and y: aŋ báta ŋ mabaìt the good child.

1516. p, t, k are unvoiced fortis stops; they differ from the corresponding English sounds primarily in that they are only slightly aspirated. In sentence-final the implosion only is made.

t (in contrast with the English sound) is postdental, often near to interdental.

20k is always articulated in back velar position (as in English coo), no matter what sound follows. The closure of k is occasionally imperfect, so that a rather open velar spirant (resembling Slavic x) is heard: malaxàs for malakàs strong; this variation has not been noted in transcription.

25In word-formation p, t, k alternate, respectively, with m, n, ŋ; see Morphology.

17. b, d, g correspond in position to p, t, k. They are fully voiced lenis stops; in sentence-final often implosive only, and then weakly voiced.

30The closure of b is occasionally imperfect, so that a bilabial spirant is produced: túVig for túbig water; this variation has been ignored in transcription.

In word-formation b alternates with m; see Morphology.

Final d in word-formation is always replaced by r before the 35vowel of a suffix: lákad walk, lakar-àn walking-party.

Initial d becomes r in the sentence frequently after the final vowel of a preceding word and occasionally even after a final non-syllabic, in the words daàn hundred (not in daàn road), damò, dàw, dìn, díne, díto, diyàn, doòn; e. g. ako rìn I too.

40In word-formation some words frequently change d to r after the vowel of a prefix or a reduplication, and others do not: pa-raàn means (daàn road, way), but i-pa-dalà be sent (dalà bring, carry). The words (or roots) that have changeable d- are those mentioned in the preceding paragraph and daàn, -dáka, damdàm, dámi, dámot, daŋàl, dapàʾ, dápat, dáti, -dátig, -datìŋ, dikìt, -dinìg, -díwaŋ, -dúkit, -dumè, dúnoŋ, dúsa.

518. s is the normal unvoiced sibilant, spoken in postdental position. Before y and iy it is somewhat palatalized (more, for instance, than Russian palatalized s),—a variation that is not distinctive and need not be noted in transcription: siyà, syà he, she, pronounced with palatalized s.

10s alternates in word-formation with n; see Morphology.

In the affricate combination ts, which is felt and treated as a single sound, the s is always palatalized: Intsèk Chinese.

19. h is the unvoiced glottal spirant; as in English, it occurs only in syllable-initial: hindìʾ not, báhay house, mukhàʾ face.

15In word-formation h is often spoken before the initial vowel of a suffix that is added to a final vowel: -bása read, basa-hàn reading room. See Morphology.

20. The nasals m, n, ŋ correspond in position to the stops. In word-formation they alternate, respectively, with p, t, k; m 20also with b, and n also with s; ŋ is often prefixed to an initial vowel; see Morphology.

Both in word-formation and in the phrase the nasals are occasionally assimilated in position to a following consonant: sà m pùʾ ten (m for ŋ), Saàŋ ka páparon? Where are you going? (for 25saàn).

In the sentence, final n is lost before the words ŋ, t, and y: aŋ áki ŋ amà my father (for ákin my).

21. r is the voiced tongue-tip trill, postdental. It occurs between vowels within simple, underived words: áraw sun, day,—no 30doubt as a substitute for d, which never occurs in this position; everywhere else r is merely a variant of d (§ 17).

22. l is postdental; the timbre is much as in Standard French or German, the mid-tongue not lowered.

23. f and v (both labiodental) occur in unassimilated foreign 35words; they are occasionally replaced (especially in derivatives) by p and b. Filipínas the Philippines, infiyèrno, impiyèrno Hell, fiyèsta, piyèsta fiesta, but always ka-piyestá-han day of a festival, sivìl, sibìl civil, provìnsiya province, bintánaʾ window, báso drinking-glass.

40r occurs freely in all positions in foreign words (cf. § 21): trèn train, trabáho work, krùs cross, relòs watch, sombréro hat, beside Tagalized sambalílo.

The occurrence of ts (§ 18) is probably limited to foreign words.

24. When in word-formation a vowel is lost before a suffix (§ 13), the non-syllabics thereby brought together are subject to 5various changes: sigl-àn be filled, silìd with suffix -an. See Morphology.

2. Syllabication.

a. In the word.

25. If a single non-syllabic follows a stressed vowel, the latter 10is spoken with open syllable accent, and the non-syllabic begins the following syllable: bá-hay house, sù-sú-lat will write.

If a single non-syllabic follows an unstressed vowel, the latter has close syllable accent,—that is, no stress-division is made between the syllables (just as in English): itò this, kasakimàn selfishness, 15sumú-lat wrote.

If two non-syllabics intervene between two syllabics, the syllable-division is made between the non-syllabics: luk-sò jump, muk-hàʾ face, In-tsèk Chinese. Stressed ay seems, however, to have open syllable accent: káy-lan when?

20Syllabics never follow each other without an intervening non-syllabic. If no other non-syllabic intervenes, a non-distinctive glottal stop is spoken. I have not written the glottal stop in this position, as it may always be taken for granted (§ 14). Hence daàn road is pronounced daʾàn, siìk young pig siʾìk, doòn there 25doʾòn, táo human being táʾo.

Nor do more than two non-syllabics ever follow each other in a native word. The following are examples of unusual combinations in foreign words: An-drès, Pé-dro, beside Tagalized Píro, ká-tre bedstead, sèr-mon, trabá-ho work, but in reduplication mag-tà-trabá-ho 30will work, krùs cross, but in reduplication nag-kú-kurùs crosses himself, cf. baráso arm, lóbo balloon (Sp. globo).

26. In frequently used words, especially in more rapid speech, the intervocalic glottal stop is often lost.

If like vowels thus meet, they coalesce into a single vowel of 35no more than normal length: pumaròn went there beside pumaroòn. When oo is thus contracted, the resulting o may be raised to u (cf. § 9): pinarunàn was gone to, beside pinaronàn and pinaroonàn.

If unlike vowels meet, the non-syllabic corresponding to the 40higher vowel (i. e. y with i, e and w with u, o) takes the place of the glottal stop. So táwo beside táo. The combinations so resulting are treated in every way like those discussed in the next §.

27. If the non-syllabic intervening between two vowels is y or w, the combination involves no peculiarity, provided that neither 5of the vowels is homogeneous with the non-syllabic: bá-yan town, pag-dirí-waŋ celebration, gayòn thus.

If, however, one of the vowels is homogeneous with the non-syllabic (i. e. i, e with y and u, o with w) and is not stressed, it is spoken shorter than a normal unstressed vowel: in such words 10as iyòn that, buwàn moon, month the i, u are spoken shorter than in other positions. So also in táwo (see preceding §) the o.

After consonants these short vowels are often entirely omitted: bwàn beside buwàn, syà he, she beside siyà. The syllable-division remains, however, as in the longer form: kápwàʾ fellow- beside 15kápuwàʾ is pronounced ká-pwàʾ (not kap-waʾ).

Even in other positions these reduced vowels are often omitted, especially in frequently used combinations: Ano yòn? What’s that? beside Ano iyòn?, occasionally táw for táwo, táo.

28. Conversely, one hears now and then a superfluous short 20i, e with a y, and an u, o with a w: iyaòn for yaòn that, máye for máy having, uwalàʾ for walàʾ without.

29. The combinations ay and ai are occasionally replaced by a long open e: kélan beside káylan when?, mé báhay beside máy báhay wife, housewife, me áreʾ beside may áreʾ master, owner, 25téŋa beside taíŋa car.

b. In word-formation.

30. When in word-formation affixes or reduplicative syllables are added to a root, the syllabication is as in a simple word: sulá-tan be written to (súlat writing with suffix -an), sumú-lat 30wrote (same, with infix -um-), umuwèʾ, umwèʾ (§ 27) went home (-uwèʾ go home, with prefixed -um-).

When vowels meet, they are as a rule separated by the non-distinctive intervocalic glottal stop: maà-á-reʾ will be possible (áreʾ property reduplicated and with prefix ma-).

3531. The intervocalic glottal stop is rarely reduced, except in certain much-used combinations, the commonest being those with the prefix i- and with the prefix ka- and the suffix -an in certain uses (see Morphology): iniútos was commanded (útos command with prefixes in- and i-), usually iniyútos; laruàn, toy (laròʾ play, 40game with suffix -an), usually laruwàn, larwàn, but (with a different use of the suffix -an) làrúan playground; kayibígan, kaybígan friend (íbig love, desire, with prefix ka- and suffix -an), but kaìbígan sweetheart and kaibigàn affection. For -íwan abandon with prefix i- only the contracted form íwan be abandoned is spoken. Cf. further ikaápat, ikápat fourth (ápat four with prefixes 5i- and ka-).

32. Conversely, an original y or w is sometimes under emphasis replaced by glottal stop; thus, for patayìn be killed (patày dead person, kill with suffix -in), occasionally pataìn.

33. When a word is doubled, when two words are united in 10a compound word, and after the prefixes that end in g, the syllable-division is however made as though separate words were meeting in a sentence,—that is, according to the rules in the following paragraphs.

c. In the phrase.

1534. When words come together in the phrase, the word-division is maintained (as in English) as a syllable-division.

In the case of initial consonants the division is thus like that within a word: Sumúlat ka. Write (thou), Sumúlat siyà, Sumúlat syà. He wrote, Sumáma ka. Go along, Sumáma siyà, Sumáma 20syà. He went along.

Before a vowel-initial the word-division is maintained as a syllable-division by the use of a non-distinctive glottal stop (as in German): Sumúlat akò. I wrote, i. e. sumú-lat-ʾakò; Sumáma akò. I went along, i. e. sumá-ma-ʾakò.

25Doubled words, compound words, and forms with prefixes ending in g (namely, mag-, nag-, pag-, tag-) are similarly treated (§ 33): agàd-agàd immediately (agàd at once doubled), i. e. agàd-ʾagàd; báhay-aklátan library-building (compound of báhay house and aklátan place for books), i. e. bá-hay-ʾak-lá-tan; pagsúlat an 30act of writing (súlat writing with prefix pag-), i. e. pag-sú-lat; nagáral studied (áral teaching with prefix nag-), i. e. nag-ʾá-ral.

Occasionally, in emphatic speech, the same division is made within other formations: umakiyàt, umakyàt climbed (-akiyàt climb with prefixed -um-), occasionally, but rarely, um-ʾakiyàt, 35usually umakiyàt, umakyàt (by § 30).

35. Reduction of the glottal stop and contraction of vowels occur only in a few much-used combinations of words: si Andrès (si is the article of proper names), also siy Andrès, sy Andrès; Ano iyàn? What’s that?, also Ano yàn? and even An yàn?; na 40itò this (na is a particle expressing attribution), also na yitò, na ytò.

36. Occasionally such reductions go even farther, as in anò in the preceding paragraph, and occur where the glottal stop is not involved: as, sà for isà one in sà m pùʾ ten, for isà ŋ pùʾ.

37. The words at, ay, and na have also a shorter form, t, y, 5and ŋ, respectively, which occurs only (but not always) after a final vowel, glottal stop, or n. When these forms are used, the final glottal stop or n is lost (§§ 15, 20) and the t, y, or ŋ is treated in every way exactly as though it were part of the preceding word: butò at balàt, butò t balàt bone and skin, i. e. butòt-balàt; Iyòn 10ay mabúti, Iyò y mabúti. That’s good, i. e. iyòy-mabú-ti; aŋ bátaʾ na mabaìt (clumsy, as in the speech of a child just learning to speak, for:) aŋ báta ŋ mabaìt the good child, i. e. aŋ-bá-taŋ-mabaʾìt.

3. Accentuation.

15a. Word-accent.

38. In a word of more than one syllable at least one syllable is normally spoken with a greater degree of stress than the others.

The unstressed syllables have short vowels (about as long as the vowel in English pit or put) and close syllable-stress (§ 25).

2039. A non-final syllable ending in a non-syllabic (i. e. a closed non-final syllable) never has the stress; such words as luk-sò jump, muk-hàʾ face, ak-làt book are therefore always oxytone. The only exceptions are syllables ending in ay; this combination seems to be felt as a unit capable of open syllable-stress: káy-lan, 25ké-lan when; further, the words mín-san once, pín-san cousin, and nàn-don, by-form of ná-roòn is there; and, finally, unassimilated foreign words: bès-bol, sèr-mon, kwàr-ta, kwàl-ta money (Spanish cuarto), but also Tagalized kwaltà.

Words like ká-pwàʾ (beside ká-puwàʾ) are not exceptions, for 30the first syllable is not closed (§ 27).

40. The stressed syllables fall into two grammatical classes which are only in part phonetically distinct; we may call them primary and secondary word-accent.

42. On a non-final open syllable the primary word-accent involves an increase of stress (less than in English), a pitch-rise 5of two notes, lengthening of the vowel to about one and one-half times the duration of an unstressed vowel, and open syllable-stress (§ 25). I use the acute accent-mark: báhay house, báyan town.

So also, irregularly, syllables in ay: káylan, kélan when?, and even finally: káy, ké than, máy, mé having; also mínsan, pínsan.

10If an unaccented syllable precedes, the pitch-rise really begins on the latter: in sumúlat wrote, for instance, the first syllable is spoken above the usual pitch, and the two-note pitch-rise is merely completed in the accented syllable.

43. The secondary word-accent on a final syllable has weaker 15stress than the primary accent in the same place, and ordinarily lacks the pitch-rise. Grammatically, it is recognizable by the presence of the primary accent on another syllable; I use the grave accent-mark: áakiyàt, áakyàt will climb, nárinìg was heard.

44. On a non-final open syllable the secondary accent differs 20from the primary accent in similar position in two respects: its pitch-rise is less marked, varying from three-quarters to one and three-quarters notes, and its vowel-lengthening is greater, reaching twice the length of an unstressed vowel. I use the grave accent-mark: sùsúlat will write.

25When the primary accent is on the last syllable and therefore weak (§ 41), the secondary accent often approaches a non-final primary accent in character: the first syllable of a word like nàbuksàn came open is often phonetically the same as that of a word like nárinìg was heard.

30If an unaccented syllable precedes the secondary accent, the pitch-rise really begins in the former: in such a word as sumùsúlat is writing the first syllable is spoken with higher than normal pitch, in the second syllable the pitch is brought up to a note and three-fourths above normal, and in the third the two-note rise is 35completed.

Of two secondary accents following each other the preceding is the more marked: nàràramdamàn is felt (nà- has more marked accent than rà-). This helps to make the primary accent distinct, for it is stronger than a preceding secondary accent: sùsúlat will 40write (the second su- is stronger, not weaker, than the first); nàlàláman is known (if the third syllable had a secondary accent, it would be less marked than the first and second, but its pitch and stress are actually higher).

b. Sentence-accent.

45. Certain words are atonic, i. e. are always spoken unstressed 5in the phrase: e. g. aŋ áso the or a dog, sa ákin to me.

The atonic words are: aŋ, at, ay, kay to (not káy, ké than), kuŋ, na attributive (not nà already), naŋ, ni of (not nì nor), o or (not ò oh), pag, sa, si.

The short variants of at, ay, and na, namely t, y, and ŋ 10(§ 37), having no vowel, cannot be stressed; they are treated in every way as though they formed part of the preceding word.

46. In closely united phrases the last word keeps its accent, while the preceding ones often weaken theirs. Especially a final syllable often loses its accent before another word in the phrase:

15dáhil díto on account of this, often: dahil díto,

aŋ maŋà báhay the houses, often: aŋ maŋa báhay,

aŋ kanyà ŋ báhay his or her house, aŋ kanya ŋ báhay,

aŋ malakì ŋ báhay the large house, aŋ malaki ŋ báhay.

47. Opposed to the preceding rule is the treatment of certain 20words which we may call enclitics. These very frequently, to be sure, receive the normal treatment: that is, they are stressed and the preceding word either keeps its stress or, if oxytone, often loses it; but frequently, instead, the enclitic loses its accent:

Umakyàt siyà, Umakyat syà. He climbed, but also Umakyàt 25sya.

Áakyàt siyà, Áakyat syà. He will climb, but also Áakyàt sya.

Gánu ka na bà kakínis? How clever are you now? (kà, nà, bà are all enclitic).

Enclitics have the further (and more easily recognized) peculiarity 30that they follow the first orthotonic (i. e. neither atonic nor pretonic, § 48) word of the expression to which they belong (either as modifiers or as subject):

aŋ mahahába nya ŋ paà his (niyà, enclitic) long legs.

When several enclitics come together the last one is often 35stressed. Monosyllabic enclitics precede disyllabic:

Nahánap na nyà aŋ sombréro. He has already looked for the hat. (nà and niyà are enclitics; the latter is treated as disyllabic even when in the contracted form nyà).

The enclitics are:

40(1) always: the monosyllabic forms of the personal pronouns, namely kà, kò, mò, and the words (particles) bà, bagà, dàw, dìn, màn, múna, nà, namàn, nawàʾ, ŋàʾ, pà, palà, pòʾ, sána, tulòy.

(2) frequently or in certain senses: the disyllabic forms of the personal pronouns (including siyà, syà and niyà, nyà) except ikàw (which is never enclitic), the demonstrative pronouns, and the words díne, díto, diyàn, doòn, kayàʾ, lámaŋ, ulèʾ; occasionally 5short phrases (§ 88).

For details about these words see Syntax.

48. Opposed to the rule in § 46 are also certain words (particles) which we may call pretonics. Their treatment is often regular: that is, the pretonic as well as the following word keeps 10its accent, or the pretonic loses its accent before a following word; but sometimes the pretonic keeps its accent and the following word, if oxytone, is unaccented:

máy sakìt, may sakìt having sickness, i. e. sick, but also máy sakit. Only máy and nása actually appear with this accentuation.

15The other pretonics are so classed because they share with these two words the peculiarity that an enclitic belonging to the phrase follows not the pretonic word, but the first orthotonic word:

Máy katawàn sya ŋ pára ŋ táo. He has a body like a human 20being. (siyà he, enclitic follows not máy, which is pretonic, but katawàn body, the first orthotonic word of the predicate).

The pretonics are the particles báwat, káhit, kapàg, kinà, maŋà, máy, nagìŋ (together with its other forms, § 250), nása (together with its other forms, § 212), nì nor (not ni of), ninà, 25pagkà, sinà, tagà (tigà). See Syntax.

49. A final syllable ending in glottal stop (§ 14) often receives a higher degree of stress than a corresponding syllable with a different final.

If the syllable ending in glottal stop has not the word-accent, 30it often receives an accent resembling the secondary accent on a non-final syllable; this is especially common if the glottal stop is lost before another word in the phrase: páreʾ, párèʾ priest, Párì Hwàn Father Juan.

If the syllable has a word-accent and the glottal stop is lost 35in the phrase, its accent is often spoken like a primary word-accent on an open syllable: Walá sya. He has none (walàʾ), Naglálarú sya. He is playing (naglálaròʾ).

If, however, the glottal stop is lost before t, y, or ŋ, this heightening of accent does not take place, since the syllable is then 40treated as ending in t, y, or ŋ: Syà y walà ŋ aklàt (i. e. walàŋ-ʾak-làt), Sya y wala ŋ aklàt. He has no book or no books.

50. In a succession of otherwise unstressed syllables a rhythmical movement is usually produced by means of grammatically insignificant stresses weaker than a secondary word-accent; the distribution, and, indeed, the occurrence of these is so variable that I have not tried to indicate them in transcription, especially 5as they are never distinctive. Thus, in the phrases in § 46 an accent of this kind may fall on the next-to-last syllables of the words that lose their normal word-accent: aŋ màŋa báhay, aŋ kànya ŋ amà his father, aŋ malàki ŋ báhay.

51. The successive accents in a sentence bear a well-marked 10relation to each other: the early and especially the middle ones have higher absolute pitch than the last; an accent on the last syllable of a sentence often entirely loses its pitch-rise. As a consequence of this rather fixed melody, the differences of pitch-movement between statements, questions, commands, and exclamations 15of various kinds are not so marked as in English; the higher stress of emotionally dominant (emphatic) words, also, is less marked than in English.

In exclamation or under emphasis the accent of a final syllable may be like that of a medial syllable, and may, in addition 20take on a falling accent after the rise: Hwán! (with rising-falling stress and pitch) Juan!, for normal Huwàn, Hwàn. Other disturbances of accent also occur in exclamation.

B. SYNTAX.

1. Sentence and word.

a. Syntactic relations.

52. The sentence consists of one or more words: Aráy! 5Ouch! Umúulàn. It’s raining. Ina kò! Mother of mine! (as exclamation). Sya y sumùsúlat. He or she is or was writing.

53. The relations between the words in a sentence are the usual ones: (1) Attribution: Ina kò! Mother (of) mine! (2) Predication: Sumùsúlat syà. Literally: Is-writing he. (3) The 10serial relation: butò t balàt bone and skin.

54. Some of the particles (§ 55) seem, however, to stand in none of these relations, but rather to express these relations themselves. Thus the particle t and in the preceding example is expressive of the serial relation. So further: malakì ŋ báhay 15large house; the particle ŋ expresses the attributive relation; Sya y sumùsúlat. The particle y expresses the predicative relation.

b. Parts of speech.

55. Tagalog distinguishes two parts of speech: full words and particles.

The particles either express the syntactic relations between 25full words (as illustrated in § 54) or act as attributes of full words (so máy in the example in § 54): Hindí sya sumùsúlat. He is not writing. The particle hindìʾ not is an attribute of sumùsúlat.

In contrast with the particles, full words act not only as attributes, but also as subject or predicate, and any full word may, 30in principle, be used in any of these three functions:

(1) Subject: Aŋ sumùsúlat ay si Pédro. The person writing is Pedro. Aŋ pulà naŋ panyò ay matiŋkàd. The red of the handkerchief is intense.

(2) Predicate: Sya y sumùsúlat. He is writing. Pulà aŋ panyo ŋ itò. This handkerchief is red.

5(3) Attribute: aŋ báta ŋ sumùsúlat the writing child, the child who is writing; aŋ pulà ŋ panyò the red handkerchief.

56. Independent of this classification into parts of speech are certain less important groupings of words and certain phrase types, some of which will appear in the course of the analysis. 10Others, however, demand mention at the outset.

c. Static and transient words.

57. Transient words express an element of experience viewed as impermanent, i. e. belonging to some limited portion of time, so sumùsúlat above, as opposed, e. g., to siyà, pulà, panyò, bátaʾ, 15Pédro. Words which are not transient may be called static. Only a few particles are transient; among the full words the transient group is large and important.

d. Personal names.

58. Except in exclamations and in address, names of persons 20(or animals) are distinguished from other words by being always (but see § 78) preceded by the atonic particle si: Hwàn! Juan! si Hwàn Juan, si Salamìn Glass, Mirror (as name of a dog).

59. Many terms of relationship and titles may be used in place of the name of an individual and then belong to the personal 25name class: aŋ amà the father, aŋ áki ŋ amà my father, but: si Amà Father. Thus are used, further: si Inà Mother, si Tátay Papa, si Nánay Mama, si Kúya or si Kúyaŋ Oldest brother, si Atè Oldest sister, si Iŋkòŋ Grandfather, si Indàʾ or si Impò Grandmother, si Áli or si Tiyà Aunt, si Mámaʾ Uncle; si Bathálaʾ God, but: aŋ 30Dyòs.

So also phrases in which these and other titles as attributes precede a name, see § 256.

60. The particle sinà or silà, pretonic, in place of si forms an expression denoting the person named together with his family 35or group of adherents: sina Hwàn or sila Hwàn Juan and his family or Juan and his crowd. With a series of names sinà implies that those named form a group: si Hwàn, si Andrès, at si Mariyáno Juan, Andrés, and Mariano; sina Hwàn, Andrès, at Mariyáno the group consisting of Juan, Andrés, and Mariano; sina Hwàn, sina Andrès, at sina Mariyáno Juan, Andrés, and Mariano, each with his group.

e. The object construction.

61. When a word or phrase denotes an element of experience 5viewed as an object, it is, with certain exceptions, preceded by the atonic particle aŋ: aŋ bátaʾ the or a child, boy, girl; children, aŋ báhay the, a house; houses, aŋ báyan the, a town, aŋ kabàítan goodness, kindness; an act of kindness, aŋ kataúhan mankind, aŋ pagsúlat the or an act of writing, aŋ mabúte that which 10is good, the best thing.

The following are the exceptions:

62. Personal names preceded by si or sinà (silà) do not take aŋ; they always, of course, denote an object idea. See the examples in § 58 ff.

1563. The personal pronouns (which always express an object idea) do not take aŋ. They are: akò I; kità we, i. e. thou and I, inclusive dual; táyo we, i. e. thou (or ye) and I (or we), inclusive dual and plural; kamì we (but not you), exclusive dual and plural; ikàw, kà thou (singular); kayò ye, you (dual, plural, and 20polite singular); siyà he, she; silà they.

All of these except ikàw are often enclitic; kà is always so: Ikàw ay talúnan. You are defeated. Sumúlat ka. Write (thou).

Siyà is used only of living beings, except for a single peculiar construction to be described below (§ 106 f.).

25Kità in the sense here given is not much used, táyo being commoner: Palìt kità naŋ sombréro. Let’s trade hats. Kità ay pumaroòn sa teyátro. Or, more commonly: Táyo ay pumaroòn sa teyátro. Let us go to the theatre. Kità is more used in another meaning, as we shall see (§ 182).

30Kamì differs from these two words in excluding the person or persons addressed: Kàkáin táyo. We shall eat. Nakitúluy kamì kina Pédro. We asked hospitality of Pedro’s. In both of these sentences (as also in that with táyo already given) two or more people may be meant. It will be seen, therefore, that the 35distinction between dual and plural is not categoric (obligatory).

That between singular and plural is categoric in these pronouns; everywhere else it is not obligatory; the idea of plurality is inherent in many words and forms, but these are used only where the idea of plurality is explicitly prominent.

4064. The demonstrative pronouns as object expressions also reject aŋ. They are: irè this (on the person of the speaker or within his immediate reach); itò this (more generally, of anything nearer to the speaker than to the person addressed); iyàn, yàn that (nearer to the person addressed); iyòn, yaòn, yoòn, yòn that (of things distant from both speaker and person addressed).

5Itò and iyòn are used also anaphorically: the former—the latter.

The demonstrative pronouns are often enclitic.

Aŋ is omitted also before an object expression in which a demonstrative pronoun stands first as a modifier, see § 130.

1065. Similarly before object expressions in which an interrogative pronoun stands first as a modifier, see §§ 131.168.

66. The use of aŋ is optional before the numerative pronouns. The use of aŋ seems sometimes to lend these greater definiteness, sometimes to be indifferent.

15The numerative pronouns used as object expressions are: ibà other, ilàn few, karamíhan most, lahàt all. (The other numerative pronouns, namely boòʾ whole and the particles bála any and báwat every are not used as object expressions).

ibà others; ilàn a few; Aŋ ilàn ay malalakàs at aŋ ibà ay 20mahihínaʾ. Some are strong and others are weak. Lahàt naŋ táo sa báya ŋ itò ay dápat umalìs. All people (who are) in this town ought to leave (naŋ táo of people, of the people is an attribute of lahàt). Aŋ lahàt naŋ táo sa báya ŋ itò ay máy sakìt. All the people in this town are diseased. karamíhan sa kanilà 25most of them; aŋ karamíhan the majority.

The use of aŋ is optional also before object expressions in which a numerative pronoun stands first as an attribute, see § 132.

67. The use of aŋ is optional before the cardinal numerals: isà sa kanilà, or: aŋ isà sa kanilà one of them.

30The simple cardinal numerals are: isà one, dalawà two, tatlò three, ápat four, limà five, ánim six, pitò seven, walò eight, siyàm, syàm nine.

Similarly, the use of aŋ is optional before an object expression in which a cardinal numeral stands first as a modifier, see 35§ 133.

In dates and for the hours of the day the Spanish numerals are commonly used; these demand aŋ: aŋ abéynte-kwátru naŋ Húnyo the twenty-fourth of June.

f. Expressions of indefinite quantity.

569. Object expressions are used (without aŋ, § 68) to express indefinite objects (roughly speaking such as would lack the article the in English) or indefinite quantities of objects, when preceded by certain modifiers. These modifiers are the pretonic particle máy, expressing existence or forthcomingness (§ 252), and 10the full words máy-roòn, equivalent with máy; walàʾ the negative of these; malakì great; maláon long; marámi much, many (§ 138). The phrases so formed may be described as expressions of indefinite quantity. Beside the omission of aŋ before the object expression, they have the peculiarity that in certain constructions 15they express (without further accompaniments) the possessor of that designated: may súŋay there are horns or having horns, horned; máy-roo ŋ aklàt there are books or having a book, books; wala ŋ aklàt there are no books or without a book, having no books; malakì ŋ kagamitàn great usefulness, there is great use, or having 20great usefulness; maláo ŋ panahòn long time or taking a long time; marámi ŋ salapèʾ much money, there is much money or having much money; marámi ŋ kaybígan many friends, there are many friends or having many friends.

Máy expresses also approximateness (where the object expression 25is one of number): may ápat na pu ŋ paà about forty feet or having, measuring about forty feet.

70. An expression of indefinite quantity may, as a unit, stand in object construction; in this case the first three have possessive value, but not the others: aŋ máy sakìt the or a person having 30sickness, the or a sick person; aŋ máy-roo ŋ aklàt the (a) person who has a book or books; aŋ wala ŋ hiyàʾ the (a) shameless person; but: aŋ malakì ŋ báhay the, a large house; aŋ marámi ŋ bágay the many things.

71. Marámi may by itself stand in object construction; it 35then has the meaning: aŋ marámi the many, the crowd, the people, hoi polloi.

2. Subject and predicate.

72. Most sentences consist of a subject and a predicate, showing the construction of Sumùsúlat syà, Sya y sumùsúlat (§§ 53, 54). Indeed, this goes farther than in English; many commands, 5for instance, have the subject-and-predicate structure: Sumúlat ka. Write thou, i. e. Write.

Nevertheless, much of the syntax is determined by the use of constructions which lack subject-and-predicate structure.

a. Non-predicative sentences.

1073. The sentences which lack subject-and-predicate structure are of two general types: (1) exclamatory, and (2) impersonal-anaphoric.

74. To the exclamatory type belongs the use in independent sentences of certain particles, the primary interjections: Abà! 15Ah! Aráy! Ouch! Ó! Oh!

As in other languages, some of these violate the normal phonetic structure, that is, are “inarticulate”: Sss! Whew!, uttered when the weather is very hot. One whistles when one wants the wind to blow.

2075. To the exclamatory type belong, further, words and phrases used as secondary interjections: Anò! What! (unpleasant surprise). Inà ko! or: Ina kò! Mother of mine! Ano ŋ hína mo! What weakness of-you! i. e. How weak you are!

As the second example shows, object expressions are here used 25without aŋ (§ 68).

76. Certain words with the prefix ka- expressing high degree of a quality (see Morphology), with their attributes: Kaitìm naŋ gabi! What-blackness of-the night! i. e. How black the night is!

77. Certain words with the prefix ka- and reduplication expressing 30recent completion of an act (see Morphology), with their modifiers: Karáratiŋ ko pa lámaŋ! Just-arriving by-me still only! i. e. I have only just arrived.

78. Vocatives, in calling or address: Kayò ŋ maŋa makasalánan! Ye sinners! In this use personal names lack si and all 35object expressions lack aŋ (§ 68): Hwàn! Juan! Mámaʾ! Sir! Áli! Madam! Wala ŋ hiyàʾ! Shameless one!

79. Commands of certain brusque or familiar types, used, e. g., to children, servants, animals, in haste or excitement: Hintú na! Stop! Ílag na! Get out of the way! Súloŋ! Go ahead! 40Hurry up! Panáog nà sa báhay! Come down from the house! Come on out! Tàbí poʾ Look out please! (Cry of drivers to people on the street. The accent is irregular by § 51 for tabì).

80. Certain set expressions, such as greetings: Maganda ŋ áraw pòʾ! Good-morning! Salámat. Thanks. Salámat sa iyò. 5Thank you.

81. Expressions of affirmation and negation: Óo. Yes. Oo ŋàʾ. Yes indeed. Támaʾ. That’s right, Exactly. Hindìʾ. No. Walàʾ. None, Nothing, There isn’t.

82. The mere naming of an idea, as in counting or giving 10the title of a story: Isà, dalawà, tatlò, ápat, limà.... One, two, three, four, five....

83. (2) Of the impersonal-anaphoric type are many answers to questions or continuations of dialogue: Kahápon. Yesterday. Akò. I, It’s I, It was I. (Never “Itò y akò,” or the like).

1584. Certain occurrences, especially meteoric phenomena, are not analyzed into subject and predicate: Umúulàn. It’s raining. Kabilúgan naŋ bwàn. Roundness of-the moon, i. e. There is a full moon. Bumábahàʾ. There is a flood. Naàáreʾ. It is possible, allowable. Hindí nalaúnan. It did not take long, It was not long. 20Taginit nà. It is summer already.

85. Very common in impersonal construction are expressions of indefinite quantity (§ 69). In this use they express existence or forthcomingness (or the opposite) of indefinite objects: Mày maŋa babáye. There are women. Máy-roo ŋ aswàŋ sa báyan. 25There was a vampire in the town. Walà ŋ papèl. There is no paper. Walà ŋ anu màn! There is nothing. Also: Not at all! You’re welcome! Malaki ŋ twàʾ naŋ iba ŋ táo. There was great rejoicing by the other people. Sa dalága ŋ itò y marámi ŋ maŋlilígaw. For this young woman there were many suitors.

3086. Less common in impersonal construction are expressions of occurrences involving indefinite or indifferent persons or things: Humúkay. One should dig. Nagumpisa nà naŋ pagsábuy. “They” have already begun to throw.

87. There is great freedom as to presence or absence of anaphorically 35determined elements (i. e., such as have been recently mentioned or, less commonly, are about to be mentioned), including the subject; when this is wanting, the subject-and-predicate structure is, of course, lost: Hiníla nya sa pasígan. Was-dragged by-him to-the shore, i. e. He dragged it or the tree (sc. itò, or: 40aŋ púnoʾ, from the preceding sentence) to the shore. Hindí makabùbúti sa kanilà. (It, the scheme mentioned) will do them no good.

Many constructions later to be noticed depend on this habit of omitting anaphorically determined elements, cf. e. g.: Aŋ púnoʾ ay tumúbo haŋgàŋ sa magbúŋa. The tree grew until (sc. it) bore fruit. Pagdatìŋ niya ay sabíhin mo ŋ maghintày. At-the-coming 5of-him be-said (impersonal) by-you that (sc. he) should-wait, i. e. When he comes, tell him to wait.

b. The subject.

88. The subject of a sentence is always an object expression. The only exceptions are complex sentences with entire predications 10(§ 115) or quotations (§ 329) as subject.

89. The subject may have two positions:

(1) Non-enclitic: it precedes or follows the predicate; in the former case the predicate is introduced by the atonic particle ay, y (y often after syllabic vowel, n, or ʾ; see Phonetics): Sumùsúlat 15aŋ bátaʾ. The child is writing; or: Aŋ bátaʾ ay sumùsúlat. Aŋ báta y sumùsúlat. Siyà ay sumùsúlat. Sya y sumùsúlat. He, she is writing. Here siyà, syà is not enclitic.

(2) Enclitic: it follows the first orthotonic word of the predicate: Hindí sya sumùsúlat. Not he is-writing, i. e. He is not writing. 20Sumùsúlat sya naŋ líham. He is writing a letter, letters. In these examples siyà is enclitic.

Not only enclitically used pronouns (§§ 63. 64), but even short phrases are thus used: Pinapútol nila si Hwàn naŋ káhoy. Was-ordered-to-cut by-them Juan (subject) some wood, i. e. They ordered 25Juan to cut wood. Here the position of si Hwàn after the first orthotonic word of the predicate (pinapútol) but before the rest of the predicate (naŋ káhoy) shows it to be (like nilà) an enclitic element. With the same subject not enclitically used the sentence would be: Pinapútol nila naŋ káhoy si Hwàn, and this, 30indeed, is the more usual locution.

90. On the use or non-use of an anaphoric subject (siyà, silà, itò) see § 87.

c. The predicate.

91. The predicate may be (1) a transient word with its 35modifiers, (2) a static word with its modifiers, or (3) an object expression.

(1) Transient predicate.

92. Transient words fall into four classes according to the four relations which a subject may bear to them when they are used as predicate. We may designate these classes by the following names:

1. active: the subject is viewed as an actor: Sumùsúlat sya naŋ líham. He (subject) is writing a letter, letters. Sya y pumútol 5naŋ káhoy. He (subject) cut some wood. Umalìs syà. He went away.

2. direct passive: the subject is viewed as an object fully affected or produced: Sinúlat nya aŋ líham. Was-written by-him the letter (subject), i. e. The letter was written by him, He wrote 10the letter. Pinútol nya aŋ káhoy. Was-cut by-him the wood (subject), i. e. He cut the wood.

3. instrumental passive: the subject is viewed as a means, an instrument, something given forth or parted from: Isinúlat nya aŋ kwènto. Was-written-down by-him the story (subject), i. e. 15He wrote the story. Ipinútol nya aŋ gúlok. Was-cut-with by-him the bolo (subject), i. e. He used the bolo for cutting, He cut with the bolo.

4. local passive: the subject is viewed as an object partly or less fully affected, as a place or sphere: Sinulátan nya akò. Was-written-to 20by-him I (subject), i. e. He wrote me. Pinutúlan nya aŋ káhoy. Was-cut-from by-him the wood (subject), i. e. He cut a piece off the wood.

For a detailed description of these classes of transient words, see Morphology.

2593. In general the choice between these four constructions is made in accordance with the logical situation: the definite, known object underlying the predication as starting-point of discourse is chosen as subject: Binigyàn nya akò naŋ aklàt. Was-given-to (local passive) by-him I (enclitic subject) a book, books, 30i. e. He gave me a book, books. Ibinigay nyà sa ákin aŋ aklàt. Was-given (instrumental passive) by-him to me the book (subject), i. e. He gave me the book. In the first example the speaker is talking about himself, in the second about a certain book.

94. However, the active construction is avoided whenever 35any object other than the actor is available as subject. Especially are active constructions with an anaphoric subject (siyà, silà, itò) avoided wherever a passive construction is at hand. Thus, in the instance in § 93, even if “he”, the actor, were the real subject of discourse, one would rarely use the active construction: Sya y 40nagbigày sa ákin naŋ aklàt. He (subject) gave (active) me a book, books. Even elements which we should look upon as somewhat indefinite are preferred as subjects to an actor: Kinúha nya aŋ isa ŋ aklàt. Was-taken (direct passive) by-him a book (subject), i. e. He took a (certain) book (he knew, or I know which one or what kind).

The active construction is thus confined to instances in which 5the object-ideas other than the actor are entirely vague and undetermined or lacking: Umalìs syà. He went away. Sya y kumúha naŋ aklàt. He took a book, some books (no matter to him or to me which one or what kind). Sumùsúlat sya naŋ líham. He is writing a letter, letters. Sya y pumútol naŋ káhoy. He cut some 10wood. Kumáin sya naŋ kánin. He ate some boiled rice; but: Kináin nya aŋ kánin. Was-eaten (direct passive) by him the boiled rice (subject), i. e. He ate the boiled rice.

If, in spite of the presence of other definite objects, the actor is very decidedly emphasized, a different construction (§§ 104.107.) 15is used.

(2) Static predicate.

95. The predicate may consist of a static word with its modifiers: Aŋ bátà ay mabaìt. The child is good. Iyà y masamàʾ. That’s bad, wrong. Pulà aŋ panyo ŋ itò. This handkerchief is red.

2096. This type of predicate is regular in word-questions: the question word is used as predicate; it precedes the subject: Páno aŋ pagkágusto ninyò sa trabáho-ŋ-kanyunéro? How (predicate) your liking for (i. e. How did you like) the artillery-service? Papáno aŋ pagsasábi sa wíka ŋ Tagálog naŋ salità ŋ Inglès na 25“scissors”? How (predicate) the saying in the Tagalog language of the English word “scissors”? i. e. How does one say “scissors” in Tagalog? Gaáno aŋ pagkakagalìt nila? How great, How serious was (predicate) their quarrel?

97. This is the construction of the interrogative pronouns in 30questions asking for the identity of an object,—unless, indeed, these belong rather under type (3). The interrogative pronouns are the following:

(a) síno who? (singular and plural), síno-síno (explicit plural, § 63, end) is used of persons only, and then only when the answer 35expected is a name or the equivalent; it asks for the identity of a person: Sínu ka? Who are (predicate) you (subject)? Sínu yàn?—Akò. Who’s that? i. e. Who’s there?—I. Sínu ya ŋ tumútuktók? Who’s that knocking? Síno aŋ nagbigày sa iyò? Who (predicate) the one-who-gave (sc. it, anaphoric) to you (subject)? 40i. e. Who gave it to you? Síno aŋ nagsábi sa iyò? Who told you? Who told you so? Síno sa kanila ŋ dalawà aŋ nagnákaw? Which of the two committed the theft? The two are known by name or, at any rate, as personalities. Síno-síno sa maŋa bátaʾ aŋ iyo ŋ nàhúle sa paŋuumìt? Which ones of the children (predicate) did you catch pilfering? literally: the ones caught by you at pilfering, 5subject.

(b) anò what? what kind of? how?, explicit plural anò-anò, asks for the identity of a thing or for the description, character, condition of a person or of a thing: Ano yàn?—Itò y librò. What (predicate) is that you have there (subject)?—This is a book. An 10yòn?—Yo y súnog. What’s that over there?—It’s a fire. Anò aŋ ŋálan mo? What is your name? Ano aŋ sábi mo? What do you say? Ano aŋ íbig mo? What do you want? Ano-anò aŋ pinagsabè ni Hwàn sa iyò? What things did Juan tell you?, literally: What things (predicate) the things said by Juan to you? Anu kà? 15What sort of person are you? Anò aŋ lagày naŋ maŋa bátaʾ?... naŋ asáwa mo? ... naŋ mé báhay? What (or How) is the condition of (i. e. How are) the children? ... your husband or wife? ... your wife?

(c) alìn which? which one? which ones?, explicit plural alìn-alìn, 20is used of persons and things; it asks neither for identification (persons, síno; things, anò) nor for characterization (anò), but for indication, by pointing or by description of the place or some other unessential feature, of persons or things: Alìn aŋ gustu mò? Which one, Which ones do you want? Alìn sa kanila 25ŋ dalawà aŋ nagnákaw? Which of the two (e. g., of these two strange men) committed the theft? Alin-alìn sa maŋa púnu-ŋ-káhoy aŋ iyo ŋ tinagàʾ? Which ones of the trees did you cut down?

98. Of the numerative pronouns (§ 66), boòʾ, ibà, and ilàn 30(in this use interrogative) are used as static predicates: Itò y buòʾ. This is entire, complete, unbroken. Hindí ko gusto iyàn; ibà aŋ áki ŋ gustò. Not by-me wanted (static predicate) that (subject); different (predicate) that by-me wanted (subject), i. e. I don’t want that; what I want is different, I want something 35else. Ilàn aŋ maŋlilígaw? How many are the suitors?

99. Of the modifiers of indefinite quantity (§ 69) several are used as static predicates: Sya y walá na. He is or was gone already. Itò y walàʾ. This does not take place, does not appear, falls away. Malakì aŋ súnog. The fire was great. Marámi aŋ 40nagsàsábi nitò. Many are they who say this.

100. For the disjunctive forms of personal pronouns and of síno as static predicates, see § 169. For local expressions, see § 211. For entire predications as static predicates, § 112 f., quotations, § 114.

(3) Object expression as predicate.

101. If the predicate is an object expression, it may have 5three different forms: (A) definite, (B) circumlocutory definite, and (C) indefinite.

102. (A) A definite object predicate consists simply of a word or phrase in the object construction (§ 61 ff.); it has therefore the same structure as a subject. Usually this predicate precedes 10and is emphatic (emotionally dominant): Itò aŋ áki ŋ tìráhan. This is (predicate) my dwelling (subject), i. e. Why, it’s here I’m at home!

103. The definite object predicate is especially emphatic in sentences that have as subject a transient word (with or without 15modifiers) in object construction: Si Hwàn aŋ nagnákaw. It was Juan who did the stealing. Siya rìn aŋ kanya ŋ inìíbig. It was he whom she loved. Both nagnákaw and inìíbig are transient.

104. When an emphatic actor cannot be used as subject of a transient predicate (owing to the presence of other definite object 20ideas, § 94), it is often used as the predicate in this construction,—the transient part of the sentence being put into object construction and used as subject. Thus, if, in the sentence: Itò y ginawá ni Hwàn. This (subject) was-done (direct passive) by Juan, the idea of “Juan”, the actor, should become dominant, 25one would not use the active transient predicate (”Si Hwàn ay gumawá nitò”), for the idea of “this” is too definite to allow of the actor’s functioning as subject; one says instead: Si Hwàn aŋ gumawá nitò. It was Juan who did this, with “Juan” as definite object predicate and the rest of the sentence, objectivized, as subject. 30So: Siyà aŋ nagbigày sa ákin naŋ aklàt. It was he that gave me the (or a) book, books. (cf. § 93). Ikaw ŋàʾ aŋ nagsábi niyàn. It was you yourself who said that.

105. Less commonly the subject precedes the predicate. In this case the construction is quite normal and unemphatic; if 35there is a transient element it usually stands in the predicate: Itò y aŋ áki ŋ tìráhan. This (subject) is my dwelling. Si Hwàn ay aŋ nagnákaw. Juan is the one who did the stealing.

106. (B) In the circumlocutory definite object predicate the central element is the pronoun siyà (in this use never enclitic), 40which is followed by modifiers which express the real content of the predicate. In this use siyà may apply to inanimate objects and to two or more objects (§ 63). The subject, which has always a moderate degree of emphasis, usually precedes: Itò ay sya kò ŋ tìráhan. This is what is my home, i. e. This is where I live. In most cases the real content of the predicate is a transient 5word (with or without modifiers): Si Pédro ay sya ŋ tumútuktòk. Pedro is the one (siyà) who is knocking. (Less emphatic than the violently transposed Si Pédro aŋ tumútuktòk. It’s Pedro who is knocking, of type A). Aŋ pagkátahol naŋ áso ay syà ŋ ikinágisiŋ naŋ bátaʾ. The barking of the dog is what woke up the 10child. Aŋ maŋa paŋparikìt ay sya kò ŋ pinamutúlan. The kindlings are what I have cut up. Occasionally the predicate precedes: Baká sya ŋ ikapútol naŋ piŋgà aŋ kabigatàn naŋ buháŋin. Perhaps that which may break the carrying-pole (predicate) the weight of the sand (subject), i. e. See that the weight of the sand 15doesn’t break the carrying-pole.

107. This construction, like that of type (A), is often used when a transient predicate is not permissible with an actor-subject; here, however, the sentence is not, as in (A), reversed, but the actor is used as subject and the rest of the sentence as true 20content of the circumlocutory predicate: Si Hwàn ay syà ŋ gumawá nito. Juan is the one who did this. Si Pédro ay syà ŋ nagbigày sa ákin naŋ aklàt. Pedro is the person who gave me the book.

108. A predicate of this type may, in its entirety and as a 25unit, be objectivized with aŋ and used as subject of a sentence of type (A): Aŋ médiko lámaŋ ay sya nyà ŋ màkàkatálo. The doctor alone will be the one to oppose him (literally: he by-him who will-be-opposed, direct passive): Aŋ médiko lámaŋ aŋ sya nyà ŋ màkàkatálo. It is the doctor alone who will be the one to 30oppose him. Aŋ bintána ŋ iyàn aŋ syà ŋ kahùhulúgan naŋ bátaʾ! It’s that window that will be the place where the child will fall out!

109. (C) The indefinite object predicate has the structure of an object expression, but lacks aŋ (§ 68). In meaning it corresponds, 35roughly, to an English noun-predicate without the: Itò y librò. This (subject) is a book (predicate). Yo y súnog. That’s a fire. Itò y mabúti ŋ librò. This is a good book. Si Hwàn ay isa ŋ magnanákaw. Juan is a thief. Masípag na táo itò. Industrious people (predicate) these (subject), i. e. These are industrious 40people.

110. As indefinite object predicates occur especially the expressions of indefinite quantity (§ 69). In this use they have possessive value: Sya y máy famílya. He has a family. May ápat na pu ŋ paà aŋ hábaʾ. Having forty feet (predicate) the length (subject), i. e. The length is about forty feet. Sya y máy-roo ŋ aklàt. He has a book, books. Sya y wala ŋ aklàt. He has no book, 5no books. Sya y marámi ŋ salapèʾ. He has much money. Hindí maláo ŋ panahòn aŋ kanya ŋ paghihimatày. Her fainting-spell did not last long. Itò y malakì ŋ kagamitàn. This has great use, is much used.

It is to be noted that all the modifiers of indefinite quantity, 10except máy, which is pretonic, are orthotonic and therefore followed by an enclitic subject (§ 89): Máy-roon sya ŋ aklàt. He has no book. But: May dalawà sya ŋ anàk. He has two children.

d. Subordinate predications.

111. An entire predication may be used as subject, predicate, 15or attribute in a longer sentence. The use of such subordinate predications is, however, limited (as opposed, e. g., to English usage) by the habit of freely using transient words (with their modifiers) as attributes: aŋ súpot naŋ kwaltà na kanila ŋ ibinigày pagdáka sa kanila ŋ magúlaŋ the bag of money by-them given 20at once to their parents, i. e. ... which they gave.... It is limited, further, by the freedom of omitting anaphoric elements (§ 87): Aŋ púnoʾ ay tumúbo haŋgàŋ sa magbúŋa. The tree grew until (sc. it, subject) bore fruit.

112. Predications as predicates occur very frequently. Aŋ 25ginawá nya ay umalìs sya. That done by-him (subject) was went-away he (predication, as predicate), i. e. What he did was, he went away. Aŋ mabúti ay itápun nilà aŋ maŋa bátaʾ. The best thing (to do) was that they should abandon the children. Aŋ ísip ko y balat lámaŋ naŋ itlòg itò. My thought was (i. e. I 30thought) this was only an egg-shell.

113. Especially common is a whole predication as a predicate describing or characterizing the subject: Aŋ kúba ay mahínaʾ aŋ katawàn. The hunchback was: weak was his body, i. e. was weak of body. Aŋ ikapitu ŋ bátaʾ ay hindí kináin aŋ kanya 35ŋ tinápay. The seventh child was: not was-eaten his bread, i. e. did not eat his bread. Aŋ isa nyà ŋ anàk ay pitò nà ŋ taòn aŋ gúlaŋ. His one child was now seven years of age. This construction, together with the use of impersonal expressions (§ 84) makes possible such a sentence as: Aŋ maŋa karitòn ... ay gabì kuŋ 40ipalákad. The wagons ... were: it-was-night when (sc. they, anaphoric subject) were-made-to-go, i. e. The wagons were driven at night.

114. Direct quotations as predicates are frequent: “Isà!” aŋ sábi naŋ bulàg. “One!” was what the blindman said. “Túnay bagà ŋ akò y inìíbig mo?” aŋ tanòŋ naŋ dalága ni Andrès sa kanyà. “Is it really true that you love me?” was the question 5of Andrés’ young lady to him.

115. A predication as subject is rare: Mabúti táyo y dumoòn sa isa ŋ lugàr.... It is best (predicate) that we go to a place.... Hindí bihíraʾ aŋ maŋa táo y naŋhùhúle naŋ buhày na uŋgòʾ. It is not rare that people go catching live monkeys. 10It will be noted that these predications are not objectivized, cf. § 88.

116. Occasionally, however, the predication used as subject is objectivized: Hindí bihíraʾ aŋ magkalunòd aŋ maŋa táo. It is not rare that people get drowned, or The occurrence that people 15get drowned is not rare. Súkat nà aŋ ikàw ay magpasalámat. It is fitting now that you be thankful.

117. For predications as attributes see the section on attribution.

e. Omission of predicate.

20118. The use of a predicate, or of the central element of a predicate is (like that of any other element, § 87) optional when, if used, it would be anaphoric: (Si Hwàn namàn ay sumagòt: “Matàr!” at sa hulè) si Andrès aŋ kanya ŋ “Sì!” (Then Juan answered “Matar!” and last) Andrés his “Si!” The form of 25the sentence with the predicate (which is anaphoric from the preceding sumagòt answered) would be: ... si Andrès ay isinagòt aŋ kanya ŋ “Sì!” ... Andrés was: was-answered his “Si!”, i. e. Andrés answered his “Si!”,—a sentence of the kind described in § 113.

303. Attributes.

119. We may distinguish four constructions in which an attribute may stand: 1. Conjunctive attribution: the attribute is joined by means of the particle na or ŋ: isa ŋ táo a person, one person; 2. Disjunctive attribution: the attribute, which is always 35an object expression, stands in a special disjunctive form, aŋ, for instance, being changed to naŋ: aŋ púno naŋ uŋgòʾ the tree of the monkey; 3. Local attribution: the attribute, which is always an object expression, stands in a special local form, aŋ, for instance, being always changed to sa: nalìlígo sa ílog bathing in the 40river; 4. Absolute attribution: the attribute merely precedes or follows: hindí támaʾ not correct.

120. In position attributes may be:

10A. Loosely joined. In this position occur only attributes of a predicate (or of an entire non-predicative sentence). Their treatment resembles that of a non-enclitic subject (§ 89): they either precede the rest of the sentence with ay, y, or follow at the end of the sentence: Doòn ay syà y nahigàʾ. There (doòn, loosely 15joined) he lay down. Nahánap ko nà aŋ sombréro sa lahàt naŋ súlok. I have looked for the hat in every corner. The phrase beginning with sa is loosely joined; it follows all the rest of the sentence, including even the subject, aŋ sombréro.

In the placing of enclitics a loosely joined attribute is ignored: 20Pagulàn ay gamítin mo aŋ kapóte. When it rains use your rain-coat. The enclitic mò follows the first orthotonic word of the predicate (which it modifies), not counting the loosely joined pagulàn.

When a loosely joined attribute precedes, the ay, y is in some 25cases left off: Dahil díto tináwag nya aŋ kaybígan nya. Therefore he called his friend. The position of the enclitic niyà shows that dahil díto is loosely joined, but ay, y is not used.

Occasionally a loosely joined attribute is preceded by the subject and only one ay, y is used: Karanyúwa y aŋ kosinéro y 30upahàn. Usually (loosely joined) the cook is hired; but also: Aŋ kosinéro karanyúwa y upahàn.

B. Closely joined. The attribute immediately precedes or follows that modified: hindí támaʾ not correct; aŋ púno naŋ uŋgòʾ the tree of the monkey.

35C. Enclitic. They follow immediately on the first word of the expression modified, counting closely joined attributes, but not loosely joined: Hindí ko nàlàláman. Not by-me (it) is-known, i. e. I don’t know. aŋ mahahába nya ŋ paà his (niyà enclitic) long legs.

121. Some attributes always precede (so e. g. hindìʾ, § 239); others always follow (so, for instance, disjunctive attributes, 5§ 171).

a. Conjunctive attributes.

122. A conjunctive attribute is connected with the word or phrase which it modifies by the atonic particle na. Normally ŋ takes the place of na after a vowel, n, or the glottal stop (see 10Phonetics): mabúti ŋ aklàt good book, or: aklàt na mabúti.

However, na and ŋ are not exactly equivalent. Predications, longer phrases, and, frequently, transient expressions are joined with na even where ŋ is possible: isa ŋ malakì ŋ higànte na nalìlígoʾ a big giant who was bathing.

15On the other hand, some constructions use na rarely or not at all: where ŋ cannot be used the particle is then omitted and we have absolute attribution. These constructions will be described under the latter heading.

In the formation of compound words (see Morphology) na is 20never used, while ŋ is a regular element. This latter circumstance sometimes makes it difficult to determine whether a given expression is a conjunctive phrase or a compound word.

123. Conjunctive attributes are closely joined and either precede or follow; for this reason it is sometimes undetermined 25which of the elements connected is the attribute, which the element modified.

124. The elements connected by conjunctive attribution are viewed as constituting a single larger element. Conjunctive attribution is the normal and general relation between modifier and 30modified and includes relations that in many other languages (such as English) are viewed in manifold ways. We may divide the construction roughly into three types, although these actually merge into each other: (1) quality, (2) manner, and (3) complement.

35Not included in this division are the cases where conjunctive attribution alternates with absolute (§ 122), which will be treated of under the latter heading, and a type which in meaning is so closely parallel with disjunctive attribution that it will be more economical to treat it under this head (§§ 165.168).

40(1) Conjunctive attributes of quality.

125. Conjunctive attributes of the quality type are used chiefly in object expressions. They have no fixed order: aŋ mabúti ŋ aklàt the (a) good book, or: aŋ aklàt na mabúti. aŋ sumùsúlat na bátaʾ the writing child, the child that is writing, or: aŋ báta ŋ sumùsúlat.

5126. When they precede a personal name the whole expression is preceded by aŋ, but when they follow si suffices: aŋ báta ŋ si Hwàn the child Juan, little Juan, si Hwà ŋ Talúnan Juan who is always defeated (as a nickname).

127. Conjunctive attributes of quality tend to precede when 10they are emphatic or in contrast; when fixed they tend to follow: Aŋ marúnoŋ na pagòŋ at aŋ ulòl na uŋgòʾ. The clever turtle and the foolish monkey. Si Hwà ŋ Pípe ay nàkíta námin sa tulày. We saw Dumb Juan on the bridge. aŋ báo ŋ babáye the lower half of the cocoanut shell, aŋ báo ŋ malambòt the soft shell of the 15cocoanut, aŋ wíka ŋ Kastílaʾ the Spanish language. Especially those expressing material tend to follow: aŋ báhay na batò a stone house, aŋ koróna ŋ tinìk a crown of thorns, aŋ atsára ŋ papáya papaw salad, pickled papaw, aŋ tinóla ŋ manòk chicken stew, aŋ sáko ŋ pálay a sack of rice. A modifier expressing the 20special kind always follows: aŋ sála ŋ pagnanákaw the crime which is (i. e. of) theft, aŋ bísyo ŋ paginòm the vice of drinking, aŋ larò ŋ taguàn the game which consists of hiding, the game of hide-and-seek, kanína ŋ umága a little while ago in the morning, i. e. this morning, ilà ŋ óras na pagsasàlitáan a few hours of conversation, 25aŋ bandà ŋ kataasàn (or: itaàs) the direction (which is) north, i. e. the north; so: aŋ bandà ŋ kababáan (or: ibabàʾ) the south, siláŋan (or: sìlaŋánan) the east, kalunúran the west, aŋ gawì ŋ kánan the right-hand side, kaliwàʾ the left.

128. Titles and the like precede: aŋ báo ŋ si Maryà the 30widow Maria.

129. The personal pronouns precede their conjunctive attributes: sila ŋ tatlò they three, Si Pédro ay syà ŋ tumútuktòk. Pedro is the one who is knocking (§ 106 ff.).

130. The demonstrative pronouns as conjunctive attributes 35usually follow: aŋ táo ŋ itò this person, this man, aŋ tatlò ŋ itò these three, Aŋ korbáta ŋ irè ay bágo. This necktie is new.

Occasionally, however, they precede, especially with a longer expression. In this case aŋ is not used (§ 64, end): ito ŋ súpot ko naŋ kwàlta this bag of money of mine; iyo ŋ úna ŋ kumalabòg 40that first thing which made a thud; Itò ŋ báhay aŋ binili kò. This house is what I bought, It’s this house I’ve bought, This is the house I’ve bought (§ 102 ff.).

Under emphasis the demonstrative pronoun may both precede and follow: ito ŋ táo ŋ itò this man here, iyo ŋ táo ŋ yaòn that man over there.

131. The interrogative pronouns precede; aŋ is not used (§ 65). See also kaníno, § 168. The meanings of the interrogative 5pronouns as conjunctive attributes are:

síno which? (of several known people): sínu ŋ táo? which one? which ones?

alìn which? (of several known things): alì ŋ lugàr which place, which places? alì ŋ bandà? which way? (e. g. at a cross-roads) 10alì ŋ maŋa búŋa? which fruits? which ones of the fruits?

anò what? what kind of? (of persons or things not known), also, in exclamations, what...! what great...! Anu ŋ ílog itò? What river is this? ano ŋ bandà? what direction? which way? (of all possible points of the compass) anu ŋ táo what sort 15of a person? what sort of people? who? Ano ŋ hínaʾ! What weakness!

132. The numerative pronouns mostly precede, and the use of aŋ is optional (§ 66, end); ibà other, however, requires aŋ when, as conjunctive attribute, it begins an object phrase. Of the 20others, karamíhan most and the particle báwat every are not used in this construction, and lahàt all occurs only as modifier of the personal pronouns, which (by § 129) precede. The particle bála any, on the other hand, occurs only as conjunctive attribute: aŋ iba ŋ báhay the other house, another house, sila ŋ lahàt they all, 25all of them, bála ŋ táo any person, anyone, aŋ bála ŋ táo any one (of a given group), boò ŋ báyan all the town, everybody in town, aŋ boò ŋ báyan the entire town, everybody in the town, ilà ŋ táo ŋ matalíno a few intelligent men, aŋ ilà ŋ sandalèʾ a few moments.

133. The cardinal numerals usually precede; aŋ is optional 30(§ 67): isa ŋ itlòg one egg, an egg; aŋ isa ŋ itlòg the one egg.

134. The tens, hundreds, etc. of the cardinal numerals are always modified by isà one or a higher unit. The phrase so formed precedes that counted. The higher numerals are: pùʾ ten, daàn, raàn hundred, líbo thousand, laksàʾ million, yútaʾ billion: isa ŋ 35pù ŋ táo, sà m pu ŋ táo ten men, ápat na raà ŋ báhay four-hundred houses.

135. The teens are expressed by labì preceding the simple numerals as conjunctive modifier: labì ŋ isà ŋ aklàt eleven books, labì ŋ tatlò ŋ áraw thirteen days.

40136. The Spanish numerals, however, (used in dates, § 67) follow: aŋ taò ŋ míle-nobisyèntos-dòs the year 1902.

137. saríle self (see § 175) is used as a conjunctive attribute in the sense of own: Walá sya ŋ saríli ŋ baìt. He has no self-respect (literally: own respect).

138. Of the modifiers that form expressions of indefinite quantity all except máy precede as conjunctive attributes; for 5examples see § 69 f. In object expressions maláon, malakì and marámi do not differ from normal conjunctive attributes; examples in § 70.

139. Expressions of indefinite quantity as units may stand in conjunctive attribution. They then have possessive value: aŋ 10háre ŋ may súŋay the king who had horns; aŋ kapútol na wala ŋ dáhon the part without leaves.

140. Conjunctive attribution includes many cases which in English would be envisaged rather as appositions of two objects: aŋ báta ŋ si Hwàn the boy Juan, si Hwà ŋ Bíbas Juan the Jester, 15Sya y may táŋa ŋ pamáloʾ. He has hold of a stick. Táŋan that grasped, thing grasped is conjunctive attribute of pamáloʾ club, stick. aŋ magának na sina Bantòg the Bantog family, tatlò ŋ magkakayibíga ŋ estudyànte ŋ magkababáyan three friends (ŋ) students (ŋ) fellow-townsmen, i. e. three student friends from the 20same town; aŋ tatlú ŋ magkakaybíga ŋ si Pédro, si Hwàn, at si Andrès the three friends, Pedro, Juan, and Andrés; aŋ salità ŋ “bámos” the word “vamos”.

141. When a longer expression is used as a conjunctive attribute of quality, it usually follows, and na is often preferred 25to ŋ: aŋ parúsa na hindí mo gustò the punishment not by-you liked, i. e. the punishment you don’t like; isà ŋ usà ŋ naŋìŋináin sa gúbat a deer grazing in the jungle; aŋ isà (sa maŋa kaybígan nilà) na sya ŋ magígiŋ hukòm one (of their friends) who will be judge; cf. the predicates described in § 106. aŋ maŋa kúra na 30sya ŋ maŋa maliliìt na háreʾ the priests (who are) those (who are) little kings, i. e. the priests, those veritable little kings.

142. An object expression is frequently followed by an entire predication of the type described in § 113, as conjunctive attribute: Aŋ tagahúle ay isa ŋ táo ŋ aŋ katuŋkúlan ay humúle 35naŋ ano màn o síno màn. A catcher is a person (whose) duty is to catch anything or anyone. aŋ maŋa púno-ŋ-káhoy na masasaràp aŋ búŋa trees (whose) fruits are tasty; isa ŋ táo ŋ malakì aŋ kapaŋyaríhan a person (whose) power is great.

(2) Conjunctive attributes of manner.

40143. Conjunctive attributes of manner precede or follow. When they precede a predicate they stand as the first orthotonic word and are immediately followed by enclitics (such as an enclitic subject pronoun, § 89), after which comes the na or ŋ, and then the central element of the predicate: Syà y mabúte ŋ tumugtòg. She plays (music) well. This example illustrates the 5identity of conjunctive attributes of manner and of quality, for mabúte ŋ tumugtòg may be looked upon indifferently as a transient predicate (§ 92) with mabúte well as attribute of manner, or as an indefinite object predicate (§ 109) a good player, in which mabúte good is an attribute of quality. Other forms of the same 10sentence are: Mabúti sya ŋ tumugtòg. (siyà enclitic), Syà y tumugtòg na mabúti. So further: Isípin mo ŋ mabúti. Consider it well. Literally: Be-considered by-you (mò enclitic) well. Iyòn ay tùtúbo na mabúti. It will grow well. Silà y magkakasáma ŋ nagsipamarìl. They as-companions (i. e. in company, together) 15went hunting. Or: They were companion (quality) hunters. Madalí sya ŋ tumakbò. Quickly he ran. Talagà ŋ mahigpìt aŋ tapòn naŋ bóte ŋ iyàn. The stopper of that bottle is certainly tight. Mahigpìt tight, as central element of the predicate, is modified by talagà fated, by fate, by nature, certainly. Putikà ŋ dumatìŋ 20si Salamìn sa báhay. “Mirror” (as name of a dog) came home all muddy. Or: ... was a muddy comer. Paputòl nya ŋ tinagàʾ aŋ bisìg ni Hwàn. He cut Juan’s arm transversely. Kinalaykay kò ŋ patipòn aŋ maŋa saŋà ŋ maliliìt naŋ káhoy. I raked into-a-heap the twigs of-the trees.

25144. A phrase of more than one word usually follows that modified; frequently na is used instead of ŋ: Nádala nyà na hindí sinásadyàʾ sa kanya ŋ pagalìs aŋ áki ŋ páyoŋ. Was-taken by-him not intendedly in his departing my umbrella, i. e. In leaving he inadvertently took my umbrella.

30145. The numerative pronoun lahàt is used as a conjunctive attribute of manner in the sense of entirely, completely. It follows that modified: Aŋ maŋa lalagyàn ay pùnúa ŋ lahàt. The containers are entirely full.

146. Expressions of indefinite quantity as conjunctive attributes 35of manner follow: Aŋ maŋa táo ay nagtakbúha ŋ walà ŋ túto. The people all ran without order, in disorder.

147. The particles lubhàʾ very and láloʾ more usually precede: Lubhà ŋ malakì aŋ gálit ni Pédro. Pedro’s wrath was very great. Lálu ŋ lumakì aŋ kanya ŋ gálit. His wrath grew still 40greater.

148. The particle mulíʾ again follows: Tátakbo sya ŋ mulìʾ. He will run again. Aŋ kamakalawà ay hindí na dáratiŋ na mulèʾ. The day before yesterday will never come again.

149. A conjunctive attribute of manner may express the time throughout which: Syà y naŋgupìt at naŋáhit na maláo ŋ panahòn. He did hair-cutting and shaving for a long time. Silà y nagtítira na tatlu ŋ áraw. They stay three days. May ila ŋ 5bwà ŋ aŋ maŋa útos ay mahihigpìt. For several months (literally: having several months, § 69, end) the orders were strict.

150. A word repeated as its own conjunctive attribute of manner expresses a high degree (intensity): Sya y biŋì. He is deaf. Sya y biŋì ŋ biŋì. He is stone deaf. Inìt si Pédro. Pedro 10is hot, is angry. Inìt na inìt si Pédro. Pedro is in a rage. líhim na líhim very secretly, malakì ŋ malakì very large.

(3) Conjunctive attributes as complements.

151. The general sphere of conjunctive attribution includes cases where one element involves another as result or content. The 15latter follows and is in many instances plainly viewed as the attribute. In some instances, however, the former may just as well be looked upon as a modifier, usually of quality, sometimes also of manner. The transition from these latter types to that of the complement appears, indeed, in all possible stages, and no 20real boundary can be drawn. Sya y mabúti ŋ tumugtòg (naŋ piyáno). She is a good player (of the piano), or She plays (the piano) well,—see § 143—can be analyzed also: She is good that (she, anaphoric subject omitted, § 87) plays the piano; and in some instances this last analysis is the only possible one.

25Other examples illustrating the merging of the three types we have set up are the following: Malápit na siya ŋ makatápos naŋ karéra. He was already near that (he) end his course, i. e. near ending his course, almost through his course; or: a near ender, cf. isa ŋ báya ŋ malápit a near-by town. Aŋ pagmamarúnoŋ 30ni Hwàn ay ginágawa ŋ katatawanàn naŋ maŋa nakàkàkilála sa kanyà. Juan’s pretending to be wise is made fun of by those who know him, literally: ... is-being-made (ginágawàʾ) that (it) is a laughing-stock, or else: ... a being-made laughing-stock. Cf. aŋ gawì ŋ húkay the to-be-made ditch, i. e. the ditch that is to be 35made, where only the quality interpretation is possible. Magtúlin ka ŋ lumákad. Walk faster. This can be interpreted as Be a fast walker, or Walk faster, or Be-quick that (you) walk; and this last interpretation comes nearest to the original in so far as magtúlin is an active transient form used in commands rather than an expression 40suited to an idea of quality or of manner. Sya y nagdàdahilà ŋ may sakìt. He alleges that (he) is sick. Aŋ pagsakày sa kabáyo ay hindí magaà ŋ pagarálan. Riding horseback is not easy that (it) be-learned, i. e. not easy to learn, or: not an easy thing-to-be-learned. aŋ pinakamahúsay na magsalitàʾ naŋ Latìn the best that (he) should speak Latin, or: the best speaker of 5Latin; Hwag kà, Hwàn, pumásuk na sekréta. Don’t go as a spy (or to be a spy), Juan. Ginawá nya si Hwàn na barbéro naŋ háreʾ. Was-made by-him Juan that (he) be barber of-the king, i. e. He made Juan barber royal. Si Hwàn ay pinamàmagatàn naŋ marámi na isa ŋ doktò. Juan is reputed by the people that 10(he) is (i. e. as) a learned man.

152. The simplest cases are those where both of the expressions connected by na, ŋ refer to the same person or thing, as in the above examples. The following are less doubtful cases of complement construction of this kind: Nagpùpumílit sya ŋ màtúto. 15He strives to get educated. Si Hwàn at si Maryà ay nagkásundo ŋ pakasàl. Juan and Maria have agreed that they (i. e. to) get married. Inanyáhan silà ni Hwàn na magpasyàl. They were invited by Juan that they (i. e. to) go walking. Maári mo ŋà ŋ ihúlug sa koréyo aŋ áki ŋ súlat? Can you please mail my 20letter? Literally: maári ... ŋ ihúlug a possible thing-to-be thrown or capable that (it) be thrown. Naàári akò ŋ malígo makálawa maghápon. I am able that (I) bathe (i. e. to bathe) twice a day. Pinabayáan niya kamì ŋ umalìs. We were permitted by him to depart. Hinantày nya ŋ matápus aŋ mísa. The mass was-awaited 25by-him that it end, i. e. He waited until the mass was ended. Anò aŋ gustu mu ŋ sabíhin? What is desired by-you that (it) be-said? i. e. What do you mean to say? Hindí ko gustò ŋ màkatálo si Hwàn. Not by-me desired that (he) be-opposed is Juan, i. e. I don’t want Juan to be my opponent.

30153. Clear cases of the complement construction are those in which the two elements connected refer to different persons or things: Nagyayá sya ŋ umuwèʾ. He advised that (they, anaphoric) go home. (34, ₁₂.) Aŋ pagkámasìd nya sa láŋit ay syà ŋ nagpakilála sa kanyà na úulàn. His glance at the sky was what 35showed him that (it, see § 84) was going to rain.

154. When the former of the two elements is an object expression (or similar element) the complement construction is evident: aŋ kaibigà ŋ màtúto the desire that (he) get educated, i. e. the desire to get an education. aŋ pagkágusto nyà na kumáin naŋ 40nyòg his desire that (he) should-eat cocoanuts, i. e. to eat.... Anu ŋ tagàl nya ŋ sumísid! What endurance of-him that (he) stay under water! i. e. How long he stays under water! Ano ŋ hína mo ŋ lumákad! What slowness of-you that (you) walk! i. e. How slowly you walk! Aŋ tagasulsè ay isa ŋ babáye ŋ may katuŋkúla ŋ manahìʾ o manulsè naŋ maŋa púnit naŋ damìt. A darning-woman is a woman having the duty that (she) patch or mend the small holes in clothing, i. e. ... whose duty is to....

5155. A further sign that the speech-feeling envisages the complement construction as different from the constructions of quality or manner appears when enclitics follow the first word of the complement (i. e. of the second of the connected elements) rather than the first word of the sentence: this shows that the 10complement is viewed as a relatively independent element within the sentence: Maári ŋà ŋ ihúlug mo sa koréyo aŋ áki ŋ súlat? Should-be-capable that (it) be-thrown by-you into the mail (predicate) my letter (subject)? i. e. Can you please mail my letter? Cf. under § 152 above.

15156. Very frequently the complement is an entire predication: aŋ panukálaʾ na aŋ púnoʾ ay tùtúboʾ the thought that the tree will grow; pagkátanaw nyà na dumáratiŋ aŋ susòʾ (at the) seeing by-him i. e. when he sees that the snail is arriving; aŋ áraw na kayò ay dápat magsipagsísi the day that (i. e. when) you ought 20to repent; Nagkàkapálad aŋ manùnúbok na màkíta nya aŋ kúlam. The spier has the good fortune that be-seen by-him the magic principle, i. e. ... to see....

157. A predication as complement is often parallel with a disjunctive object modifier, i. e. with an object expression used 25as direct, instrumental, or local object (§ 184 ff.): Sya y nagsábi ŋ sya y marúnoŋ gumupìt naŋ buhòk. He said that he knew how to cut hair. Aŋ bulàg ay nagakála ŋ gawì ŋ katatawanàn aŋ pagkahúlog naŋ kúbaʾ. The blindman thought that the falling of the hunchback should be made (sc. niyà by-him, anaphoric) that (it) 30be a laughing-stock, i. e. decided to make fun of the falling ...; that which one says or thinks, with sábi and akálaʾ, is also expressed as a direct object.

158. Similarly, predications as complements are, in impersonal constructions, parallel with a subject: Sinábi nya ŋ sya y 35marúnoŋ gumupìt naŋ buhòk. Was-said by-him that he was able to cut hair, i. e. He said he knew how to cut hair. Hindí bihíraʾ na aŋ isa ŋ táo y pamagatà ŋ médiko-ŋ-maŋkukúlam. It is not rare that a man is reputed as a witch-doctor. Cf. the example of predication as subject in § 116. Hinilìŋ nya sa uŋgòʾ na dikdikìn 40sya sa lusòŋ. It was begged by him of the monkey that he be brayed in the mortar, i. e. He begged the monkey to bray him in the mortar. Pinabayáan niya na kamì y umalìs. It was allowed by him that we depart, i. e. He allowed us to depart, a less usual form than that in § 152. Totoo ŋá na akò y naparoòn sa Balíwag. It is true that I went to Baliwag. Maàári pú ba ŋ kayò y maghintòʾ? Will it be possible please that you should stop? i. e. Can you please stop? Inísip nya ŋ magnákaw sa isa ŋ tindáhan. It 5was planned by him that (he) rob a shop, i. e. He planned to.... Iniyútus nya ŋ humúkay. It was ordered by him that (one, see § 86) should dig, i. e. He ordered people to dig. Hindí mo gustò ŋ màhúle ka. Not by-you it-is-desired that you be-caught, i. e. You don’t want to be caught.

10159. A direct quotation may have the same construction as a predication: Sinábi nya ŋ “Bámos!” It-was-said by-him, namely “Vamos!” i. e. He said “Vamos!”

b. Disjunctive attributes.

160. Only object expressions are used as disjunctive attributes, 15and all object expressions have a special form for this use.

161. Those beginning with aŋ substitute for this particle the atonic particle naŋ: aŋ púno naŋ uŋgòʾ the tree of the monkey, aŋ laruwàn naŋ báta ŋ si Hwàn the toy of the boy Juan; little Juan’s toy, toys.

20162. Those beginning with si (§§ 59. 126) substitute for this the atonic particle ni; those beginning with sinà (or silà, § 60) substitute nilà (or ninà), pretonic: aŋ amà ni Hwàn Juan’s father, aŋ báhay nila Hwàn the house of Juan and his family.

163. The personal pronouns as disjunctive attributes take 25the following forms: kò my, nità of us two, nátin our (inclusive), námin our (exclusive); mò thy, niniyò, ninyò your; niyà, nyà his, her, nilà their.

The monosyllabic forms kò and mò are always enclitic, the others usually: Hindí ko nàlàláman. I don’t know, literally: Not 30by-me (it) is-known. aŋ báhay nya his, her house, aŋ mahahába nya ŋ paà his long legs, aŋ hindí karanyúwa ŋ talíno nyà his unusual talents (niyà not enclitic).

164. When these enclitics meet an enclitic subject, they precede, unless by the general rule (§ 47) the monosyllabic subject 35kà precedes a disyllabic disjunctive (including niyà, nyà): Saàn mo sya nàkíta? Where by-you he was-seen? i. e. Where did you see him? Binigyàn nya akò naŋ aklàt. Was-given by-him I a book, i. e. He gave me a book. Baká mo iyàn màbúlag. Perhaps by-you it might-be-blinded, i. e. See that you don’t blind it. Hindí ka 40námin dinatnàn. Not you by-us were found-there, i. e. We did not find you in.

165. The personal pronouns have another form, which is used as a conjunctive attribute of quality (cf. § 124, end) and always precedes that modified: its meaning, however, is the same as that of the disjunctive forms just given. These prepositive forms are: 5ákin my, kanità thy and my, átin our (inclusive), ámin our (exclusive); iyò thy, iniyò, inyò your; kaniyà, kanyà his, her, kanilà their, kaní-kanilà their respective, several, various.

Examples: Anò aŋ iyo ŋ ŋálan? What is your name? or: Anò aŋ ŋálan mo? aŋ áki ŋ amà my father, or: aŋ ama kò, aŋ 10kanya ŋ báhay his, her house, aŋ kanyà ŋ mahahába ŋ paà his long legs, aŋ kanità ŋ kwaltà our money (i. e. thine and mine), aŋ kaní-kanilà ŋ báhay their several houses.

Only a demonstrative pronoun modifier precedes these prepositive forms: iyà ŋ iyo ŋ sambalílo ŋ lúmaʾ that old hat of 15yours. Exceptions are rare: aŋ karanyúwa ŋ kanila ŋ kantahìn their usual song; what they usually sing.

166. The demonstrative pronouns, whether standing alone (§ 64) or as modifiers at the beginning of an object expression (§ 130), have the following disjunctive forms: nirè of this (right 20here), nitò of this, niyàn, nyàn of that, niyòn, nyòn, noòn of that (over there). Aŋ kúlay nirì ŋ korbáta ŋ irè ay nàpàpagítan sa itèm at sa pulà. The color of this necktie (I have on) is between black and red. aŋ dúlo nitò the end of this, aŋ anàk niyòn that one’s child (e. g. with pointing gesture), aŋ báhay niyo ŋ táo ŋ 25yaòn the house of that man over there, aŋ anàk noo ŋ táo ŋ iyòn the child of that man over there. The form noòn is used chiefly when the disjunctive attribute expresses time (§ 192).

167. The interrogative pronoun síno, whether used alone or standing first in an object expression as attribute (§ 131), has 30the disjunctive form níno whose? This form, however, is little used, for, while the interrogative pronoun is usually emphatic and tends to come first (§ 96), a disjunctive attribute follows that modified (§ 171). Hence the form níno is used only under peculiar conditions of emphasis: Aŋ sambalílo níno? Whose hat (did you 35say)? Ibinigày sa iyò níno? Given to you by whom? Sinábi sa iyo níno? Told to you by whom?

168. Instead of níno a prepositive form, kaníno, explicit plural kaní-kaníno, is ordinarily used; like the prepositive forms of the personal pronouns it stands in conjunctive attribution and 40precedes that modified. Before it the use of aŋ is optional (§§ 65.131); when aŋ is used the expression is more definite: Kaníno ŋ sambalílo? Whose hat? (the ownership of a given hat is inquired after) Aŋ kaníno ŋ sambalílo? Whose hat? (the ownership of each hat is known; the question asks merely which of them is involved) Kaníno ŋ aklàt iyàn? Whose book have you there?

169. The prepositive forms of the personal pronouns and of 5síno are used also as static predicates expressing possession: Aŋ librò ŋ binàbása mo kahápon ay ákin. The book you were reading last night is mine. Kaníno aŋ aklàt na iyàn? Whose is that book? Kaní-kaníno aŋ maŋa báhay na itò? Whose are these houses? The personal pronouns may be followed by saríle own (cf. § 137): Aŋ 10laruwà ŋ itò y áki ŋ saríle. This toy is my own.

170. All other expressions which lack aŋ,—that is, the remaining interrogative pronouns, the numerative pronouns, the cardinal numerals, and object expressions in which these as modifiers stand first (§ 131 ff.),—prefix naŋ, atonic, when used as disjunctive 15attributes: Sa itaàs naŋ anò? On top of what? Takìp naŋ alì ŋ kahòn itò? Of which box is this the cover? aŋ panukálà naŋ karamíhan the opinion of the majority; Nakàkíta akò naŋ isa ŋ táo. I saw a man.

171. All disjunctive attributes are closely joined and follow 20that which they modify. The only exceptions are the enclitic pronoun forms and expressions of time (§ 192). A disjunctive attribute precedes a subject: Binigyàn nya naŋ aklàt si Hwàn. He gave Juan some books. When the subject is enclitic, it of course precedes: Binigyàn nya si Hwàn naŋ aklàt. Real exceptions, in 25which a non-enclitic subject precedes a disjunctive attribute, are not common: Ipinakìkipagpútol ni Hwàn si Pédro naŋ labòŋ. Juan is asking someone to cut some bamboo-shoots for Pedro.

172. In meaning disjunctive attribution includes almost all cases in which an object element is viewed as the attribute of another 30element in the sentence. The only exception is the sphere of relations expressed by local attribution (§ 195 ff.). The meanings may, very roughly, be divided into seven groups: (1) possessive-partitive, (2) agent, (3) direct object, (4) instrumental object, (5) local object, (6) manner, (7) time.

35173. (1) Possessive-partitive modifier: aŋ kanya ŋ báhay, aŋ báhay nya his house, aŋ púno naŋ uŋgòʾ the tree of the monkey, aŋ púno naŋ káhoy the tree (literally head of wood), aŋ púno naŋ ságiŋ the banana-tree, Sa itaàs naŋ anò? On top of what? Nasúnog aŋ kalahátì naŋ púnoʾ. Half of the tree got burned up. 40Aŋ báyad sa útaŋ ni Pédro ay lábis naŋ dalawà ŋ píso. The payment made to settle Pedro’s debt is too great by two pesos. aŋ óras naŋ alaskwátro the hour of four o’clock, Isà ŋ sundálo ŋ marúnuŋ naŋ Latìn. A soldier who knew Latin, literally: having-knowledge of Latin. aŋ sáko naŋ pálay a rice-sack (cf. § 127), aŋ larú naŋ baráha a game of cards, cf. aŋ larò ŋ taguàn (§ 127) a game consisting of hiding, hide-and-seek, aŋ katapusàn naŋ gabì 5the end of the night; cf. aŋ katapusà ŋ gabì the night which was the end, the last night, aŋ ilà ŋ sandalì naŋ pagsasàlitáan a few moments of the conversation; cf. aŋ ilà ŋ sandalì ŋ pagsasàlitáan a few moments (which consisted) of conversation. Note: aŋ báyan naŋ Balíwag the town of Baliwag, aŋ provìnsya naŋ Pampànga 10the province of Pampanga.

174. The pronoun lahàt as an object expression is followed by this kind of attribute: lahàt naŋ táo all (of) the people.

175. As an object expression saríle self is modified by disjunctive pronouns: aŋ kanyà ŋ saríle his self. Similarly saríle as 15conjunctive attribute, in the sense of own: Walá sya ŋ baìt sa kanya ŋ saríli. He does not do even himself any good. aŋ saríle nila ŋ bànda naŋ músika their own band of music; Aŋ kanya ŋ saríli ŋ barìl aŋ kanya ŋ ginámit. It was his own gun he used, What he used was his own gun. Cf. §§ 137 and 169, end.

20176. The modifier may be an entire predication: sa lugàr naŋ magkasirá silà in place of the (occurrence that) they should become enemies, i. e. instead of their becoming enemies.

177. Here belongs further the disjunctive attribute with words expressing association, companionship, or equality: Si 25Hwána ay siyà ŋ kabùlúŋan ni Maryà. Juana is the one with whom Maria is whispering. Aŋ mésa ŋ itò ay kasiŋkúlay naŋ kahòn. This table is of the same color as the chest. Si Hwàn ay kapantày ni Pédro. Juan is of the same height as Pedro. Kalákip naŋ súlat ko ŋ itò ay limà ŋ píso. Enclosed with this my letter are 30five pesos. gáya ko like me.

178. Similar is the use of a disjunctive modifier expressing one of the objects, with expressions involving dual or plural ideas: silà ni Maryà they with Maria, i. e. Maria and he (88,₄₂), silà ŋ dalawà ni Maryà (92,₁₇).

35179. Here belongs the disjunctive attribute in exclamatory sentences expressing the high degree of a quality; these are formed with anò (§ 131) and with words with prefix ka- (§ 76): Ano ŋ hína mo! What weakness of-you! i. e. How weak you are! Anu ŋ luwàt naŋ hindí nya pagdatìŋ! What duration of his not arriving! 40i. e. How long he is getting here! Kapulà naŋ panyo ŋ iyòn! What-great-redness of that handkerchief! i. e. How red that handkerchief is! Karúnoŋ naŋ báta ŋ si Hwàn! How much little Juan knows! Kaytipìd na bátaʾ ni Hwàn! How-saving a child of Juan! i. e. What an economical boy Juan is!

180. In the preceding and related constructions the attribute may be an entire predication: Kamuntí naŋ màtamaàn aŋ bátaʾ! 5What-little-lack of the (occurrence that) the child should-be-hit! i. e. How near the child came to being hit! Muntí naŋ máliguwak aŋ dala nyà ŋ pulòt. Little-wanting of-the (occurrence that) should-be-spilled the borne by-him honey, i. e. The honey he was carrying came near being spilled.

10181. (2) A disjunctive attribute expressing the agent corresponds in sense to the subject of an active transient predicate. When it modifies a transient word, the corresponding active can be formed: Sinúlat nya aŋ líham. He wrote the letter; literally: Was-written by-him (agent) the letter. Isinúlat nya aŋ kwènto. 15He wrote down the story. Sinulátan nya akò. He wrote to me. The corresponding active is: Syà y sumúlat.... He wrote.... Cf. § 92. So further: Pinútol nya aŋ káhoy. The wood was cut by him; active: Syà y pumútol naŋ káhoy. He cut some wood. Kinúha nya aŋ librò. The book was taken by him; active: Syà 20y kumúha naŋ librò. He took some book. Áki ŋ binitíwan aŋ bóte. By-me was-let-go-of the bottle, i. e. I let go of the bottle; active: Bumitìw akò.... Aŋ hiniràm nya ŋ kampìt ay iyo ŋ kúnin. The borrowed by-him (agent) kitchen-knife by-you (agent) is to be taken, i. e. Take the kitchen-knife he borrowed.