← Table of contents
Rest days

Chapter V · LUNAR SUPERSTITIONS AND FESTIVALS

Reading edition

There is good reason for believing that among many primitive peoples the moon, rather than the sun, the planets, or any of the constellations, first excited the imagination and aroused feelings of superstitious awe or of religious veneration. The worship of the moon is widespread; and in various mythologies that luminary, often conceived as masculine, plays the most important part among the heavenly bodies.⁠[337] “That the moon has certain effects on moist substances, that they are apparently subject to her influences, that, for instance, increase and decrease in ebb and flow develop periodically and parallel with the moon’s phases, all this is well known to the inhabitants of seashores and seafaring people. Likewise physicians are well aware that she affects the humores of sick people, and that the fever-days revolve parallel with the moon’s course. Physical scholars know that the life of animals and plants depends upon the moon, and experimentalists know that she influences marrow and brain, eggs and the sediments of wine in casks and jugs, that she excites the minds of people who sleep in full moonlight, and that she affects (?) linen clothes which are exposed to it. Peasants know how the moon acts upon fields of cucumbers, melons, cotton, etc., and even make the times for the various kinds of sowing, planting, and grafting, and for the covering of the cattle depend upon the course of the moon. Lastly, astronomers know that meteorologic occurrences depend upon the various phases through which the moon passes in her revolutions.”⁠[338] This succinct statement, by a learned Mohammedan of the eleventh century, of the reasons which led early philosophers to attach a special significance to the moon, may well serve as a text for elucidation and illustration.

It is a widespread and ancient belief, found among peoples in all stages of culture, that the lunar rays are deleterious, especially to little children. Some Brazilian Indians, for instance, believe that the moon makes babies ill; hence mothers, immediately after delivery, will hide themselves and their infants in the thickest part of the forest, in order to prevent the moonlight from falling on them.⁠[339] Yao boys, when undergoing initiation into manhood, are told to avoid not only a menstruating woman but also the sight of the new moon, since both are dangerous.⁠[340] Greek nurses took special pains never to show their charges to the moon.⁠[341] In modern Germany it is an injunction of peasant folklore never to point out the moon to young children.⁠[342]⁠

Moonshine may also be deemed injurious to adults. Certain Queensland aborigines will not stare long at the moon, for by doing so a heavy rain is likely to result.⁠[343] The Bushmen of South Africa avoid looking at the moon.⁠[344] The Chukchi of northeastern Siberia believe that a man who looks too long at the moon may be bereft of his wits, or may be carried away altogether. The moon, think the Chukchi, has a lasso with which he catches the unlucky starer.⁠[345] When an English traveller in Arabia was noticed gazing at the radiant desert moon, the Bedouin said, “Look not so fixedly on him; it is not wholesome.”⁠[346] The same idea seems to have found expression in one of the most beautiful of the Psalms: “The sun shall not smite thee by day, nor the moon by night.”⁠[347] Two New Testament passages illustrate the belief that epilepsy may be caused by the lunar rays.⁠[348] Similarly, the Babylonians believed that Sin, the moon-god, could provoke leprosy, dropsy, and, above all, fever, which, like the lunar phases, has its periods of growth, culmination, and decline.⁠[349] Plutarch refers to the assumed fact that those who sleep abroad under the beams of the moon are not easily wakened, but seem stupid and senseless.⁠[350] This fear of the noxious influences of moonshine may be traced from classical times to the present day. French peasants consider it dangerous to sleep in the moonlight.⁠[351] German peasants subject themselves to a long list of restrictions: no work, and especially no spinning, must be done in the moonlight, for the spun yarn would not hold, or the spinner would be spinning for her child a hangman’s halter or the linen of a shroud; no waggon or tools should be left exposed to the moonshine, for they would soon be broken; washed clothes should not be hung out to dry in the moonlight, for he who wore them would become moonstruck; one who sews by moonlight sews his own graveclothes; water from a spring or well in which the moon shines should not be drunk, since this would be to absorb the evil influences of the moon; one should never look long at the moon, under penalty of getting a goitre; the lunar rays should never penetrate into the kitchen, or otherwise the maid would break many dishes.⁠[352] So numerous, indeed, are these lunar superstitions that throughout Germany Monday, as partaking of the qualities of the moon from which it is named, is generally an unlucky day.⁠[353] In various parts of the United States the belief prevails that it is dangerous to sleep with the moon shining on the face. If fish are exposed to moonshine, they will spoil.⁠[354]⁠

Various peoples have noticed that monthly periodicity belongs to women and moon alike, and, joining these observations, have supposed that the lunar changes cause menstruation, or that the first appearance of the menses is the result of defloration induced by the moon. As a natural outcome of such beliefs the moon is credited with the power of impregnation and is associated with childbirth.⁠[355] Such superstitions are widespread. In the native legends of the Euahlayi, a tribe of New South Wales, Bahloo, the moon, is a very important personage. He it is who creates the girl babies. Euahlayi mothers are very careful not to look at the full moon or to let their babies do so, for an attack of thrush, an affection common in newly born children, would be the result. Bahloo has also a spiteful way of punishing a woman who stares at him by sending to her the dreaded twins.⁠[356] In Saibai and Yam, two islands in Torres Straits, it is believed that the moon, in the shape of a man, embraces a girl when she is full-grown, and that the halo around the moon represents her blood. This story is also told on the neighbouring coast of British New Guinea.⁠[357] Here, as well as in some parts of Melanesia, natives ascribe menstruation to the moon.⁠[358] The Tuhoe, a Maori tribe, believe that the moon is the permanent (or true) husband of all women, because the latter menstruate when the moon appears. “According to the knowledge of our ancestors and elders,” say the Tuhoe, “the marriage of man and wife is a matter of no moment, the moon is the real husband.” And the women themselves, on seeing the new moon, say, “The tane (husband) of all women in the world has appeared.”⁠[359] The Jaluo, a tribe of Nilotic stock living in the district of Kavirondo, British East Africa, ascribe menstruation to the influence of the new moon and believe that women can become pregnant only at this time.⁠[360] The Baganda suppose that menstruation is caused by the moon, either when new or waning.⁠[361] Similar beliefs are entertained by the negroes of the western Sudan, who commonly give to this female function the name of the moon.⁠[362] The Greenlanders believe that the moon, conceived as a masculine divinity, possesses the power of impregnation; as a consequence young girls are afraid to look long at this luminary, “imagining they might get a child by the bargain.”⁠[363] The Lengua Indians of the Paraguayan Chaco associate the moon with marriage. Young girls will address the moon with the appeal “Moon, moon, I want to get married.”⁠[364] Indian women in Peru are said to have prayed to the moon to give them an easy delivery.⁠[365] In old Egyptian belief the moon was supposed to make women fruitful, and the waxing moon to develop the germ in the mother’s body.⁠[366] The association of human fertility with the moon may perhaps explain why Ishtar, the mother-goddess of Babylonian mythology, came to be regarded as a daughter of Sin, the moon-god. In this capacity she presided over childbirth.⁠[367] The Iranian peoples supposed that the moon contained a bull whose semen was another form of haoma, the intoxicating decoction of the moon-plant.⁠[368] The position of Hera as a goddess of marriage and childbirth has been explained by the assumption that she played an ancient rôle as a moon-deity. Artemis, with whom Selene, or the divine personification of the moon, came to be identified, was regularly associated with childbirth. The Roman Juno was connected with the moon as Juno-Lucina, it being held that she aided women during confinement. Ancient mythologers found it easy to identify the Italian Diana, originally a goddess who looked after women in their time of peril, with the Greek Artemis, who had the same functions.⁠[369] Modern French folklore still contains references to the idea that the moon can cause impregnation; in Basse-Bretagne, for example, it is thought that a young woman who exposes her person to the lunar rays may conceive and bear a child.⁠[370]⁠

The influence of the moon on the tides furnishes another element of mystery in the lunar phenomena. So primitive a people as the Andaman Islanders habitually refer tidal movements to the action of the moon; and the same connection between things lunar and things terrestrial has been recognized by other peoples, such as the Hawaiians, the ancient Babylonians, and the modern Chinese.⁠[371] That changes in the moon are associated with weather changes as cause and effect is an ancient superstition not yet obsolete in rural communities.⁠[372]⁠

Comparative studies have shown how very general is the belief that the moon exerts great influence on growth, particularly on the growth of vegetation, and on all human life and activity.⁠[373] For this opinion there appear to have been two principal causes. Observation showed that moisture in the air and soil are favourable to organic growth and, further, that atmospheric moisture is greater at night than during the day. It was reasonable to suppose the moon itself to be the source of dew and moisture, especially when it was also noticed that the dew is heaviest on cloudless nights. These beliefs were entertained by the ancients, who attributed heat to the sun, but moisture to the moon.⁠[374]⁠

Another fallacy has had an even greater part in generating these lunar fancies. The apparent growth of the moon in the first half of the lunation is associated with the ripening of plants and fruits, the increase of animals, and hence with the prosperous issue of human undertakings. From this doctrine of lunar sympathy have arisen numerous rules for the guidance of shepherds and husbandmen, which had a wide prevalence in antiquity and still survive with almost undiminished vigour among the superstitious classes of to-day.⁠[375]⁠

The doctrine of lunar sympathy, by a natural extension, may also account for the common belief that “the same things which grow with the waxing, dwindle with the waning, moon,”⁠[376] and therefore that all business done in the latter half of a lunation is doomed to failure. The Toda appear to regard the first half of the month as the auspicious time for their numerous ceremonies. “I met with no case,” says Dr. Rivers, “in which any ceremony was appointed for the period of the full moon or for the second half of the moon’s period.”⁠[377] The Andaman Islanders abstain from work during the first few evenings of the third quarter of the moon.⁠[378] The Buriat are said never to undertake anything of importance between the full and the new moon.⁠[379] The Tatars, according to the account of an Italian friar who in the thirteenth century made an adventurous journey to Mongolia, began any new enterprise “at new moon, or when the moon is full.”⁠[380] The Mandingo paid great attention to the changes of the moon and thought it “very unlucky to begin a journey or any other work of consequence in the last quarter.”⁠[381] Of the Sudanese negroes, generally, it is said that they are much influenced in their undertakings by the appearance of the new moon. For instance, a journey which has been decided upon during the last quarter of the moon is always postponed until the new moon. No chief would presume to lead out his tribesmen on a war party before the appearance of the crescent.⁠[382] The Nandi celebrate their very important circumcision festival, as well as all marriage ceremonies, during the waxing moon, but perform their mourning rites during the waning moon.⁠[383] The Hova and other tribes of Madagascar regard the waning of the moon as “an unfavourable time for any important undertaking.”⁠[384] Similar beliefs were entertained by the early Germans, who, according to Cæsar, despaired of victory if they engaged in battle before the new moon.⁠[385] Tacitus, with fuller knowledge, declares that the Germans considered the new moon and the full moon as the most auspicious seasons for beginning any enterprise.⁠[386] This superstition seems still to linger in some districts of Germany, where it is commonly held that any work begun when the moon is on the increase is sure to succeed, and that the full moon brings everything to perfection; whereas business undertaken during the waning moon is doomed to failure.⁠[387] A like belief was that of the Scottish Highlanders, to whom the moon in her increase, full growth, and wane was “the emblem of a rising, flourishing, and declining fortune. At the last period of her revolution they carefully avoid to engage in any business of importance; but the first and the middle they seize with avidity, presaging the most auspicious issue to their undertakings.”⁠[388] On the other hand the people of Thermià (Kythnos), one of the Cyclades, believe that you should never do any work, if you can help it, on the days preceding full moon, while for grafting, planting, cutting trees, and bleaching clothes those days are best which follow the full moon.⁠[389] And an English antiquarian of the seventeenth century declares that, according to the rules of astrology, “it is not good to undertake any business of importance in the new of the moon; and not better just at the full of the moon; but worst of all in an eclipse.”⁠[390]⁠

Eclipses of the moon are sometimes considered unfavourable for work, and may also be accompanied by fasting and other forms of abstinence. During such times of uncanny and terrifying darkness it is thought to be wise to avoid every sort of activity, as well as the consumption of food which may be tainted with mysterious evil.⁠[391] Among the Wasania, a tribe of British East Africa, no cohabitation takes place during an eclipse.⁠[392] Lunar and solar eclipses are among the phenomena which require a Naga community to declare a genna and give up its ordinary occupations.⁠[393] When the Toda know that an eclipse is about to occur, they abstain from meat and drink; when it is over, they have a feast and eat a special food prepared on all ceremonial occasions.⁠[394] In southern India it is a common custom, when an eclipse occurs, for the people to retire into their houses and remain behind closed doors. “The time is in all respects inauspicious, and no work begun or completed during this period can meet with success; indeed, so great is the dread, that no one would think of initiating any important work at this time.”⁠[395] The natives of northern India are said to consider it a great crime to partake of food, drink water, or answer the calls of nature during an eclipse.⁠[396] Such a period is considered most unlucky for commencing any business of importance. A pregnant woman will do no work during an eclipse, as otherwise her child would be deformed. Among high-caste Hindus no food which has been in the house during an eclipse of the sun or the moon may be eaten. It must be given away, and all earthen vessels in use in the house at the time must be broken.⁠[397] The Chinese formerly observed lunar eclipses by a general suspension of business.⁠[398] The fatal delay which led to the destruction of the Athenian fleet and army before Syracuse was the result of a lunar eclipse, as interpreted by the soothsayers and the incompetent, superstitious Nicias.⁠[399] Among the Jews there were formerly many who abstained from food on the day of an eclipse of the moon, a portent which they regarded as evil.⁠[400] This belief, as has been noted, prevailed in England at least as late as the seventeenth century.⁠[401]⁠

Various peoples have supposed that the moon, during the period of her invisibility, descends to the underworld. This conception has played a noteworthy part in generating superstitions concerning tabooed and unlucky days. The Akamba, a tribe of British East Africa, believe that on the day which completes the month no child is born and no domestic animal gives birth. One of the Akamba clans is called mu-mwei (mwei signifying moon), and by the members of this clan no house may be swept on the last day of the month.⁠[402] The Akikuyu, a tribe related to the Akamba, regard the moon as the sun’s wife, and suppose that when the moon comes to maturity the sun fights with her and kills her. While she is “dead,” as the natives say, no journeys are undertaken, no sacrifices are offered, and no sheep are killed. It is further considered that goats and sheep will not bear on the day after the disappearance of the moon.⁠[403] The Wagiriama keep as Sabbaths the odd days at the end of the month, before the appearance of the new moon.⁠[404] Some tribes of equatorial Africa believe that the new moon is especially ill-humoured and hungry on the day when she emerges from darkness. “She looks down over our country,” the natives declare, “and seeks whom she can devour, and we poor black men are very much afraid of her on that account, and we hide ourselves from her sight on that night.” People who die between new and full moon are said to be those whom the new moon saw at this fateful time, in spite of all the precautions they took.⁠[405] The missionary, David Livingstone, while sojourning at Lake Nyassa, discovered that the natives in this region regarded the interlunium as distinctly unlucky. On one occasion his men delayed an expedition till they had seen the new moon. We must have the new moon, they said, for a lucky starting.⁠[406] The “dark day” of the moon was considered by the Zulu as inauspicious for engaging in battle.⁠[407]⁠

A superstitious attitude toward the interlunium appears to be very prevalent among the Dravidian peoples of India. The Kanarese of Hyderabad and Mysore do not work in the fields on the last day of the month. If a child is born at this time, they believe that some one in the family will die. If a cow or a buffalo has a calf at such a time, it must be sold. On the evening before new moon no one may eat cooked food. The new moon is consecrated to the dead.⁠[408] The Saoria of the Rajmahal Hills, who regard Sunday as unlucky and do not work in the fields, pay visits, or get married on this day, observe much the same restrictions during the period of the moon’s invisibility. Marriages will not be fruitful if consummated during the dark of the moon, and in general the time is associated with bad luck and sickness.⁠[409] The same belief is found elsewhere in northern India, sometimes with beneficial results, as appears from the following description, which applies to the district of Rohtak. “To-day (29th November, 1883), in passing through the Jât and Ahîr villages in Rohtak, I noticed that no work was being done at the wells or in the fields, and that the peasants, usually so hard at work, were idling in the village instead. On inquiring the reason, I was told that to-day was the amâwas, the last day of the moon, and that on this day of the month the bullocks are always given a rest. The men themselves do any work that is to be done without using the cattle, but no one yokes his bullocks in the plough or at the well, or, if he can help it, in the cart. I noticed that some of the peasants were busy making thorn-fences, or doing other light work, but no bullocks were at work anywhere, and as there is little to be done at this season without their help, the custom practically gave the men a rest also, and the unusual idleness gave the villages a sort of Sunday look. The bullocks are given this rest once a month, on the last day of the moon, and also on the makar kâ sankrânt, which comes about January, when the sun enters into the sign of Capricorn (makar), and on the dîwâlî and gôrdhan (the day after the dîwâlî) in the middle of Kârtik (October). Except on these fifteen days it is lawful for a man to yoke his cattle on all other days of the year, but these particular days are strictly a Sabbath for the cattle, and no one thinks of yoking them on these days. If any one did, it would be a sin (pâp), and his fellows would at once stop him. There is no such Sabbath for man, and it is not thought wrong (pâp) for a man to work on any day of the year, though, of course, there are many holidays (têohâr), on which little work is done.”⁠[410]⁠

These superstitions relating to the dark of the moon have not been confined to the natives of Africa and the aborigines of India. They meet us among peoples of archaic civilization and they survive among the peasantry of European lands. To the Babylonians, who paid particular attention to all lunar phenomena, the disappearance of the moon at the end of the month occasioned much anxiety. The day when the moon could no longer be seen in the heavens was called the “day of sorrow” (ûm bubbuli, literally, the “day of the snatching away”). The absence of the moon was reckoned at three days, and during this time prayers were recited and solemn expiatory rites were prescribed, primarily for the king, who, as the representative of his people, had to take special care not to provoke the gods to anger at so critical a season. We still have one of the prayers recited by the ruler in his sanctuary and addressed to the moon-god Sin. The thirtieth day of the month is here described as the god’s “holy day” or “festival.” The prayer concludes with an allusion to an eclipse, from which it appears that the Babylonians, knowing neither the cause nor nature of such a phenomenon, supposed that, unless the gods were pacified during the moon’s temporary obscuration, there would follow the more terrifying portent of an eclipse.⁠[411] Modern Arabs consider the last day or last three days of the month to be unfavourable for any sort of undertaking.⁠[412] By the Athenians these three days were called ἀσέλινοι, because on them the moonlight was extinguished. They were classed with the other unlucky days (ἀποφράδες ἡμέραι) of popular superstition. During the ἀσέλινοι it was necessary to sacrifice to the underworld gods in order to avoid their anger.⁠[413] Selene at this time was supposed to descend to the underworld and the abode of shades; hence the moon came to be associated with Persephone.⁠[414] The Romans do not appear to have marked the interlunium or intermenstruum by any special observances. European folklore, however, still preserves traces of the ancient superstition, as in the Cornish belief that a child, so unfortunate as to be born at this time, will never live to attain the age of puberty. Hence the saying, “No moon, no man.”⁠[415] Similar beliefs would seem to survive in the very common idea that the three days before the new moon are especially unlucky and likely to be attended by storms and winds.⁠[416]⁠

We may well believe that the different appearances of the moon were the first celestial phenomena observed with any degree of continuous attention by primitive man. Not only are the phases of the moon marked by striking variations in her form and in the amount of light she radiates, but from night to night she follows a regular path through the sky, changing her elevation above the horizon and appearing to occupy at her successive phases different quarters of the heavens. Such phenomena present elements of mystery not found in the sun’s prosaic course. A survey of the anthropological evidence appears to indicate, as might indeed be expected, that of the lunar phases it is particularly the new moon which awakens interest and attention. The first appearance of that luminary in the western sky after sunset is often hailed with various ceremonial observances. The Indians of the Ucayali River in Peru are said to greet the appearance of the new moon with great joy. They make long speeches to her, accompanied with vehement gesticulations, imploring her protection and begging that she invigorate their bodies.⁠[417] Certain tribes of southern California, afterwards gathered into the Mission of San Juan Capistrano, celebrated the new moon with dances, saying, “As the moon dieth and cometh to life again, so we also, having to die, will again live.”⁠[418] The Dakota and other Plains Indians, when the moon does not shine, “say the moon is dead; and some call the three last days of it the naked days. The moon’s first appearance they term its coming to life again.” At this time they stretch forth their hands toward the moon and repeat joyful expressions.⁠[419] The Creek and Cherokee Indians, according to an early writer, “assemble and feast at the appearance of the new moon, when they seem to be in great mirth and gladness, but, I believe, make no offerings to that planet.”⁠[420] Similar observances have been noted in various parts of Africa. An old traveller recites how, at the appearance of every new moon, the Congo negroes, “fall on their knees, or else cry out, standing and clapping their hands, ‘So may I renew my life as thou art renewed.’” But if the sky was clouded, they did nothing, believing that the moon had lost its virtue.⁠[421] The Mandingo, on the first appearance of the new moon, “which they look upon to be newly created,” say a short prayer.⁠[422] The Bushmen had their special seasons of merry-making, when the dance was never neglected. “Dancing began with the new moon, as an expression of joy that the dark nights had ended, and was continued at the full moon, that they might avail themselves of the delicious coolness after the heat of the day, and the brilliancy of the moonlight in this portion of the southern hemisphere.”⁠[423]⁠

It has been suggested that in many cases the ceremonies at new moon have a magical aspect. On this theory the first appearance of the luminary, with its promise of growth and increase, would be greeted with rites intended to renew and strengthen, by means of sympathetic magic, the life of man.⁠[424] Though it is true that in process of time ideas of a magico-religious character may attach themselves to lunar phenomena, and especially to new moon, there seems to be little reason for assuming them to be original and primary. Most of the foregoing examples, indeed, may be more simply interpreted as a naïve expression of man’s delight at the return of the moon to the world, after an absence at once mysterious and portentous. Still less necessary is the assumption, so commonly made, that all lunar ceremonies are acts of worship addressed to the moon as a divinity. Religious festivals appear in the first instance to be fixed at new moon or full moon because these are the two most striking periods of the lunation and mark, respectively, the beginning and middle of the lunar month.

Among many peoples in both the lower and the higher culture the time of new moon and full moon, much less commonly of each half moon, forms a season of restriction and abstinence. The lunar day is sometimes a holy day dedicated to a god, who may be identified with the moon itself. Instances of this sort are to be correlated with the general course of religious development, involving, as it does, the emergence of polytheistic cults and the schematization of the ritual. But under more primitive conditions the lunar day is a tabooed day, quite independent of any association with a deity. It seems idle to seek a particularistic explanation for the taboos observed on such an occasion. We have already noticed the sympathetic influence which the waxing and waning of the moon is supposed to exert on human activities. Furthermore, we have seen that the new moon, rising as it were from the dead, is thought to be pregnant with meaning for the life of man. Her very newness is an element of interest; her contrasts, in shape, size, and position in the heavens, to the old moon further deepen the impression of her significance; and her function of inaugurating the month not only gives to her a special place in primitive calendar systems but also invests her with the emotional importance belonging to the commencement of any new period. These ideas of lunar influence are naturally extended to the full moon, which, as will be shown, is commonly regarded as marking the division of the lunar month into two equal parts, and in some instances to the half moons, as indicating the other prominent stages in a lunation. The phases of the moon thus come to be considered critical times and to be marked not only by religious exercises but also by fasting and cessation of the customary occupations.⁠[425]⁠

Lunar taboos, involving abstinence and quiescence, are commonly observed in Polynesia and Indonesia.⁠[426] Various African peoples likewise entertain pronounced beliefs regarding the unfavourable influence of the moon’s changes on human activities. The Zulu welcome the first appearance of the new moon with demonstrations of joy, but on the day following they abstain from all labour, “thinking if anything is sown on those days they can never reap the benefits thereof.”⁠[427] The Bapiri, a tribe of the Bechuana stock, stay at home at new moon and do not go out to the fields. “They believe that if they should set about their labour at such a season, the millet would remain in the ground without sprouting, or that the ear would fail to fill, or that it would be destroyed by rust.”⁠[428] Of another Bechuana tribe, the Makololo, in the neighbourhood of the Leeambye River, Livingstone remarks, “There is no stated day of rest in any part of this country except the day after the appearance of the new moon, and the people then refrain only from going to their gardens.”⁠[429] An earlier writer, referring to the Bechuana, says that when the new moon appears, “all must cease from work, and keep what is called in England a holiday.”⁠[430] To the north of the Bechuana, in the upper basin of the Zambesi, live the Barotse, by whom the new moon is made an occasion for great festivities. “It is a general holiday; men of all ranks sing and dance, while the women assemble apart and give vent to strident howls of their own.”⁠[431] Similarly, among all the people from Nyassaland to Ujiji on Lake Tanganyika the first night of the new moon is a public festival, sometimes celebrated by a dance in which the men alone participate.⁠[432] The Baziba, who dwell to the west and southwest of Lake Victoria Nyanza, are said to be one of the few tribes in this part of Africa having “a recognized day of rest, independently of the Christians’ Sabbath. The two first days of every moon are universal holidays.”⁠[433]⁠

A superstitious observance of the new-moon day is found among some of the tribes and peoples occupying British East Africa. The Akamba, whose beliefs regarding the interlunium have been already mentioned,⁠[434] also consider it very unlucky to move cattle or livestock of any kind from one place or another, or even to give presents of any stock, during the first four days of the new moon.⁠[435] Well-marked Sabbaths are kept by some sections of the Baganda, the great tribe, or rather nation, occupying Uganda. At the temple estate of the god Mukasa, the most important Baganda deity, there was a week’s rest, bwerende, on the appearance of each new moon; no special gatherings were held during this period, but the people did the minimum of work, even the cutting of firewood being forbidden. All preparations for the festival were made beforehand, in order that the women should not be obliged to perform any labour other than cooking.⁠[436] In Budu, a district of Uganda, there is a curious worship of the python, conducted by members of the Heart clan. The sacred snake, which bears the title of Selwanga, is kept in a temple and receives worship at the new moon. When this appears, the people repair to the shrine of the python and make their offerings. No work may be done on the estate for seven days.⁠[437] Again, the principal chief of the district of Singo, who was shield-bearer to the king of the Baganda, “had to observe a taboo each full moon, namely, to abstain from food from noon of the day of the full moon until the following morning, and also to live apart from his wives during that time. ‘It is full moon, the Mukwenda may not eat,’ was a saying among the people.”⁠[438] The Banyoro, a Bantu people related to the Baganda, who inhabit the country to the northwest of Uganda, performed every full moon a ceremony which has been thus described: “In the afternoon all the drums in the place were beaten, and everybody shouted, as no one dared keep silent for fear of offending the moon. The king posted men at the cross-roads and seized every one who passed along. These unfortunate folk were brought in to him and offered as a propitiatory sacrifice for the whole country to the evil spirits. The hair of the victims was put into cow horns and their blood was poured on to it, the horns being then kept by different people as charms against sickness and trouble. After this the king appeared swathed in barkcloths, taking up his position in his council hall, his subjects coming to do obeisance to him. A dead silence prevailed, for no one was allowed to even cough in his presence.... As the full moon rose the feasting began, and the drinking and dancing continued till dawn. The king’s chief wife had to sit by her intoxicated spouse and pinch his arm or bite his finger, to prevent sleep; for a man to slumber during full moon brought disaster to the household.”⁠[439] New moon, as well as full moon, seems to have been observed by the Banyoro, for Speke found the palace of the king of Unyoro shut up, because the new moon had been seen for the first time on the preceding evening.⁠[440] The same explorer describes a like custom found among the Bahima, or Wahuma, of Ankole, a region lying to the southwest of Uganda. “On the first appearance of the new moon every month, the king shuts himself up, contemplating and arranging his magic horns—the horns of wild animals stuffed with charm-powder—for two or three days. These may be counted his Sundays or church festivals which he dedicates to devotion.”⁠[441]⁠

New-moon and full-moon festivals, accompanied by abstinence from secular activities, are thus seen to form a common feature of native life in southern and eastern Africa. The custom of keeping them as rest days is apparently confined to Bantu peoples, who arose from a mixture of Hamites with the true negroes. No sabbatarian regulations are discoverable among the Bushmen, representing the aborigines of southern Africa, or among the non-Bantu tribes of eastern Africa. It may be argued, therefore, that these African Sabbaths are of foreign parentage, being derived remotely from Hamitic and Himyaritic (Semitic) immigrants into Africa. The argument is strengthened by the fact that lunar festivals may be traced to a remote antiquity, both in Egypt and in western Asia. In any case, however, they must have been much modified with their transmission from tribe to tribe and from century to century.

None of the natives of southern and eastern Africa who observe new moon and full moon as seasons of abstinence appear to be familiar with the market week and the market day. On the other hand, in central and western Africa, where markets are so generally found and where the market day is kept as a holiday, lunar festivals accompanied by a cessation of labour are very rare.⁠[442] Lieutenant-Colonel Ellis, who was much impressed with the resemblance of the west-African rest day to the Hebrew Sabbath, supposed that both were once lunar festivals, connected with moon-worship and celebrated on the first day of the new moon. “This holy day, before the invention of weeks, recurred monthly, but after the lunar month was divided, it recurred weekly, and was held on the first day of the week.”⁠[443] His theory, however plausible at first sight, breaks down when we remember that the keeping of moon-days as Sabbaths does not necessarily imply worship of the moon as a deity; that full moon, as well as new moon, may be observed festively with abstinence from labour; and, finally, that the market week did not arise as a subdivision of the month, but was in origin quite independent of the lunation. The restrictions attending market days have nothing to do with superstitions relating to the moon.

Lunar taboos are not unknown in modern India. The natives of northern India regard the new moon as an unfavourable time for undertaking important business.⁠[444] The Kanarese, whose customs and beliefs relating to the last day of the lunar month have already been noticed, do not plough their fields at new moon and full moon.⁠[445] The Badaga of the Nilgiri Hills in southeastern India think that children born on the day of the new moon, the full moon, or any one of the three days immediately preceding the full moon, will be unfortunate throughout life.⁠[446] The Korava regard the day after new moon as unlucky for starting out from home.⁠[447] Similar superstitions are doubtless to be found among other Dravidian peoples.

The Aryans of ancient India observed two sacred periods in every month, new moon and full moon, with sacrifices to the gods.⁠[448] The simpler forms of the rite were gradually extended into an elaborate ritual. Every Brahmanical householder was required to perform two half-monthly sacrifices for a period of thirty years, after he had set up a home of his own. According to some authorities these sacrifices were obligatory for the rest of his life. The ceremony usually occupied the greater part of two consecutive days. While the first day was to be chiefly occupied with preparatory rites and the taking of the vow of abstinence (vrata) by the sacrificer and his wife, the second day was reserved for the performance of the main ceremony.⁠[449] Since it was permitted to compress the two days’ rites of the full-moon sacrifice into a single day, the conjecture is plausible that originally only one day was assigned to the observances of abstinence and sacrifice.⁠[450] The ritualistic requirements for this ceremony do not expressly include the cessation of labour by the Brahmanical householder and his family. It might be argued, therefore, that the new-moon and full-moon observances were not originally dictated by a superstitious regard for the lunar phases. The fasting on the upavasatha day would then be merely a rite preliminary to the sacrifice on the following day; and the association of the two ceremonies with new and full moon would mean only that these two divisions of a lunar month were selected as convenient and conspicuous periods for the performance of religious duties. But the evidence at our disposal enables us to attach a deeper significance to the ancient Aryan rite.

In the first place it is well known that the upavasatha was a fast preparatory to the offering of the “moon plant,” the intoxicating soma, whose personification and deification are assigned to a date earlier than that of the Vedas themselves. A very competent scholar, after pointing out that in Vedic literature the moon takes a much higher rank than the sun, being regarded as the creator and ruler of the world, has argued that everywhere in the Rig-Veda soma and the moon are identified, and that the terrestrial plant is merely a symbolic representation of the luminary. According to this view the moon-god as Soma forms the centre of Vedic religion.⁠[451] The theory, thus unequivocally stated, has not won wide acceptance; according to the commoner view Soma as a god is ordinarily celebrated in the Vedic hymns only as a personification of the beverage; and his identification with the moon is to be explained as a secondary mythological formation. Certain instances of such identification are met in a few of the latest hymns of the Rig-Veda; and in the Atharva-Veda Soma several times means the moon. Post-Vedic writings regularly refer to Soma as the moon, which, when drunk by the gods, begins to wane.⁠[452]⁠

In the second place the two half-monthly sacrifices were characterized by restrictions which can best be described as taboos. The Brahmanical householder was obliged to abstain from certain kinds of food, especially meat, and from sexual intercourse. He might not cut hair, beard, or nails. He should sleep, not on a bed, but on the ground. The directions for the ceremonies, as given in the Grihya-sûtra of Gobhila, further require the worshipper not to set out on a journey; if he is away from home even at a distant place, to return to his house; not to sell goods (though he may buy them from others); and to speak as little as possible.⁠[453] It is obvious that the scrupulous observance of all these regulations would convert the upavasatha day into a Sabbath, marked, not only by fasting, but also by the cessation of most secular activities.

In post-Vedic times the sabbatarian quality of lunar days becomes increasingly prominent. In the Institutes of Vishnu the new moon is mentioned as a penitential fast day.⁠[454] A variety of lunar penances is prescribed in the Laws of Manu.⁠[455] The same lawbook sets forth that “on the (night of) new moon and the eighth (lunar day), and also on the (night of) full moon and the fourteenth (lunar day), let a Brahman who has finished his student’s course be always (as) a student, even in season,” that is, let him remain chaste.⁠[456] According to the Vishnu Purana, a relatively late production of Brahmanical thought, there are “certain days on which unguents, flesh, and women are unlawful, as the eighth and fourteenth lunar days, new moon and full moon, and the entrance of the sun into a new sign. On these occasions the wise will restrain their appetites, and occupy themselves in the worship of the gods, as enjoined by holy writ, in meditation, and in prayer; and he who behaves differently will fall into a hell where ordure will be his food.”⁠[457] It is also said that he who attends to secular affairs on the days of the parvans (new moon and full moon) will be punished hereafter in a hell of blood.⁠[458] For modern Brahmans the new-moon and full-moon days are regularly fast days.⁠[459]⁠

With the development of the complex ritual of Brahmanism holy and unlucky days became almost identical with days when the sacred books should not be read. The code of Manu requires a learned Brahman not to recite the Veda on the new-moon day, or on the fourteenth and eighth days of each half-month, or on the full-moon day. It is said that “the new-moon day destroys the teacher, the fourteenth day the pupil, the eighth and full-moon days destroy all remembrance of the Veda; let him therefore avoid reading on those days.”⁠[460] This injunction, moreover, is repeated for a great variety of other critical occasions: during a heavy thunderstorm; during an eclipse; and when an earthquake occurs. A like prohibition is enforced after events causing pollution; a Brahman, for example, should not read the Veda in a village through which a corpse has been taken, or near a burning-ground.⁠[461] Similar prohibitions are set forth at great length in the lawbook of Gautama. The Veda ought not to be studied and recited when there is a thunderstorm, an earthquake, an eclipse or a fall of meteors; on the day of the new moon (on the latter occasion reading may be interrupted for two days); on the full moon of three months of the year, and so forth.⁠[462] In the Vishnu Purana we read that “on the days called parvans, on periods of impurity, upon unseasonable thunder, at the occurrence of eclipses or atmospheric portents, a wise man must desist from the study of the Vedas.”⁠[463] Some of these taboos have endured till the present time, the eighth day of each fortnight, held sacred to the goddess Durga, being a period when no study is allowable for a pious Hindu.⁠[464]⁠

The Vedic ceremonies at new moon and full moon appear to have influenced the Hindu festival of Bhaskara Saptami, which takes place on the twenty-second of the month Magha, the seventh day of the light fortnight (4th of February). “This day is in an especial degree sacred to the sun. Abstinence is to be practised on the day preceding; and in the morning before sunrise, or at the first appearance of dawn, bathing is to be performed until sunrise; a rigid fast is to be observed throughout the day, worship is to be offered the sun, presents are to be made to the Brahmans, and in the evening the worshipper is to hold a family feast; one of the observances of the day is abstinence from study, neither teacher nor scholar being allowed to open a book.”⁠[465] For the proper observance of the festival it is also necessary that the sun should be worshipped in his own temple, with prayers and offerings on the sixth day, during which abstinence is to be practised, and at night the worshipper should sleep on the ground. In upper India the festival day is also called Achala Saptami, the fixed or immovable seventh, or Jayanti Saptami, the victorious seventh, and so forth. “Whatever the designation, the worship of the sun is the prominent ceremony of the seventh of the light half of Magha. The same may be said, however, of the seventh lunar day throughout the year, chiefly of one seventh in each fortnight, that of the moon’s increase; but also of the seventh day of the moon’s wane.”⁠[466] The religious books declare that whoever worships the sun on the seventh day of the moon’s increase, with fasting and offerings of white oblations, as white flowers and the like, and whoever fasts on the seventh of the moon’s wane and offers to the sun red flowers and articles of a red colour, is purified from all iniquity and goes after death to the solar sphere. “The worship of the sun, on the seventh of the dark fortnight, seems to have gone out of use, but that on the seventh of the light fortnight is strongly recommended in various authorities, beginning with this seventh of Magha and continuing throughout the year.”⁠[467] The selection of the seventh day of each fortnight as the time of the festival may have been due to the symbolic significance of that number, while the choice of the sun as the object of adoration doubtless reflects the commanding position which that luminary assumed in post-Vedic times. The close resemblance between these Hindu ceremonies of sun-worship and those prescribed in the Vedas for the observance of new moon and full moon suggests, however, that there has been a partial fusion of the two festivals.

The Vedic observance of new moon and full moon survived in the ritual of both Jainism and Buddhism, the two great monastic sects which arose in the sixth century B.C. out of the bosom of Brahmanism. The Jain ceremony, known as posaha, is declared to have been specially instituted for those who said that “we cannot, submitting to the tonsure, renounce the life of a householder and enter the monastic state, but we shall strictly observe the posaha on the fourteenth and eighth days of each fortnight (on the new-moon and) full-moon days.”⁠[468] The faithful householder “should never neglect the posaha fast in both fortnights, not even for a single night.”⁠[469] In the Jain scriptures, the posaha is further defined as the observance of a fast or the eating once only on the two holy days of each fortnight, “after having given up bathing, unguents, ornaments, company of women, odours, incense, lights, etc., and assumed renunciation as an ornament.” The posaha is thus distinguished by the four abstinences from food, bodily attentions, sexual intercourse, and daily work.⁠[470] The keeping of the posaha at the present day is especially connected with the holy fast of Pajjusaṇa at the close of the Jain religious year. The observance of the rite at other times by laymen appears to be dying out.⁠[471]⁠

The Buddhist Sabbath, or uposatha, like the Jain posaha, owed its existence remotely to the Vedic lunar rites. As celebrated anciently in India and in modern times in Nepal and Ceylon, the uposatha falls on the day of the new moon, on the day of the full moon, and on the two days which are eighth from new and full moon. The uposatha is marked not only by fasting but also by abstinence from secular activities: during its continuance buying and selling, work and business, hunting and fishing are forbidden, and all schools and courts of justice are closed. Whoever observes the uposatha rigidly must abstain from food between sunrise and sunset. Since no cooking is allowed to taint the sanctity of the uposatha, the pious Buddhist prepares his evening meal in the early morning before the sun appears.⁠[472]⁠

The uposatha, as contrasted with the upavasatha, is a ceremony attached to all four of the lunar phases, instead of to two only; moreover, it is a rest day as well as a fast day. How may it be shown that the Buddhist institution forms a natural outgrowth of the earlier Brahmanical rite?

The origin of the custom of observing four days in the lunar month as uposatha is involved in some obscurity. According to Buddhist tradition the monks of non-Buddhistic sects were accustomed to assemble at the middle and close of every half-month for the purpose of proclaiming their teachings. The Buddhists also adopted the custom of these periodical meetings on the fourteenth or fifteenth and eighth day of each half-month, a custom by them attributed to the Buddha himself.⁠[473] There seems to be not the slightest ground for supposing that the number of Buddhist Sabbaths was originally two, but was afterwards increased to four in every month. The words of the canon are: “I prescribe that you assemble on the fourteenth, fifteenth, and eighth day of each [half] month.”⁠[474] In the Dhammika Sutta the wording is: “Then having with a believing mind kept abstinence (uposatha) on the fourteenth, fifteenth, and eighth days of the half-month,” etc.⁠[475] When Buddhism arose, the custom of keeping the eighth day of each lunar fortnight, in addition to new moon and full moon, appears to have been well-established in both Brahmanism and the non-Buddhistic sects, a circumstance which led to the adoption of all four periods by Buddhists as well.⁠[476] Two of these days (at new moon and full moon) are devoted to the special ceremony of reading, in an assembly of at least four monks, the patimokkha, or the disciplinary and penal code of Buddhism, according to the regulation laid down by the Buddha.⁠[477]⁠

In the Sutta Nipâta, a collection of seventy didactic poems belonging to the Pitakas, or sacred books of the southern Buddhists, Eight Precepts or Moral Commandments are enumerated. Five of these are binding on every Buddhist, whether mendicant or layman, but the remaining three are not obligatory for the laity. The precepts are: (1) not to destroy life; (2) not to commit theft; (3) not to tell lies; (4) not to drink intoxicating liquors; (5) not to indulge in unlawful sexual intercourse; (6) not to eat unseasonable food at night; (7) not to wear garlands or use perfumes; and (8) not to sleep on a raised couch.⁠[478] These precepts are said to constitute the eight-fold fast, or uposatha, declared by the Buddha. Their special observance on the uposatha day is inculcated, and to break any of them on that day is considered highly irreligious. Instead of observing lunar taboos, the Buddhists were to keep the uposatha by a special fulfillment of the moral law, with clean garments and with clean minds; one of the many instances in which the founder of Buddhism gave a spiritual meaning to an earlier superstitious rite. That the uposatha, marked as it was by fasting, avoidance of sexual intercourse, and refraining from wearing wreaths and using perfumes, should have come to be regarded as a rest day seems to be only the natural result of its observance as a season of abstinence. The uposatha is thus discovered among the earliest institutions of Buddhism; in its origin it could have owed nothing to Jewish or Christian influence; in its diffusion throughout southeastern Asia it appears to have remained unaffected by the influence of Islam. If these conclusions be accepted, the Buddhist Sabbath dates back, remotely, to taboos observed at changes of the moon.

Buddhism was early introduced into Ceylon. The Sabbath still observed there by the Sinhalese falls on the four poya days of the month, the days of the changes of the moon.⁠[479] Missionaries from Ceylon carried the new faith to Burma, at least as early as the fifth century A.D. According to an old traveller the “eighth day of the increasing moon, the fifteenth or full moon, the eighth of the decreasing moon, and the last day of the moon, are religiously observed by Birmans (sic) as sacred festivals. On these hebdomadal holidays no public business is transacted in the Rhoom: mercantile dealings are suspended; handicraft is forbidden; and the strictly pious take no sustenance between the rising and the setting of the sun; but the latter instance of self-denial is not very common, and, as I understood, is rarely practised, except in the metropolis, where the appearance of sanctity is sometimes assumed as a ladder by which the crafty attempt to climb to promotion.”⁠[480] According to a more recent and sympathetic account there are “four ubone, or duty days, in every lunar month, on which all good Burmans are expected to go and worship at the pagodas. These are the eighth of the crescent, the full moon, the eighth of the waning, and the change, of which the second and the fourth are the more sacred. As the monks have nothing to do with looking after the spiritual state of the people, it is entirely a matter to be settled by one’s self whether any particular worship day is to be observed or not. If you conclude that strict religious observances are only necessary for your spiritual well-being on the day of the full moon, or at any rate that you may leave out the eighth of the crescent and waning moon, then the ubone does not concern you at all, and you may proceed about your ordinary business without being considered a reprobate. The very devout may go to the pagoda on all the four sacred days of the month; but if you choose to omit one or several, or substitute an ordinary day for that provided by religious custom, there is no one to take you to task for it. Were a Burman never to go to the pagoda at all, or fail to do so for any considerable time, he would indeed soon get a very bad character among his neighbours, and might even be formally excommunicated by the yahan. There is, however, practically no constraint save the force of public opinion. But the duties of worship are so light, and so dependent in their details upon yourself, and there is so much amusement to be got out of a visit to the pagoda on an ubone, that few, even of the most worldly-minded, miss any great number of the appointed days, and a special festival is always carefully observed.... It must not, however, be supposed that all the people take this easy-going and frivolous view of duty days. Diligent seekers after kutho behave very differently. They do not merely limit themselves to the customary forms of worship and offerings. They sleep little, or not at all, the night before; telling their beads instead, and reading good books, some of the discourses of the Buddha, or portions of the greater zat. All necessary business is transacted the day previous to the ubone, and neighbours are exhorted to observe the festival properly. After one simple dish in the morning, they eat nothing for the rest of the day; or perhaps on certain occasions do not break their fast till after midday, a custom very general on the first day of Lent. Instead of staying in the noisy zayat, where the assembled people are talking of light matters, laughing and diverting themselves, they retire to a tazaung on the pagoda platform or to some place shaded by trees; there they finger the hundred and eight beads of their rosary, muttering, ‘All is transient, sorrowful, and vain; the Lord, the Law, the Assembly; the three precious things’; and meditate on the example of the Lord Buddha and the excellence of his Law. To vary the monotony of this performance, they go for an hour or two to one of the monasteries to talk with the prior or some learned brother, or perhaps to hear him read and expound one of the jataka, or birth-stories. So the duty day passes. By sunset most of the worshippers are making their way back to their homes; but a few zealous spirits remain all night in the zayat, and only return with daylight on the following morning. This simple round of celebration is repeated four times in every lunar month, with here and there a feast day of some particular shrine thrown in, when the only difference is that there is greater ceremony and a more or less large influx of strangers, according to the sanctity of the pagoda.”⁠[481]⁠

The Siamese Sabbath (wan phra) was also an institution introduced by Buddhist missionaries. An old writer describes it as follows: “Their Sunday, called by them vampra, is always the fourth day of the moon; in each month they have two great ones, at the new and full moon, and two less solemn, on the seventh and twenty-first. This day does not exempt them from labour, since only fishing is forbidden to them. Those who transgress this prohibition pay a fine and are thrown into prison, as having profaned the sanctity of the day.”⁠[482] A later writer declares that hunting is also forbidden, and adds that on these days one cannot find fresh fish and meat in the shops.⁠[483] In former times the temples were crowded with worshippers, who brought their offerings and listened to the hymns, prayers, and moral discourses addressed to them by the Buddhist priests.⁠[484] But we are told that now a majority of the temples stand empty on the wan phra, and what worshippers there are consist invariably of women. Since the adoption of the solar calendar in 1889 the wan phra has been superseded to a large extent for civil purposes by Sunday.⁠[485] The Buddhist Sabbath is also found in Cambodia.⁠[486]⁠

In some districts of Tibet the monthly Buddhist festivals (du-zang) are four in number, following the successive phases of the moon. In other parts of the country only three festivals are celebrated—at new moon, first quarter, and full moon. On these days no animal food ought to be eaten and no animal killed; those who break this rule are threatened with severe punishment in a future existence. “To abstain from worldly occupations is, however, not enacted, and as the Buddhist laymen in the Himalaya and western Tibet are not very fond of passing the whole day in prayers and in the temples, these holy days are not particularly marked in the habits of the population.”⁠[487] As elsewhere in Buddhist lands the new-moon and full-moon Sabbaths are of most importance, since on these occasions the patimokkha is recited in the monasteries, accompanied by a public confession of sins.⁠[488] However, in Tibet there appears never to have been much uniformity as to the times for the observance of the uposatha, the practice varying with different provinces and sects.⁠[489] In Bhutan, where Buddhism was introduced by missionaries from Tibet, the eighth, fourteenth, twenty-fourth, and thirtieth of the month are said to be the holy days, while the Mongolians have the thirteenth, fourteenth, and fifteenth, the three days being brought together perhaps because of the great distance which separates the monasteries from the temple.⁠[490] Among the Kalmucks on the Volga, to the north of the Caspian, the uposatha is generally observed thrice a month—the eighth day after new moon, the fifteenth, and the thirtieth.⁠[491]⁠

The uposatha is not unknown among the Buddhists of China. The Chinese Ts’ing-kwei, or “Regulations of the Priesthood,” a Buddhist document, enumerates, among others, four festivals to be kept each month, at new moon and full moon, and on the eighth and twenty-third days. These are called kin-ming sï-chai, “the four feasts illustriously decreed”; they may be regarded as a variant of the uposatha.⁠[492] Among non-Buddhists there is another custom of observing on the new and full moon of each month a ceremony, anciently in honour of the moon, but now particularly addressed to various deities, especially the gods of wealth. It was formerly the rule to sacrifice a bullock to the moon at this time. During the festival the courts of justice and yaman, or government residences, are closed. Offerings are made in the Confucian temples, and even the family gods receive their meed of worship. The householder on this day enjoys a better meal than usual, without, however, intermitting his ordinary occupations.⁠[493] There is no reason to believe that this Chinese festival owes anything to contact with Buddhism. Its independent origin, in connection with an early cult of the moon and perhaps at a remote period with various lunar taboos, becomes, therefore, something more than a conjecture.

The Buddhist Sabbath penetrated to Japan. An old writer tells us that in Japan there are three monthly holidays connected with the moon, though now immovable feasts. “The first is called isitatz, and is the first day of each month. It deserves rather to be called a day of compliments and mutual civilities, than a church or Sunday.” The second holiday is on the fifteenth of each month, “being the day of the full moon. The gods of the country have a greater share in the visits the Japanese make on this day, than their friends and relations.” The third festival occurs on the twenty-eighth of each month, “being the day of the new moon, or the last day of the decreasing moon. Not near so much regard is had to this, than there is to either of the two former, and the Sintos [Shinto] temples are very little crowded on it. There is a greater concourse of people on this day at the Budsos [Buddhist] temples, it being one of the monthly holidays sacred to Amida.”⁠[494]⁠

Buddhism and Brahmanism, spreading beyond the confines of continental Asia, carried the custom of keeping lunar festivals into some parts of Indonesia. In Bali, where the padanda, or Brahmans, have preserved many features of the old Vedic religion, fasts and sacrifices are still obligatory on the householder at new moon and full moon.⁠[495] In Kar Nicobar Buddhist influence from Burma is seen in the custom of observing a rest day on the seventh day of the moon, at full moon, and on the twenty-second day of the moon, but only during seven lunar months of the year.⁠[496] The Nicobarese have given to this imported Buddhist Sabbath their native name anoiila, which is regularly applied to the rest days or holidays observed by them on various critical occasions.⁠[497]⁠

We pass now from the lunar festivals found in ancient and modern India and in those countries of southeastern Asia which have been long affected by the cultural influence of India to similar observances among peoples of archaic civilization. The ancient Iranians appear to have celebrated four lunar days in each month, for the oldest part of the Avesta contains the following passage: “I dedicate, I perform (the sacrifice) for the month (gods), the time-divisions of Asa, for the between-moon [i.e., the new moon], ... for the full moon, and for the intervening seventh(s),” in other words, for the first, eighth, fifteenth, and twenty-third days, which were all dedicated to Ahura Mazda.⁠[498] The choice of these four lunar days was due to the division of the Avesta thirty-day month into two unequal parts, containing fourteen and sixteen days, respectively, and to the further subdivision of each part so as to form two groups of seven days and two of eight days. This arrangement had the practical advantage of permitting a quadripartite division of the month without a remainder. There is no evidence that the four groups formed civil weeks, or that the first day of each group was observed as a Sabbath.⁠[499]⁠

Although the Egyptians had abandoned the old lunar year and lunar month, perhaps as early as the beginning of the fourth millenium B.C., the people continued for many centuries to observe as festivals the first and fifteenth days of the month. In the earlier calendar these would have coincided with the two significant epochs of the lunation, namely, new moon and full moon. The “monthly feasts” and the “half-monthly feasts” are mentioned in the very ancient texts preserved in the pyramids at Sakkara of kings of the Sixth Dynasty.⁠[500] They are referred to in the Book of the Dead, in the directions requiring special chapters of that work to be recited on the first day of the month, apparently when it coincides with new moon, and on the last day of the sixth month of the Egyptian year, when that day coincides with the full moon.⁠[501] That they were practised under the Twelfth Dynasty appears clearly from the well-known inscription of Khnumhotep II, cut on the walls of the chapel chamber in his tomb at Benihasan. Khnumhotep II, a local ruler of the sixteenth nome in Upper Egypt, sets forth in this inscription a somewhat vainglorious account of his buildings and his piety. Among other things he says, “I endowed him [the mortuary priest] with fields and peasants; I commanded the mortuary offering of bread, beer, oxen, and geese, at every feast of the necropolis: at the feast of the first of the year, of New Year’s Day, of the great year, of the little year, of the last of the year, the great feast, at the great Rekeh, at the little Rekeh, at the feast of the five intercalary days, at —— ——, at the twelve monthly feasts, at the twelve mid-monthly feasts; every feast of the happy living, and of the dead.”⁠[502] Again, there is an explicit reference to new-moon festivals under the Thirteenth Dynasty in a celebrated inscription placed by Thothmes III (1501-1447 B.C.) on the walls of the great temple of Amon at Karnak. This inscription describes the numerous campaigns made by the Egyptian king in Syria. The account of the battle of Megiddo opens as follows: “Year 23, first (month) of the third season (ninth month), on the twenty-first day, the day of the feast of the new moon, corresponding to the royal coronation, early in the morning, behold, command was given to the entire army to move.”⁠[503] The significance of this lunar festival is further set forth in the inscriptions on the ceiling of the pronaos of the temple of Dendera, where the phases of the moon are portrayed together with other astronomical matters. The thirty days of the month are here given their eponymic names and are arranged in two divisions, according as they belong to the decreasing or to the increasing moon. Four lunar days are brought into special prominence as associated with the chief phases of the moon, viz., 1st lunar day = “festival of new moon”; 7th lunar day = “festival of the first quarter”; 15th lunar day = “festival of the fifteenth,” and 23d lunar day = “festival of the third quarter.” In this inscription full moon on the fifteenth of the lunar month, repeatedly mentioned in poetical terms as “the eye of the moon,” seems to have been regarded as the most significant of the lunar phases.⁠[504] The oldest traces of this important list of lunar days belong to the Eighteenth and Nineteenth dynasties; the latest date from Ptolemaic and Roman times.⁠[505] The evidence, then, fully warrants the conclusion that from the earliest period the Egyptians included the celebrations at new moon and full moon among the most important of their religious ceremonies.⁠[506] In late classical times the lunar festivals appear to have been consecrated to Osiris, whose identification with the moon is reasonably certain.⁠[507] But to what extent, if any, they were accompanied by the imposition of taboos remains problematical.

The evidence for lunar rites among the Greeks must be pieced together from scattered references in the classical writers. The day of the visible new moon (νουμηνία), marking the beginning of the lunar month, appears to have been ceremonially observed throughout the Greek world.⁠[508] The Noumenia was particularly associated with Apollo and also with Hera, a goddess who seems to have had an ancient rôle as a moon deity. The antiquity of the Noumenia may be judged from the references to it in the Odyssey, where no other general festival than that of Apollo is mentioned. In the island of Ithaca a feast of Apollo on the new-moon day was in progress at the time of the trial of Odysseus’s bow. Is it not the holy day of Apollo, ask the suitors? Who on such a day could stretch the bow?⁠[509] The first of the month is holy, declares Hesiod.⁠[510] In Athens, and doubtless in other Greek cities, the Noumenia continued to be in historic times a day of repose, when all public activities, except of a religious character, were intermitted.⁠[511] Private business, however, was not suspended on the Noumenia; the markets, especially those for the purchase of slaves, were then particularly frequented; the time was regarded as the most favourable for marriage; and in the homes there was much feasting and good cheer.⁠[512] The Dichomenia (διχομηνία), or full-moon day, appears also to have been a regular monthly festival in Greece, though of lesser importance than the Noumenia.⁠[513]⁠

The Roman month was originally lunar, and at all periods was divided by the real or imaginary phases of the moon. The Kalends, or day of the visible new moon, were sacred to Juno, a goddess, who, like the Greek Hera, was particularly associated with the moon.⁠[514] On the Kalends one of the pontiffs performed a sacrifice, with the assistance of the rex sacrorum.⁠[515] Pious Romans also celebrated the new-moon day with offerings and prayers to the family gods.⁠[516] The Ides, or day of the full moon, were consecrated to Jupiter, but the Nones, which may originally have marked the moon’s first quarter, were not sacred to any deity.⁠[517] The Kalends of March, June, and October, the Nones of July, and the Ides of all the months were numbered among the feriæ publicæ, or sacred festivals attended by a compulsory remission of labour, of the Roman state religion.⁠[518]⁠

The taboos which at Rome invested the lunar phases appear to have lingered into the historic age under yet another guise. Among the unlucky days (dies religiosi⁠[519]⁠) of the Roman calendar were those following the Kalends, Nones, and Ides. The thirty-six dies postriduani were regarded as unsuitable for many purposes, both public and private: for battles, levies, sacred rites, journeys, and marriages.⁠[520] We are told that they owed their unlucky quality to a pronouncement of the Senate and pontiffs, in consequence of the grave defeat of the Allia on the 18th of Quinctilis (July). According to the story preserved by Gellius one of the senators publicly declared that on the day following the Ides the Roman commander had performed sacred rites with a view to engaging the Gauls, only to experience an overwhelming defeat two days later. Many other senators called to mind that on sundry occasions, when sacrifices on the day following the Kalends, Nones, or Ides had been performed to secure the favour of the gods in battle, not victory but disaster followed. In consequence these days were declared unfit for public sacrifices.⁠[521] It is obvious that this traditional explanation of the dies postriduani must be far from the real truth. Unlucky days are not generated in such an artificial fashion or on so wholesale a scale. We may with some confidence regard the prohibitions accompanying these days as real survivals of primitive taboos at new moon, first quarter, and full moon, their assumed historic significance being only the conscious fiction of a later and more sophisticated age.⁠[522]⁠

The scanty records on which we must rely for our knowledge of the heathen inhabitants of central and northern Europe, before they came into contact with Rome and Christianity, furnish no certain evidence that they celebrated lunar festivals. According to Strabo the Celtiberians and their neighbours to the north sacrificed every full moon to a nameless god, the ceremony taking place at night and being accompanied by dancing.⁠[523] Again, Tacitus, who mentions the custom of the Germans of holding their assemblies on “fixed days” (certi dies), either at the new moon or the full moon, also refers to the certi dies on which they think it lawful to propitiate Mercury, their chief god, with human sacrifices.⁠[524] Such statements may mean much or little. Having traced lunar festivals among the Aryans of India, the Iranians, the Greeks, and the Romans, it might reasonably be supposed that the Celts and Germans were also familiar with them.

But the festive observance of the two great epochs of the lunation was by no means confined in antiquity to Indo-Germanic peoples. The Chinese and Egyptian festivals at new moon and full moon reach back into the past as far as the historical eye can follow them; while in Semitic lands, as we shall learn, the same rites occupied a most conspicuous place in the religious calendar. Not unjust was the remark of Isidore of Seville, a famous scholar of the Middle Ages, that the ancients, just as the Hebrews, were accustomed to celebrate the beginnings of all the months—apud veteres enim omnium mensium principia colebantur, sicut et apud Hebræos.⁠[525]⁠

Notes in this chapter

Note 1 · P. Ehrenreich, Die allgemeine Mythologie und ihre ethnologischen Grundlagen, Leipzig, 1910, pp. 114-127; S. Arrhenius, “Über den Ursprung deNote 2 · Albîrûnî, India, translated by C. E. Sachau, London, 1888, i, 346 sq. Compare the fine passage in Apuleius (Metamorphoses, xi, 1).Note 3 · Spix and Martius, Reise in Brasilien, Munich, 1823-1831, i, 381, iii, 1186.Note 4 · K. Weule, Native Life in East Africa, London, 1909, p. 188. On the other hand, children of the Bageshu, a Bantu people of British East AfricNote 5 · Plutarch, Quæstiones conviviales, iii, 10, 3.Note 6 · A. Wuttke, Der deutsche Volksaberglaube der Gegenwart,³ edited by E. H. Meyer, Berlin, 1900, p. 391 (Oldenburg).Note 7 · W. E. Roth, North Queensland Ethnography, Bulletin, 1903, no. 5, p. 7.Note 8 · W. H. I. Bleek and Lucy C. Lloyd, Specimens of Bushman Folk-lore, London, 1911, pp. 67 sq.Note 9 · W. Bogoras, in Memoirs of the American Museum of Natural History, xi, 306.Note 10 · C. M. Doughty, Travels in Arabia Deserta, Cambridge, 1888, i, 444.Note 11 · Psalms, cxxi, 6. Another Biblical passage (Hosea, v, 7), possibly referring to the moon, is most obscure.Note 12 · Matthew, iv, 24, xvii, 15. The Greek verb used here is σεληνιάζομαι.Note 13 · E. Combe, Histoire du culte de Sin en Babylonie et en Assyrie, Paris, 1908, pp. 36 sqq.Note 14 · Quæstiones conviviales, iii, 10, 3.Note 15 · P. Sébillot, Le folk-lore de France, Paris, 1904-1907, i, 45.Note 16 · Wuttke-Meyer, op. cit., p. 301.Note 17 · Ibid., p. 59. In Voigtland, central Germany, the assaults of witches are especially looked for and dreaded on Mondays (R. Eisel, Sagenbuch dNote 18 · Fanny D. Bergen, Current Superstitions, Boston, 1896, p. 120.Note 19 · For the belief that impregnation can be accomplished by the sun, see Sir J. G. Frazer, Balder the Beautiful, London, 1913, i, 74 sqq.Note 20 · Mrs. K. L. Parker, The Euahlayi Tribe, London, 1905, pp. 50, 64, 98.Note 21 · C. G. Seligmann, in Reports of the Cambridge Anthropological Expedition to Torres Straits, v, 206 sq. The word for moon, ganumi, is sometimeNote 22 · C. G. Seligmann, in Journal of the Anthropological Institute, 1902, xxxii, 303 sq. (Sinaugolo of the Rigo District); E. Beardmore, ibid., 18Note 23 · E. Best, “Notes on Procreation among the Maori People of New Zealand,” Journal of the Polynesian Society, 1905, xiv, 210 sq.Note 24 · C. W. Hobley, in Journal of the Anthropological Institute, 1903, xxxiii, 358.Note 25 · J. Roscoe, ibid., 1901, xxxi, 121.Note 26 · Thomas Winterbottom, An Account of the Native Africans in the Neighbourhood of Sierra Leone, London, 1803, ii, 206 (Mandingo, Susu, etc.).Note 27 · Hans Egede, A Description of Greenland, London, 1745, p. 205.Note 28 · W. B. Grubb, An Unknown People in an Unknown Land, London, 1911, p. 139.Note 29 · P. J. de Arriaga, Extirpación de la idolatria del Piru, Lima, 1621, p. 32.Note 30 · H. Brugsch, Religion und Mythologie der alten Ägypter, Leipzig, 1885, p. 335. The sacred bull Apis, which the Egyptians regarded as an imageNote 31 · W. H. Roscher, “Aphrodite,” in Roscher’s Ausführliches Lexikon der griechischen und römischen Mythologie, i, coll. 390 sq.Note 32 · L. H. Gray, in Spiegel Memorial Volume, Bombay, 1908, pp. 160-168. Râkâ and Sînîvalî, two of the Vedic goddesses identified with the lunar pNote 33 · Plutarch, Quæstiones conviviales, iii, 10, 3; idem, Quæstiones Romanæ, 77. See further, W. H. Roscher, Juno und Hera, Leipzig, 1875, pp. 40-Note 34 · Sébillot, op. cit., i, 41.Note 35 · E. H. Man, in Journal of the Anthropological Institute, 1883, xii, 337; Sheldon Dibble, History of the Sandwich Islands, Lahainaluna, 1843, Note 36 · H. A. Hazen, “The Origin and Value of Weather Lore,” Journal of American Folk-lore, 1900, xiii, 191-198; E. G. Dexter, Weather Influences, NNote 37 · Payne, op. cit., i, 547 sq.; Sir E. B. Tylor, Primitive Culture,⁴ London, 1903, i, 130; W. G. Black, Folk-medicine, London, 1883, pp. 124 sqNote 38 · Roscher, Über Selene und Verwandtes, pp. 49 sqq., 61-67. The New Zealanders believed that it was in the night that everything grew (R. TayloNote 39 · For many illustrations see Frazer, Adonis, Attis, Osiris,³ ii, 131 sqq.; J. Grimm, Teutonic Mythology, London, 1883, ii, 708-716.Note 40 · Gellius, Noctes Atticæ, xx, 8: Eadem autem ipsa, quæ crescente luna gliscunt, deficiente contra defiunt.Note 41 · The Todas, London, 1906, p. 411.Note 42 · E. H. Man, in Journal of the Anthropological Institute, 1883, xii, 152 sq. It is also said of the Andamanese that they do no work, except whNote 43 · Peter Dobell, Travels in Kamtchatka and Siberia, London, 1830, ii, 16.Note 44 · Joannes de Plano Carpini, in R. Hakluyt, The Principal Navigations, Traffiques, and Discoveries of the English Nation, i, 141 sq. (Glasgow rNote 45 · Mungo Park, Travels in the Interior Districts of Africa, London, 1816, i, 266.Note 46 · L. G. Binger, Du Niger au golfe de Guinée, Paris, 1892, ii, 116.Note 47 · A. C. Hollis, The Nandi, Oxford, 1908, pp. 52, 60, 71.Note 48 · J. Sibree, “Malagasy Folk-lore and Popular Superstitions,” Folk-lore Record, 1879, ii, 32.Note 49 · De bello Gallico, i, 50.Note 50 · Germania, 11. The rule of the Spartans never to march out to war before the full moon (Herodotus, vi, 106; Pausanias, i, 28, 4) prevented thNote 51 · Kuhn and Schwartz, Norddeutsche Sagen, Märchen, und Gebräuche, Leipzig, 1848, p. 457.Note 52 · The Rev. John Grant, in Sir John Sinclair’s The Statistical Account of Scotland, Edinburgh, 1794, xii, 457. See also Charles Rogers, FamiliaNote 53 · J. T. Bent, The Cyclades, London, 1885, p. 438.Note 54 · John Aubrey, Remaines of Gentilisme and Judaisme, edited by J. Britten, London, 1881, p. 85.Note 55 · On the superstitions attaching to eclipses, generally, see R. Lasch, “Die Finsternisse in der Mythologie und im religiösen Brauch der VölkerNote 56 · W. E. H. Barrett, in Journal of the Anthropological Institute, 1911, xli, 35.Note 57 · Hodson, Nāga Tribes, pp. 166 sq. See above, pp. 50 sq.Note 58 · Rivers, op. cit., pp. 580, 592.Note 59 · Madras Weekly Mail, 15th October, 1908, quoted by Edgar Thurston, Omens and Superstitions of Southern India, London and Leipzig, 1912, p. 44Note 60 · R. G. Chaube, “Some of the Most Popular Beliefs and Superstitions of the Hindus of Northern India,” Journal of the Anthropological Society oNote 61 · W. Crooke, The Popular Religion and Folk-lore of Northern India,² Westminster, 1896, i, 21 sqq.; compare idem, Natives of Northern India, LoNote 62 · John Barrow, Travels in China, London, 1804, p. 287.Note 63 · Thucydides, vii, 50; Plutarch, Nicias, 23.Note 64 · J. Buxtorf, Synagoga Judaica,³ Basel, 1680, p. 477: Defectum lunæ pro pessimo habent signo, quod aliquid mali et inauspicati ab hostibus et Note 65 · Above, p. 134. During a solar eclipse Swabian peasants totally abandon their usual occupations and shut up their cattle in the stalls (A. BiNote 66 · C. W. Hobley, Ethnology of A-Kamba and other East African Tribes, Cambridge, 1910, p. 53.Note 67 · W. S. Routledge and Katherine Routledge, With a Prehistoric People, London, 1910, p. 284.Note 68 · W. W. A. Fitzgerald, Travels in the Coastlands of British East Africa, London, 1898, p. 111, quoting W. E. Taylor, Vocabulary of the GiryamaNote 69 · P. B. Du Chaillu, In African Forest and Jungle, New York, 1903, pp. 96 sq.Note 70 · Horace Waller, editor, The Last Journals of David Livingstone in Central Africa, New York, 1875, p. 273.Note 71 · J. Y. Gibson, The Story of the Zulus, London, 1911, p. 175.Note 72 · Gengnagel, “Volksglaube und Wahrsagerei an der Westküste Indiens,” Ausland, 1891, lxiv, 871 sq. Another observer declares that if a cow calvNote 73 · R. B. Bainbridge, in Memoirs of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, 1907, ii, 50.Note 74 · J. Wilson, in Indian Antiquary, 1897, xxvi, 308 (from Punjab Notes and Queries, 1883).Note 75 · M. Jastrow, Aspects of Religious Belief and Practice in Babylonia and Assyria, New York, 1911, pp. 214, 333 sqq.; idem, Die Religion BabylonNote 76 · I. Goldziher, in Archiv für Religionswissenschaft, 1910, xiii, 44 n.⁴ For the Abyssinian beliefs see E. Littmann, ibid., 1908, xi, 314 sq.Note 77 · E. Rhode, Psyche,⁶ Tübingen, 1910, i, 234 n.¹, 269 n.²; E. Caillemer, in Daremberg and Saglio’s Dictionnaire des antiquités grecques et romaNote 78 · Roscher, Über Selene und Verwandtes, pp. 46 sqq. The interlunar days were selected by the ancients for the celebration of the sacred marriagNote 79 · T. F. T. Dyer, English Folklore, London, 1878, p. 41; Thomas Hardy, The Return of the Native, London, 1895, p. 29.Note 80 · H. A. Hazen, in Journal of American Folk-lore, 1900, xiii, 192. American folklore contains the injunction never to kill cattle or pigs, or eNote 81 · W. Smythe and F. Lowe, Narrative of a Journey from Lima to Para, London, 1836, p. 230.Note 82 · Father G. Boscana, “Chinigchinich,” in Life in California by an American, New York, 1846, pp. 298 sq.Note 83 · Jonathan Carver, Travels through the Interior Parts of North America,³ London, 1781, pp. 250, 252.Note 84 · W. Bartram, in Transactions of the American Ethnological Society, 1853, iii, pt. i, 26.Note 85 · Merolla, “Voyage to Congo,” in Pinkerton’s Voyages and Travels, xvi, 273.Note 86 · Mungo Park, op. cit., i, 265.Note 87 · G. W. Stow, The Native Races of South Africa, London, 1905, p. 112. For further examples of new-moon and full-moon celebrations see P. KolbeNote 88 · Frazer, Adonis, Attis, Osiris,³ ii, 140.Note 89 · The vice of seeking particularistic explanations of widespread social phenomena is illustrated by Nielsen, who, with misdirected ingenuity, Note 90 · Above, pp. 14 sq., 20, 32 and n.², 34 and n.¹, 37, 52 n.¹Note 91 · Lieutenant Farewell, in W. F. W. Owen, Narrative of Voyages to explore the Shores of Africa, Arabia, and Madagascar, London, 1833, ii, 397; Note 92 · G. W. Stow, The Native Races of South Africa, London, 1905, p. 414.Note 93 · Missionary Travels and Researches in South Africa,²⁵ New York, 1870, p. 255.Note 94 · John Campbell, Travels in South Africa, London, 1822, ii, 205.Note 95 · L. Decle, Three Years in Savage Africa, London, 1900, pp. 85 sq.Note 96 · Ibid., p. 295.Note 97 · J. F. Cunningham, Uganda and its Peoples, London, 1905, p. 294.Note 98 · Above, p. 136.Note 99 · Hobley, op. cit., p. 104.Note 100 · John Roscoe, The Baganda, London, 1911, pp. 297, 299, 428; idem, in Journal of the Anthropological Institute, 1902, xxxii, 76.Note 101 · Roscoe, Baganda, pp. 320 sqq.; idem, “Python Worship in Uganda,” Man, 1909, ix, 88 sqq.Note 102 · Idem, Baganda, pp. 249 sq.Note 103 · Mrs. A. B. Fisher, Twilight Tales of the Black Baganda, London [1912], pp. 37 sq.Note 104 · J. H. Speke, Journal of the Discovery of the Source of the Nile, Edinburgh, 1863, p. 523.Note 105 · Ibid., p. 259. According to Speke this custom is also observed by the king of Uganda, who, on the first day after the appearance of the new Note 106 · The Mendi of the hinterland of Sierra Leone are said to hold a new-moon festival and at it to abstain from all work, “alleging that if they Note 107 · Ibid. Ellis presented his arguments more fully in an article “On the Origin of Weeks and Sabbaths,” Popular Science Monthly, 1895, xlvi, 329Note 108 · W. Crooke, The Popular Religion and Folk-lore of Northern India,² Westminster, 1896, i, 23.Note 109 · Gengnagel, “Volksglaube und Wahrsagerei an der Westküste Indiens,” Ausland, 1891, lxiv, 871 sq.Note 110 · F. Jagor, in Verhandlungen der Berliner Gesellschaft für Anthropologie, Ethnologie, und Urgeschichte, 1876, p. (201) (bound with ZeitschriftNote 111 · Thurston, Omens and Superstitions of Southern India, p. 22.Note 112 · Rig-Veda, i, 9, 1, i, 94, 4 (transl. H. Grassmann, ii, 8, 95); Atharva-Veda, vii, 79, 3, vii, 80, 1-4 (transl. W. D. Whitney, pp. 444-446); Note 113 · The first day was called upavasatha, a fasting or fast day (compare Sanskrit upa, an adverbial adjunct, signifying to refrain from, abstain,Note 114 · Satapatha-Brâhmana, i, 1, 1, 1 sqq. (Sacred Books of the East, xii, 1 sq.; compare also 374 sq.).Note 115 · A. Hillebrandt, Vedische Mythologie, Breslau, 1891-1899, i, 267 sqq., 313, 366 sqq.; ii, 209-240.Note 116 · A. Bergaigne, La religion védique, Paris, 1878, i, 157 sqq.; A. A. Macdonell, Vedic Mythology, Strassburg, 1897, pp. 112 sqq.; E. W. HopkinsNote 117 · Grihya-sûtra of Gobhila, i, 5, 1-26 (S. B. E., xxx, 25-28).Note 118 · Institutes of Vishnu, xlvii, 3 (S. B. E., vii, 152).Note 119 · Laws of Manu, xi, 217 sqq. (S. B. E., xxv, 474 sq.).Note 120 · Ibid., iv, 128 (S. B. E., xxv, 149).Note 121 · Vishńu Puráńa, iii, 11 (the translation by H. H. Wilson, edited by F. Hall, London, 1865, iii, 132 sq.).Note 122 · Ibid., ii, 6 (Wilson-Hall, ii, 219).Note 123 · J. A. Dubois, Hindu Manners, Customs, and Ceremonies,³ Oxford, 1906, p. 270.Note 124 · Laws of Manu, iv, 113 sq. (S. B. E., xxv, 147).Note 125 · Ibid., iv, 101 sqq. (S. B. E., xxv, 144 sqq.).Note 126 · Gautama, xvi, 22, 35-37 (S. B. E., ii, 258 sqq.). Compare Âpastamba, i, 3, 9, 28: “at the new moon (he shall not study) for two days and nigNote 127 · Vishńu Puráńa, iii, 12 (Wilson-Hall, iii, 143).Note 128 · Sir M. Monier-Williams, Brāhmanism and Hindūism,⁴ New York, 1891, p. 433.Note 129 · H. H. Wilson, “The Religious Festivals of the Hindus,” in Essays and Lectures chiefly on the Religion of the Hindus, edited by R. Rost, LondNote 130 · H. H. Wilson, “The Religious Festivals of the Hindus,” in Essays and Lectures chiefly on the Religion of the Hindus, edited by R. Rost, LondNote 131 · Ibid., p. 199.Note 132 · Sûtrakṛtâṅga, ii, 7, 17; compare, ii, 2, 76 (S. B. E., xlv, 428 sq., 383).Note 133 · Uttarâdhyayana, v, 23; compare ix, 42 (S. B. E., xlv, 23, 39).Note 134 · H. Jacobi, Gaina Sûtras, Oxford, 1895, pp. xix, 23 n.² (S. B. E., vol. xlv).Note 135 · Margaret Stevenson, “Festivals and Fasts (Jain),” Hastings’s Encyclopædia of Religion and Ethics, v, 875 sq.Note 136 · H. Kern, Der Buddhismus und seine Geschichte in Indien, Leipzig, 1884, ii, 256 sqq.; idem, Manual of Indian Buddhism, Strassburg, 1896, pp. Note 137 · Mahâvagga, ii, 1, 1-4 (S. B. E., xiii, 239 sq.; compare p. x).Note 138 · Ibid., ii, 1, 4 (S. B. E., xiii, 240). This rule is to be understood as requiring an assembly to be held on the fourteenth or the fifteenth Note 139 · Sutta Nipâta, ii, 14, 26 (S. B. E., x, pt. ii, 66).Note 140 · The eighth day of the waning moon (áṣṭakā) is distinctly mentioned in the Vedas, as forming with new moon and full moon the regular festivalNote 141 · Mahâvagga, ii, 4, 1-2 (S. B. E., xiii, 246 sq.). The patimokkha is one of the oldest parts of the Buddhist canonical compositions. The Pali Note 142 · Sutta Nipâta, ii, 14, 19-26 (S. B. E., x, pt. ii, 65 sqq.). See also T. W. Rhys Davids, Buddhism, London, 1890, pp. 137 sqq.; Childers, op. Note 143 · Mahony, in Asiatic Researches, 1803, vii, 40 sq.; Edward Upham, Sacred and Historical Books of Ceylon, London, 1833, iii, 161 sqq.; R. S. HaNote 144 · Michael Symes, An Account of an Embassy to the Kingdom of Ava, London, 1800, p. 335. See further Hiram Cox, Journal of a Residence in the BuNote 145 · Shway Yoe [Sir J. G. Scott], The Burman: his Life and Notions,³ London, 1910, pp. 217-220. The Tungthu of Tenasserim have borrowed these “duNote 146 · F. H. Turpin, Histoire civile et naturelle du royaume de Siam, Paris, 1771, i, 45 sq. The “fourth day” of the moon must here be counted fromNote 147 · J. B. Pallegoix, Description du royaume Thai ou Siam, Paris, 1854, i, 249.Note 148 · John Crawfurd, Journal of an Embassy, London, 1830, ii, 75; Sir John Bowring, The Kingdom and People of Siam, London, 1857, i, 158.Note 149 · J. G. D. Campbell, Siam in the Twentieth Century, London, 1904, p. 224 n.¹; G. E. Gerini, “Festivals and Fasts (Siamese),” Hastings’s EncyclNote 150 · J. Moura, Le royaume de Cambodge, Paris, 1883, i, 321. The Malays of the Malacca Peninsula regard the fourteenth and fifteenth days of each Note 151 · E. Schlaginweit, Buddhism in Tibet, Leipzig and London, 1863, p. 237.Note 152 · L. A. Waddell, The Buddhism of Tibet, or Lamaism, London, 1895, p. 501; W. W. Rockhill, in Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1891, n.s.,Note 153 · Marco Polo refers to five days or four days or three days in each month when the lamas or clergy of Tibetan Buddhism shed no blood and abstaNote 154 · Köppen, op. cit., i, 564.Note 155 · P. S. Pallas, Reise durch verschiedene Provinzen des russischen Reichs, Frankfort, 1776, i, 295.Note 156 · Joseph Edkins, Chinese Buddhism,² London, 1893, p. 206. In Buddhist monasteries the patimokkha is regularly recited at new moon and full mooNote 157 · J. H. Gray, China, London, 1878, i, 263 n.¹; C. Pitou, La Chine, Lausanne and Paris [1902], pp. 27 sqq. See also W. Grube, Religion und KultNote 158 · E. Kaempfer, History of Japan, ii, 21 sq. (Glasgow reprint, 1906).Note 159 · R. Friederich, in Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1876, n.s., viii, 197 sq. Most priests also observe with prayer and fasting every fiNote 160 · E. H. Man, in Indian Antiquary, 1897, xxvi, 269 n.³⁰ According to this account the Nicobarese do not observe new-moon ceremonies. Other authNote 161 · Above, pp. 40 sqq.Note 162 · Yasna, i, 8 (so also ibid., ii, 8; compare Yast vii, 4). See L. H. Gray, “Festivals and Feasts (Iranian),” Hastings’s Encyclopædia of ReligiNote 163 · R. Roth, “Der Kalender des Avesta und die sogenannten gahanbâr,” Zeitschrift der deutschen morgenländischen Gesellschaft, 1880, xxxiv, 710; Note 164 · Pyramid Texts, § 521 (= Teti, l. 12); compare ibid., § 1453 (= Pepi, l. 657 = Mernere, ll. 763-764). Professor J. H. Breasted of the UniversNote 165 · The Book of the Dead (Theban Recension), chs. cxxxv, cxl (The Chapters of Coming Forth by Day, translated by E. A. W. Budge, London, 1898, pNote 166 · J. H. Breasted, Ancient Records of Egypt, Chicago, 1906, i, 285. See further E. Mahler, Études sur le calendrier égyptien, Paris, 1907, p. 1Note 167 · Breasted, op. cit., ii, 184; for an earlier translation see S. Birch, in Records of the Past, ii, 43.Note 168 · H. Brugsch, Thesaurus inscriptionum Ægyptiacarum, Leipzig, 1883-1891, pt. i, 30 sqq., 49 sqq.; idem, Die Ägyptologie, Leipzig, 1891, pp. 332Note 169 · Brugsch, Thesaurus, pt. i, 52; idem, Ägyptologie, p. 332.Note 170 · Compare idem, Ägyptologie, p. 334; E. Meyer, “Ägyptische Chronologie,” Abhandlungen der königlich-preussischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, Note 171 · Herodotus, ii, 47; Plutarch, De Iside et Osiride, 8, 43, 52; Frazer, Adonis, Attis, Osiris,³ ii, 129-131; Budge, Osiris and the Egyptian ResNote 172 · J. Meursius, Græcia feriata, sive de festis Græcorum, Lugduni Batavorum, 1619, pp. 210-214; F. G. Welcker, Griechische Götterlehre, GöttingeNote 173 · Odyssey, xxi, 258 sq.: νῦν μὲν γὰρ κατὰ δῆμον ἑορτὴ τοῖο θεοῖο ἁγνή· τίς δέ κε τόξα τιταίνοιτ’; Compare ibid., xiv, 158-162, xx, 156, 276-27Note 174 · Opera et dies, 770.Note 175 · Aristophanes, Nubes, 615-619; idem, Acharnenses, 999; idem, Vespæ, 96; Demosthenes, Adv. Aristogiton, i, 99; Athenæus, Deipnosophistæ, xii, Note 176 · Aristophanes, Vespæ, 171; idem, Equites, 43 sq.; Alciphron, Epistolæ, iii, 38; Porphyry, De abstinentia, ii, 129; Proclus, on Hesiod, Opera Note 177 · Hymni Homerici, xxxii, 11; Plutarch, De gloria Atheniensis, 7; idem, Dion, 23. Hesiod (op. cit., 819, compare 794 sqq.) describes the 14th oNote 178 · Above, p. 130.Note 179 · Macrobius, Saturnalia, i, 15, 9.Note 180 · Ovid, Fasti, i, 47; Plutarch, Quæstiones Romanæ, 24; Vergil, Bucolica, i, 43 sq.; Horace, Carmina, iii, 23, 1 sq.Note 181 · Macrobius, op. cit., i, 15, 15; Ovid, op. cit., i, 48 sq.; Lydus, De mensibus, iii, 7.Note 182 · Wissowa, Religion und Kultus der Römer, p. 369; compare T. Mommsen, in Corpus inscriptionum Latinarum, i, pt. i,² 297.Note 183 · Above, pp. 80 sq., 94.Note 184 · Varro, De lingua Latina, 29; Ovid, Fasti, i, 59 sq.; Livy, vi, 1; Plutarch, Quæstiones Romanæ, 25; Gellius, Noctes Atticæ, iv, 9, 5; MacrobiNote 185 · Verrius Flaccus, ap. Gellius, op. cit., v, 17; Macrobius, op. cit., i, 16, 21.Note 186 · On this point I am happy to find myself in agreement with Dr. W. Warde Fowler, who also regards the traditional explanation of the dies postNote 187 · Geographica, iii, 4, 16.Note 188 · Germania, 9, 11.Note 189 · Isidorus Hispalensis, Etymologiæ sive origines, v, 33.
Explore with AITake your curiosity a little further.

Reading settings