LORENZO DI PIERO DE’ MEDICI

(1450-1492)

Lorenzo de’ Medici, whose wonderful personality still has the power to excite bitter hatred and an almost passionate admiration, was a marvellously many-sided man. Marsilio Ficino said he possessed the three endowments called “graces” by Orpheus, splendour, light-heartedness, and rejuvenescence—splendour of intellect, light-heartedness in resolution, and a continual renewal of youth in person and in fortune. He was not twenty-one when his father died, worn out by bodily suffering, but Lorenzo had been his right hand for years, had been sent to represent him at foreign courts, and had seen more of the world than most men of double his age. He and his younger brother Giuliano received the education of princes rather than of the sons of a merchant. Gentile Becchi of Urbino, a man of unblemished life and considerable learning, was their tutor, Landino taught them Italian literature, Argyropoulos Greek, and Marsilio Ficino Platonic philosophy. They had also evidently been taught good manners, as Cambi, who never misses an opportunity to decry the Medici, tells us that when Lorenzo was with a citizen older than himself he always gave him the place of honour on his right. Above all, the two lads had the example and the teaching of their mother Lucrezia, a woman of strong good sense and genuine piety, who possessed a sunny nature, that rare gift humour, and a marked poetical temperament. From early childhood she sent Lorenzo to the meetings of the confraternity of S. Paolo, where men met for vigil and prayer, and after the services Messer Gentile by her orders made him distribute alms to the poor. When the boy was thirteen Gentile wrote to his father: “Lorenzo is well, your absence is ever before him. We are well advanced in Ovid and also in Justinian, four books of history and fables. You need not ask how he delights in these studies. His conduct is excellent, and he is very obedient.”

After Piero’s death Lucrezia, who had always been her husband’s trusted helpmate, became the counsellor to whom Lorenzo turned for help, consolation, and advice. He also had the good fortune to have a wise and capable man by his side, Tommaso Soderini, husband of his mother’s sister, Dianora Tornabuoni. Soderini’s influence was considerable, and he used it to induce his fellow-citizens to confirm Lorenzo in the pre-eminent though entirely unofficial position held by his grandfather and his father. There was hardly a dissentient voice when the chief citizens of Florence came to the Medici palace and begged him to take charge of the city as they had done.

Niccolò Valori describes Lorenzo as “above the common stature, with broad shoulders, solidly built, robust, and second to none in agility. Although nature had acted towards him like a stepmother with regard to his personal appearance, in all things connected with the mind she had been a loving mother. His complexion was swarthy, and although his face was not handsome, it was so full of dignity as to command respect. He was short-sighted, his nose was flattened, and he had no sense of smell. This did not trouble him. He was wont to say that he was grateful to nature, disagreeable things being more common than agreeable ones to so delicate a sense.”

Lorenzo was much inferior to his grandfather Cosimo in commercial talent, but he was a genius, and as Symonds writes, “possessed of one of those rare natures, fitted to comprehend all knowledge and to sympathise with the most diverse forms of life. While he never for a moment relaxed his hold on politics, among philosophers he passed as a sage, among men of letters for an original and graceful poet, among scholars for a Grecian, sensitive to every nicety of Attic idiom, among artists for an amateur gifted with refined discernment and consummate taste. Pleasure-seekers knew in him the libertine, who jousted with the boldest, danced and masqueraded with the merriest, sought adventures in the streets at night, and joined the people in their May-day games and Carnival festivities. The pious extolled him as an author of devotional lauds and mystery plays, a profound theologian, a critic of sermons. He was no less famous for his jokes and repartees than for his pithy apothegms and maxims, as good a judge of cattle as of statues, as much at home in the bosom of his family as in the riot of an orgy, as ready to discourse on Plato as to plan a campaign or to plot the death of a dangerous citizen.”[150]

A philosopher, a diplomatist, a “Pagan much inclined to the worship of Venus,” as Machiavelli tells us, a Christian as shown in his Laudi and his Capitoli, evidently written con amore, a staunch friend, generous and kind, yet he is generally accused of having ordered the sack of Volterra—now, however, proved to have been instigated by the mercenaries engaged to defend the town—and of causing his opponents to be tortured and executed. The indelible stain on Lorenzo’s fair name is his interference with the deposits in the Monte.[151] Cambi, who it must be remembered was no friend of the Medici, writes: “On the 13th August 1490 seventeen so-called Reformers were created by the authority of the Signory, the Colleges of the Council, of the People, and of the Commune, the Council of the One Hundred, the officers of the Monte, and the whole Popolo of Florence. Under pretext of revising the coinage and the duties they altered the entries of all monies received for the use of the State for the benefit of Lorenzo de’ Medici, who needed money in order to make his son Messer Giovanni a cardinal, which he did. And it was done with the money of the Commune. Counting what they gave him after he became a cardinal, it cost the Commune 10,000 scudi in gold. From the poor dowers of the married maidens and of those about to be married they deducted by means of taxes and the reduction of all future interest 3/4 per cent. of the interest, so that what should have given 3 per cent. they lowered to 1-1/2 per cent., and even that was not paid.... Thus few maidens married, and those few only by dint of money. Even then the permission of Lorenzo de’ Medici was necessary. Let every one therefore consider what it means to create tyrants in the city, to make a Balia and to call a parliament.”[152]

It was fortunate for the Italian language that the young Lorenzo fell under the influence of Leon Battista Alberti, who asserted that “though the ancient tongue has undisputed authority because so many learned men have employed it, the like honour will certainly be paid to our language to-day if men of culture take the pains to purify and polish it.” The revival of classical learning had almost arrested the study of Italian. In spite of the example of Dante and Boccaccio, Latin was the patrician and literary language, and even when men of letters used the vulgar tongue they interlarded it with Latin. Poliziano’s letters are a case in point. The example of Lorenzo altered all this. In his letter to Federigo of Naples (p. 88) he passes extraordinarily acute criticism on the old Italian poets, and in his Commentary, which takes up ninety-three double pages in the Aldine edition of his poems, he predicts a glorious future to the language used by Dante, Cavalcanti, Petrarch, and Boccaccio. “Men and practice,” he says, “have rather been wanting to the language than the language to the men.” Muratori, treating of the poetry of the fifteenth century, gives the palm to Lorenzo, and Carducci declares him to be little if at all inferior to Poliziano and Pulci.

Incessantly occupied in preserving the balance of power in Italy, yet in his short life of forty-two years he wrote an amount of poetry, and good poetry, which would do credit to a man whose whole life is dedicated to literature. Treated as an equal by popes and princes—the King of France doffed his cap to his ambassadors and called him “my beloved cousin”—he was at home with the artisan and the peasant, whose tastes he to a certain degree shared, and whose characters he so perfectly understood and describes. In La Nencia da Barberino, that gayest of gay poems overflowing with la joie de vivre, often imitated but never surpassed, Vallera, the shy love-sick peasant, sings the praises of his Nencia, who, with her pretty ways and soft words, her eyes as black as coal, and her fair curly hair, would bear away the palm among a thousand city maidens. Such a dancer too. She bounds like a young goat, whirls like the wheel of a mill and then curtsies, no Florentine lady can do it better. He offers to buy her a paper cornet full of rouge or powder, or pins, or a necklace of those little red buttons [coral] when he goes to Florence, for he would draw the marrow from his bones to give her pleasure. Could he put his heart into her hands it would cry “Nencia, Nencia bella,” if she cut it with a knife. But Nencia flirts with other swains, his sighs are full of tears, he waits for her to come with her sheep when he drives his heifers to pasture, and the cruel girl turns back.[153]

Lorenzo’s love of the country, of country life, and of animals, is shown in Ambra and La Caccia col Falcone. The former is an allegorical description of a flood which swept away an island at Lorenzo’s favourite villa, Poggio a Caiano. Winter is approaching. Only the bay, the myrtle, and the prickly juniper, shine among the bare trees, while the few birds take refuge in the cypresses. The olives on a southern slope sway, now green now silver white, to the breeze. The cranes print varied and beautiful lines on the sky, and Lorenzo notes how the leader cedes his place, when tired, to one of those in the rear. The eagle slowly circles in the air, a menace to all smaller fowl. Zephyr has fled to Cyprus, where he dances with the lazy flowers among the green grass. Boreas drives the mists down from the Alps, and the river, writhing like a serpent in the valley, gathers his tributaries. With strange sounds he rises. The yellow foam is tossed into the air as the wicked turbid stream rolls stone upon stone, and dashing against the dykes, overwhelms Ambra, “beloved of Lorenzo.” The terrified peasants take refuge on the roofs of their cottages, and watch their poor riches being swept away. Then comes the more artificial and well-worn tale of the lovely nymph Ambra pursued by the river god Ombrone, her prayer to the chaste goddess, and her farewell to Lorenzo as she is turned to stone.

La Caccia col Falcone is a graphic account of the sport Lorenzo loved. Falcons, dogs, and men are drawn with facile pen by a man who delighted in country life and open air.

Selve d’Amore is a lover’s complaint on the absence of his lady. Jealousy, Hope, and the Age of Gold, which existed before the opening of Pandora’s box, are described. He invokes his mistress in these beautiful lines beginning:

and at last she appears, Beauty on her right hand, Love on her left.

This is, however, not the place to describe Lorenzo’s poems, the fine Altercazione, a Platonic dialogue; the Capitoli, or I Beoni. His Ballate, Canzone di Ballo, and Canzone Carnescialeschi, which represent the popular, often very licentious poetry of the streets, are known to all Italian scholars. Il Lasca (A. Grazzini), after describing the masqueraders parading the streets with Trionfi, allegorical or mythological cars, and Carri filled with men representing various trades, each one preceded and followed by its special attendants singing and dancing, and many masqued horsemen, says: “The Magnificent Lorenzo invented this manner of celebrating the festival. Formerly men dressed up as women went about the streets singing and dancing, imitating the maidens who thus greeted the month of May. The Magnificent, finding it was always the same thing, imagined to change not only the songs but the whole representation and the words, writing songs with varied metres, and causing new and different airs to be written. The first of these masquerades was performed by men who sold sugar-plums and berriquocoli (small cakes), and the music, for three voices, was written by a certain Arrigo Tedesco,[154] head of the choir of S. Giovanni, a musician of great repute in those days.”

The most beautiful of Lorenzo’s carnival songs is Il Trionfo di Bacco e Arianne, beginning:

Lorenzo’s sonnets are many, and some are worthy to rank with those of the most famous poets; indeed Muratori, in the specimens of perfect poetry appended to his treatise, cites four of them, together with the finest of Dante, Cavalcanti, Petrarch, and other great poets. In the Laudi, and the sacred play S. Giovanni e Paolo, can be traced Lorenzo’s early bringing up under his mother, herself no mean poetess, and the good Bishop Gentile. The play was written in later life for his children who acted it. It is said that Lorenzo himself took the part of Constantine. Already ill, and oppressed with cares, the Emperor’s address to his sons describing the duties of a ruler, and the lines

have a sad autobiographical ring.

Lorenzo, the one great statesman of Italy, had no easy part to play. As prudent as he was dexterous, the preservation of peace in Italy was his constant aim, to be attained by a maintenance of the balance of power so that no one State should become pre-eminent. His violent and unscrupulous enemy Sixtus IV. used every arm against him. When assassination failed he tried excommunication, and the laying of Florence under an interdict. The Florentines answered by appointing twelve citizens as a bodyguard to Lorenzo, and bidding the clergy to celebrate the sacraments. His sagacity, not only as a Tuscan but an Italian, was shown by the able way in which he traversed French schemes for interfering in Italy, although the fortune of his house was largely dependent on the well-being of the bank at Lyons. So quietly and unostentatiously was this done that French ambassadors were instructed to act according to his advice, and he became the intermediary between Rome and Paris.[155] “Lorenzo,” writes Dr. Creighton, “had striven to identify the Medici family with Florence, and had been himself the representative and expression of the desires and aspirations of Florentine life and culture. He had also learned that the existence of Italy depended upon the maintenance of internal peace, and his efforts for that end had, for the last ten years of his life, been unceasing. His early experience had taught him how difficult was the position which he had to maintain, that of chief citizen of a free city, whose fortunes and whose very existence depended on exercising absolute power without seeming to do so. It is easy to accuse him of insidiously destroying Florentine liberty; but the policy of Sixtus IV. left him no choice between such a course and retirement from Florence, and he may be pardoned if he doubted whether his abdication would conduce to the welfare of the city. He has been accused of abetting the moral enervation and corruption of his people; but the causes of this corruption are to be found in the general character of Italian life, and Lorenzo did no more than follow the prevailing fashion in lending his refinement to give expression to the popular taste. Lorenzo did what all Italian statesmen were doing; he identified his city for good and ill with his own house. He worked craftily and insidiously, not by open violence, and in the midst of his self-seeking he retained the large views of a statesman and embodied the culture of his age.”[156]

The Marquess Gino Capponi in his History of Florence writes: “The Medici palace was a museum, a school, and a place of meeting for all the learned men who flocked thither, from it proceeded grave counsel and intellectual teaching as well as shows and festivals, and a general corruption of manners. Two popes passed their childhood there, and the Platonic Academy, intended to raise the standard of life and thought, was founded within its walls. Poliziano and Pico della Mirandola, one of the greatest men of his time, were constant visitors. There the first chips flew off the marble under the chisel of Michelangelo, and there Luigi Pulci read the Morgante aloud. Such exuberance of life, such magnificence, such gaiety, has probably never been witnessed in any other age, and the name of Lorenzo towers above it all.”[157]

Ricordi of Lorenzo the Magnificent, son of Piero di Cosimo de’ Medici

A brief narrative of the course of my life and of some other important things worthy of remembrance for the guidance and information of those who will succeed me, and especially for my sons. Begun this day, the 15th March 1472.

I find from the books of Piero our father that I was born on January 1, 1449 [1450]. By our mother Maria Lucrezia di Francesco Tornabuoni our father had seven children, four male and three female, of whom four are still alive. They are Giuliano my brother, aged ... and myself, aged twenty-four, Bianca, wife of Gugliemo de’ Pazzi, and Nannina, wife of Bernardo Rucellai.

Giovanni d’ Averardo, surnamed Bicci, de’ Medici, our great-grandfather, died on the 20th February 1428, at the fourth hour of the night. He would not make a will, and left property to the amount of 179,221 scudi di suggello, as appears in a record in the handwriting of Cosimo our grandfather in his red leather book on page 7. The said Giovanni lived sixty-eight years, and left two sons, Cosimo our grandfather, then about forty, and Lorenzo, aged thirty.

Lorenzo had one son, Pier Francesco, born on ... 1430, who is still alive.

Cosimo had two sons, our father Piero, born ... and our uncle Giovanni, born ... On September ... 1433 our grandfather Cosimo was imprisoned in the Palace, and in danger of losing his head. On September 9th he was banished to Padua, together with his brother Lorenzo, a sentence confirmed by the Balìa of 1433 on the 11th, and on the 16th December he was permitted to reside anywhere in the Venetian territory, but not nearer to Florence than Padua.

On September 29, 1434, the Council of the Balìa revoked the sentence of exile, to the great joy of the whole city and of almost all Italy, and here [in Florence] he lived until his last day as head of the government of our Republic.

Lorenzo de’ Medici, brother of Cosimo our grandfather, quitted this life at Careggi on September 20, 1440, aged about forty-six, at the fourth hour of the night, and would not make a will; Pier Francesco, his son, was his sole heir. The property amounted to 235,137 scudi di suggello, as appears in the said book kept by Cosimo on page 13, which amount Cosimo kept for the use and benefit of the said Pier Francesco, and for Piero and Giovanni, his own sons, until they were of proper age, as appears in the books of the said Cosimo, wherein is a detailed account of all.

On December ... 1451 the said Pier Francesco being of age, we divided the property according to the arbitration of Messer Mannello degl’ Strozzi, Bernardo de’ Medici, Alamanno Salviati, Messer Carlo Marsuppino, Amerigo Cavalcanti, and Giovanni Serristori, by whom a liberal half of our possessions was assigned to him, giving him the advantage over us and the best things. The deed was drawn up by Ser Antonio Pugi, notary, and at the same time we gave him an interest of one-third in our business, whereby he gained much more than we did as he had no expenses.

Giovanni, our uncle (et hujus quidem ingenio et virtute, plurimum confidebat Cosmus, qua propter ejus interitu maxime doluit), died on November 1, 1463, in our house in Florence, without making a will, because he had no children and was under parental tutelage. But all his last wishes were faithfully carried out. By Maria Ginevra degl’ Alessandri he had a son named Cosimo, who died in November 1461, at about the age of nine.

Cosimo our grandfather, a man of exceeding wisdom, died at Careggi on August 1, 1464, being much debilitated by old age and by gout, to the great grief not only of ourselves and of the whole city but of all Italy, because he was most famous and adorned with many singular virtues. He died in the highest position any Florentine citizen ever attained at any period, and was buried in S. Lorenzo. He refused to make a will and forbade all pomp at his funeral. Nevertheless all the Italian princes sent to do him honour and to condole with us on his death; among others H.M. the King of France commanded that he should be honoured with his banner, but out of respect for his wishes our father would not allow it. By public decree he was named Pater Patriæ, and the decree and the letters patent are in our house. After his death much sedition arose in the city, especially was our father persecuted out of envy. From this sprang the parliament and the change of government in 1466, when Messer Agnolo Acciaiuoli, Messer Diotisalvi, Niccolò Soderini, and others were exiled, and the State was reformed.

In the year 1465 H.M. King Louis of France, out of regard for the friendship between our grandfather, our father, and the House of France, decorated our escutcheon with three Lilies d’or on a field azure, which we carry at present. We have the patents with the royal seal attached, which was approved and confirmed in the Palace with nine beans [votes].

In July 1467 came the Duke Galeazzo of Milan. He was fighting against Bartolomeo of Bergamo in the Romagna, who was vexing our State. By his own wish he lodged in our house, although the Signory had prepared everything for him in S. Maria Novella.

In February or in March of the same year Sarzana, Sarzanelle, and Castelnuovo were bought by the aid of our father Piero from M. Lorenzo and M. Tommasino da Campofregoso; notwithstanding that we were engaged in hot war the payment was made by Francesco Sassetti, our confidential agent, at that time one of the managers of the Monte.

I, Lorenzo, took to wife Clarice, daughter of the Lord Jacopo Orsini, or rather she was given (i.e. betrothed) to me in December 1468, and the marriage was celebrated in our house on June 4, 1469. Till now I have by her two children, a girl called Lucrezia, of ... years, and a boy named Piero, of ... months. Clarice is again with child. God preserve her to us for many years and guard us from all evil. Twin boys were born prematurely at about five or six months old, they lived long enough to be baptized.

In July 1469 I went to Milan at the request of the Illustrious Duke Galeazzo to stand godfather as proxy for Piero our father to his first-born child. I was received with much honour, more so than the others who came for the same purpose, although they were persons more worthy than I. We paid our duty to the Duchess by presenting her with a necklace of gold with a large diamond, which cost near 2000 ducats. The consequence was that the said Lord desired that I should stand godfather to all his children.

To do as others had done I held a joust in the Piazza S. Croce at great expense and with great pomp. I find we spent about 10,000 ducats di suggello, and although I was not highly versed in the use of weapons and the delivery of blows, the first prize was given to me; a helmet fashioned of silver, with Mars as the crest.

Piero, our father, departed this life on July 2nd, aged ... having been much tormented with gout. He would not make a will, but we drew up an inventory and found we possessed 237,988 scudi, as is recorded by me in a large green book bound in kid. He was buried in S. Lorenzo, and we are still at work to make his and his brother Giovanni’s tomb as worthy to receive his bones as we can. God have mercy on their souls. He was much mourned by the whole city, being an upright man and exceedingly kindly. The princes of Italy, especially the principal ones, sent letters and envoys to condole with us and offer us their help for our defence.

The second day after his death, although I, Lorenzo, was very young, being twenty years of age, the principal men of the city and of the State came to us in our house to condole with us on our loss and to encourage me to take charge of the city and of the State, as my grandfather and my father had done. This I did, though on account of my youth and the great responsibility and perils arising therefrom, with great reluctance, solely for the safety of our friends and of our possessions. For it is ill living in Florence for the rich unless they rule the State. Till now we have succeeded with honour and renown, which I attribute not to prudence but to the grace of God and the good conduct of my predecessors.

I find that from 1434 till now we have spent large sums of money, as appear in a small quarto note-book of the said year to the end of 1471. Incredible are the sums written down. They amount to 663,755 florins for alms, buildings, and taxes, let alone other expenses. But I do not regret this, for though many would consider it better to have a part of that sum in their purse, I consider that it gave great honour to our State, and I think the money was well expended, and am well pleased.

In the month of September 1471 I was elected to go as ambassador for the coronation of Pope Sixtus, and was treated with great honour. I brought back the two antique marble heads, portraits of Augustus and Agrippa, given to me by the said Pope Sixtus, and also our cup of chalcedony incised, and many other cameos which I then bought.

The following adjunct is written on the fly-leaf of a small codex in the archive in Florence without any date, but probably in 1483-5, containing a list of letters written by Lorenzo to various people, and above is written Ricordi di Lorenzo de’ Medici. All the first part is in a codex in the Nazionale Library, a copy of Lorenzo’s Ricordi, the original of which seems no longer to exist. It differs somewhat from the version given by Roscoe, which he says was in Lorenzo’s own handwriting.

On the 19th day of September [1483] came the news that the King of France by his own free will had given to our Giovanni the Abbey of Fonte Dolce. On the 31st we heard from Rome that the Pope had ratified this and declared him capable of holding benefices, being seven years of age, and had created him a Protonotary. On the 1st June our Giovanni came from Poggio [a Caiano] and I with him. On his arrival he was confirmed by our Monsignore of Arezzo [Gentile Becchi] who gave him the tonsure, and thereafter he was called Messer Giovanni. These ceremonies took place in our own chapel, and in the evening we returned to Poggio. On the 8th June Jacopino, the courier from France, arrived about twelve of the clock with letters from the king, who has bestowed on our Messer Giovanni the Archbishopric of Aix en Provence, and after vespers the man was despatched to Rome about this business, with letters from the King of France to the Pope and the Cardinal of Macon, and to Count Girolamo, to whom we sent at the same hour letters by the courier Zenino to Forlì. God grant that all will be well.

On the 11th Zenino returned from the Count with letters for the Pope and the Cardinal of S. Giorgio, and we forwarded them to Rome by the Milan post. God grant that all will be well. On the same day after Mass in the chapel the daughters and sons of the house were confirmed, with the exception of Messer Giovanni.

On the 15th, at six in the evening, came letters from Rome saying that the Pope raised difficulties about giving the archbishopric to Messer Giovanni on account of his youth, and the courier was at once sent on to the King of France.

On the 20th came news from Lionetto that the Archbishop was not dead.

On March 1, 1484 (1485), the Abbot of Pasignano died and we at once sent off an express messenger to Messer Giovanni d’Antonio Vespucci, our ambassador at Rome, to do all he could to obtain this abbey for our Messer Giovanni. On the 2nd we took possession of the estate under the seal of the Signoria, by reason of the reservation made by Pope Sixtus to our Messer Giovanni, confirmed by Innocent during the visit of our Piero to Rome to do obeisance.[158]

Agnolo Poliziano to Lorenzo de’ Medici

Magnificent Lorenzo, to whom heaven has given charge of the city and the State, first citizen of Florence, doubly crowned with bays lately for war in S. Croce amid the acclamations of the people [alluding to the tournament] and for poetry on account of the sweetness of your verses, give ear to me who drinking at Greek sources am striving to set Homer into Latin metre. This second book which I have translated (you know we have the first by Messer Carlo d’ Arezzo)[159] comes to you and timidly crosses your threshold. If you welcome it I propose to offer to you all the Iliad. It rests with you, who can, to help the poet. I desire no other muse or other Gods but only you; by your help I can do that of which the ancients would not have been ashamed. May it please you therefore at your leisure to give audience to Homer. The young translator, if assailed by a Zoilus, commends himself to you.—Your servant,

Agnolo Poliziano, 1470.[160]

Lorenzo, poet and fine critic, at once sent for the youth, installed him in his palace in Via Larga and bade him continue his work. This is the first letter Poliziano wrote to Lorenzo.[161]

The following letter to Contessina, Lorenzo’s grandmother, written in 1471 when Lorenzo and five other eminent Florentine citizens went to Rome to pay their respects to the newly elected Pontiff, shows how men turned to the Medici for aid, and that the women of the family had more influence than is generally supposed. Sixtus IV. named Lorenzo treasurer to the Holy See and gave him the two busts mentioned in his Ricordi. He was also able to buy many fine medals, cameos, &c., as the Pope knew nothing and cared less about art, and only thought of turning the collection made by Paul II. into money. It was probably during this visit that the nomination of Giuliano de’ Medici to the cardinalate was broached, and Sixtus and Lorenzo, who were afterwards implacable foes, parted the best of friends.

The next letter is from the poet Luigi Pulci who was sent to treat with King Ferrante about establishing a branch of the Medici bank at Naples, but in order not to arouse the jealousy of the Duke of Milan he ostensibly went to get fine horses. The King gave him two for Lorenzo, but turned a deaf ear to the gentle hints about allowing Garetto, probably a stud groom, to enter Lorenzo’s service. Soon after Pulci’s return he accompanied Clarice to Rome for the marriage of one of her brothers, which was however put off.

A. Alexander di Conio to Contessina de’ Medici

Magnificent and noble Lady,—It is a usual thing when in need to address those in whom one has firm faith. Having therefore heard that the Magnificent Lorenzo has been named ambassador to His Sanctity our Holy Father, and having two sons of nearly the same age who are only desirous to do what is pleasing to you, I send one to you, praying with all my heart that it may please him to take the lad with him as his page, or attendant, or relation, or in any position he chooses. And as there is no recommendation like a mother’s I send him to you, beseeching you in God’s name to arrange that he should, if possible, take him instead of some stranger. If he be already provided, then may it please you to give him to your Giuliano or to whomso else you think fit, so that he may acquire some knowledge by your help, for he is apt: if he remains here he will learn nothing. I grieve to give you so much trouble, but I grieve more to see him anxious to learn and not to be able to help him, save through your being moved to take compassion on him. I beg you for the love of God not to abandon him, for he has a good nature and a desire to do well, and God in His grace will repay you for me. I know you are aware of my condition and so do not recall it to you; have no regard for his nobility, if you cannot place him as I said, he will always be well pleased. I give him to you entirely, and as you would accept a dog as a gift you can accept a human creature who is more faithful. I entreat you to deal with him in every way according to your wishes.

May God Almighty preserve and keep you in happiness.—In Conio, on the 2nd day of September 1471.

A. Alexander di Conio.

Luigi Pulci to Lorenzo de’ Medici at Florence

Magnifice et generose vir et major honorande, &c.—I know not if thou hast received my two letters from Naples. By the replies I doubt it, and therefore repeat some portions. In the last I told thee that H.M. the King, hearing that thy liking for his Fals’ Amico and Abruzzese still continued, has decided to send them both.[162] I know this because as soon as I returned to Naples the other day Count Matalona said to Gostino Billiotti, who went to see his garden, “Our Lord the King has ordered two fine horses to be sent to your Magnificent Lorenzo, and says if he wishes for others he is to say so, for finding that he takes pleasure in them, the King intends to keep him supplied, and that nothing would give him greater pleasure than to be asked for others, or for anything else.” We thanked him, and also sent thanks to H.M. the King, adding that the sooner they were sent the more welcome they would be. Yesterday we saw the Count again, and he told us that Messer Antonio Cicinello was to take the horses: he is to leave in two days, and to go to thee as ambassador. So the horses will be there in twelve days, and as I think thou wilt like them I am well pleased. In Rome I heard from Garetto that thy wish is to take him into thy service, so we have dropped gentle hints of this to H.M. the King, and now let them work. Messer Marino has done this skilfully, but the drum must not be beaten too hard, for he has been more glad to give thee these horses than thou art to have them. During these last days he talked of thee for several hours with Garetto in the presence of the Count and asked much about Giuliano, what he was like and what were his favourite pursuits. He showed such a desire to see him that one of these days thou wilt have to grant him permission to come here, where he will be received with such pleasure, and with so much honour, that all at home will be astonished: I am not exaggerating. Thou canst believe me as thou knowest, and when I return I will tell thee things that will please thee.

Hadst thou done as I said, and written a line, thou wouldest have had Garetto. Certes thou hast not done this, but we will do what we can; he never tires praising thee, and wishes to live and die in thy service.

A large army is being collected here against the Turks, but the King’s ambassador writes that he has small hope of any help from thee. I trust God may convert thee during Lent, and cause thee to behave as a Christian. I shall soon be with thee. My poor Bernardo has I know need of thine aid at the Monte about his dower, which cost us 5 per cent. with the sister-in-law who appeared to be our friend, Luca’s dower.[163] Bernardo is timid by nature, and not enterprising like me; so I pray thee to give him the help he asks if thou canst.

All thy doings are much discussed here, with us thou art in good hands, and above all thou art the darling of our Lord the King. May God preserve thee. I commend myself to thee.—Naples, February 27, 1471 (1472).

To Giuliano and to all I commend myself and send greetings. Written in haste.

Put Dionigi on Abruzzese, so that he may, like Francesco de’ Pazzi, regain his lady’s love; but do not keep him shut up as on the day of S. John.

Post Scriptum.—The Duke has told Gostino that the horses are to leave to-morrow with one of his own men, who will not be Garetto; but early in the morning I will try whether by means of Count Matalona it cannot be arranged. A handsome and good horse, much admired here, is also being sent for our Gugliemo de’ Pazzi, who will be pleased.[164] Commend me to him.

Thy Luigi Pulci.[165]

Clarice de’ Medici to her husband Lorenzo

Magnifice vir et coniux amantissime,—By the present you will know what has occurred since we left. The first evening we reached Figline and stayed at S. Cerbone with Giovanni d’Antonio, who received us with great honour, and treated us with still more, as did the women of his family and some of his sisters-in-law. Then by his and Filippo’s advice, after a rest at Levane, on the second evening we arrived at Arezzo, and Morello—that is, Antonio da Pantaneto—greeted us with such honour that we were much moved. We were visited by the Captain and the Podestà and those of the Commune with such things as they deemed would do us honour, and at our arrival and departure we were accompanied by many men of worth with diverse instruments. Before starting, the Podestà of Castiglione sent a special messenger, and begged and entreated us to dine the following morning with him, which we did with the more pleasure as we heard he was much attached to your Magnificence. Then we were visited by those of the Commune, and this evening we shall be in Cortona with the Captain, who hearing from Braccio of our arrival sent as far as Castiglione to meet us. Here we have been received with joyous faces and great honour by the Captain and the Commune. We shall continue our journey with gladness, as we have done till now, if by your letter we hear that you have commended us to Mona Contessina and Mona Lucrezia, and that my Lucrezia and Piero are well. Commend me to Bianca and Nannina. If you have any news which you deem it is not necessary to keep secret we pray you not to consider it too much trouble to write me a line: it would give us great pleasure. No more at present.—April 24, 1472.[166]

Clarice.

Luigi Pulci to Lorenzo de’ Medici

Ardito will have given thee my letter from Sabina. From thence we went for some days to Monte Rotondo,[167] and were received with much honour. Yesterday we entered Rome in pomp with about eighty horse. Our Madonna Clarice does thee great honour everywhere, and much is paid to her. In two days I shall return to the Marches, and then to thee. According to my idea the stay here will be short—I mean thy wife’s—for as thou knowest the wedding is put off. In this case we only lose time and reputation, besides which Lucrezina and Pierino draw us back to them like magnets. Thou wouldst do well to advise a quick return. Whenever great personages, men or women, stay for long in one place they are pestered and taken as targets. Besides, some of us will be useful to thee for the feast of S. Giovanni; more than a year has passed since the last, and I know that without us things will lag. Enough that if I have the hope that as usual festaiuoli[168] are to be appointed, I shall whisper something into the ear of one of them that will delight him. I rather wonder at thy letting this feast pass with so little recognition, being so good a citizen and lover of thy country, whose protector is S. Giovanni; we should therefore do him honour. If by any mischance we are not back in time, thou wilt see how ill they get on without us. I have said enough to be understood, believe in one who has sharp eyes and can speak the truth. Send for us. We take the road by Siena, and shall look out for falls, but at last we shall arrive triumphantly.

To-day there is strange news from Volterra. They say H.M. the King [of Naples] has sent word to the Count of Urbino that he is to march and do what he can. All the follies I said unfortunately turn out to be prophecies. Now act so that things may go well. Monsignor of Pavia speaks only of thee. If I understand anything he is thy true friend. No more. Farewell.—Rome, May 6, 1472.

Thy Luigi Pulci.[169]

Lorenzo de’ Medici to Sixtus IV.[170]

Sanctissime et Beatissime Pater,—To avoid troubling your Beatitude I have written to Giovanni Tornabuoni and told him to talk with you about the long-standing desire of our house to have a Cardinal. Although I have such entire faith in Your Sanctity that I am sure it is needless again to solicit what was so freely promised, nevertheless as there is a report that Cardinals are soon to be created I thought it best to remind your Beatitude of this our desire; supplicating with all humility that to our other everlasting obligations your Beatitude will deign to add this one, which will be the greatest and the most prized, as Giovanni will explain. I beg Your Beatitude to accord him the same confidence as though I was speaking with Your Holiness, at whose feet I commend myself and my affairs with all humility.—Florence, November 21, 1472. Humilis Servus,

Laurentius de Medicis.[171]

The following letter was written after Lorenzo’s visit to Volterra. The city had rebelled against Florence in consequence of a dispute between a company in which Florentine shareholders were interested, and the Commune of Volterra about an alum mine. The Commune alleged that the lease was illegal and seized the mine, whereupon the company appealed to the Signoria of Florence. Volterra had already, in 1429, attempted to rise against the imposition of the catasto, and the Florentines now determined to take severe measures.[172] Duke Federigo of Urbino, the Florentine general, in command of some six thousand men, including contingents from the Pope and the Duke of Milan, attacked the city. Her mercenaries refused to fight, and she capitulated after a siege of twenty-five days. When the troops entered there was an uproar, caused it is said by a mercenary in the service of the city, which was sacked and the inhabitants were brutally maltreated in spite of the efforts of the Florentine commanders.[173] Many historians have accused Lorenzo of being the prime instigator of the attack on Volterra in order to get control of the alum mine. But his name is not in the list of shareholders and the deposit of alum was too small to compete with the mines of Tolfa of which he was the lessee (see pp. 98-99), and was soon afterwards abandoned.

Ingherami di Volterra, Apostolic Scribe, to Lorenzo de’ Medici

Magnifice vir et protector mi singularis commendatione premissa, &c.,—I derived great consolation from the visit of Your Magnificence to Volterra. With your own eyes you should see and judge far better than by listening to the accounts of others of the public and private despair and misery here. You have seen the afflicted and faithful friends and servants of Your Magnificence naked, despoiled of all their goods, robbed without mercy, for everything was taken during the sack of the city; and I doubt not that Your Magnificence with your kindly nature was moved to great compassion. Your arrival and seeing with your own eyes has been the sole hope of this people and has consoled and comforted them greatly. Therefore by this present and by other letters I have written to Your Magnificence (I know not whether you received them), I beg and pray of you not to allow them to be deprived of that hope, and to show them your justice and grace by helping and restoring, and listening to the prayers of this wretched and miserable city. Now that she belongs faithfully and devotedly to Your Magnificence and to the Florentine State she ceases to be an enemy. All now depends on Your Magnificence. We do not so much expect as feel certain that we shall receive this help from you; first from your own goodness, and then for love of the blessed memory of the grandfather and father of Your Magnificence, to whom this poor and miserable city, which always formed part and parcel of the house of Your Magnificence, showed such reverence. Especially we your partisans, for our affection and devotion, have been so ill-treated and smitten that we are reduced to nothing, unless Your Magnificence, who has never known what it is to be ungrateful or unjust, does not let us share in your victory as belonging entirely to you, and taking pity on our unhappy and miserable condition will care for and guard us, who desire only to live and die under the protection of Your Magnificence, whom God preserve in happiness.—Volterra, March 10, 1472 (1473).[174]

Francesco Filelfo to Lorenzo de’ Medici[175]

Magnifice et Clarissime Vir,—The Magnificent Messer Ciccho, my compeer, has advised me that I should be better and more quickly employed in the service of friends of this Illustrious Lord [Duke of Milan] than in Rome or any other place, and has mentioned the chair which Your Illustrious Republic has instituted anew at Pisa. Advice was indeed unnecessary, for I desire nothing better than to be in a place where I can use my abilities in the service of that renowned Signoria, and more particularly in yours, to whom I am so indebted. But considering your laws against rebels, among whom, thanks to Carlo d’Arezzo and Poggio with their crew, I was most unjustly included, I have delayed making any application as I thought it would be useless. Now however that my beloved compeer has again mentioned it, and remembering the Greek proverb that the potter fixes the handle on whichever side of the pot seems best to him, I have determined to write to you and to beg Your Magnificence to consider this, for you well know that in this land you cannot find another Philelphus or a man more devoted to yourself.

Then about my coats which are together with the books which you have recovered for me. They are three, two of crimson velvet, the other a cloak of rose-coloured cloth lined with rose-coloured silk. You would do me a great service if you would order the cloak to be given back to me as I need it now the weather is warmer, also it might be spoiled by cockroaches, as it is together with those that are lined with fur. Vale spes mia.—Milan, April 23, 1473.[176]

Jacopo Ammanati, Cardinal of Pavia, to Lorenzo de’ Medici

Lorenzo mine,—Your Donato having provided me with spectacles to see far and near, I now write to try whether they are good. And you will have patience if it is not clear, for nature’s laws are inexorable. I will be as brief as possible. It will not be long before the Holy Father will be obliged to make new Cardinals, particularly for those States which have none. You, for instance, are without, which for many reasons is unseemly. There has been much talk here of your Giuliano, and by fishing at the fountain-head I find he has been mentioned in the proper quarter. I know not what are your intentions, and do not pretend to give advice as I am sure you know the needs of your house better than I. All I say is that you must make up your mind. If you do think of Giuliano I doubt he may be too unpolished at present to please here; it would be better for him to assume the surplice of the Church or of a Protonotary, then I think there would be no difficulty. If, to avoid any accidents and to preserve your house or for any other reason, this plan does not please you (and the suggestion should come from others and not from yourself), you had better reflect whether the Archbishop of Pisa[177] or any one else would suit you, and take measures, for to remain inert is unwise, particularly as you consider that a Cardinal would be useful to the city and to yourself. Choose any one, so he is not a person to be ashamed of. On my part whatever aid a poor priest can give is yours as is my bounden duty. For this I have written you these few words, which accept as from a good friend and a lover of you and of your country, to which I owe much. Bene Valete.—Romæ, April 25, 1473.[178]

Jacopo Ammanati, Cardinal of Pavia, to Lorenzo de’ Medici

Lorenzo mine,—This is the result of a long conversation with Giovanni [Tornabuoni]. I am not in the position to advise you whether it would be well to continue this affair of your Giuliano, because it depends on the state of things in Florence, with which I am not familiar. You know them better than I. Only I wished for information in utramque partem, whether yes or no. To begin with, any possible danger to yourself or to your house is a matter that must be considered, for many eyes are upon you both at home and abroad; a man sees and hopes to be able to give one blow, who has no hope of giving two, and thinks that striking one adversary will serve his purpose; but the other would remain, and thus his design would fail. Braccio of Perugia did not attack his enemy, Messer Pandolfo, until after many months he saw father and son together in one place; then having both, he cut the tree and its roots with one stroke. Besides this danger there is the other of sickness, which occurs every day. Should it please God to call you to Himself, and Giuliano were in the position we are striving for while your children were still young, it seems to me your house would be in danger to lose the pre-eminence left by Cosimo to Piero, and by Piero to you, and with the pre-eminence lose the riches, and thus close the door against your successors. On the other hand, there is the reputation which would be acquired by the enhanced dignity of Giuliano, the aid he might give to your State, and the certainty of having a trusty person in the College. Then one hopes that, as danger increases, your watchfulness would also increase, that God in His mercy will preserve you, and that you may live long enough to see your children be a support to you, and finally that they will inherit your high position. But, as I said before, you must judge according to matters domestic and public in Florence what is best to be done. Speaking for myself, nothing would be more pleasing than to have the company of Giuliano, and we having such a pledge should be entitled to expect faithful aid from your State. His joyous nature would make us all jocund and happy.

Let us therefore assume that you say Yes. I will tell you frankly my opinion how the business ought to be managed. I consider it necessary that he should be made a Protonotary and be seen in that dress for at least a month; for none of us would venture to suggest that from a layman he should at once be promoted to so high a position. But I should not let him take any holy orders until what he desires has been accomplished, so that if difficulties arise he may be at liberty to return to his usual dress, a thing I have seen done quite justifiably by others. His position would not be that of a full Cardinal; videlicet he would only have four or six chaplains in his train, and eight equerries to precede him. Because, although we are sure to do much more for him, here humility is much prized. In reliquis, between Messer Gentile [Bishop of Arezzo] and myself, for I shall regard him as my son, he shall be so advised as to gain universal commendation. I see no difficulty, if his Holiness lives, to his attaining the highest honour, for I can promise for more than one [vote]. Have no uneasiness about the cardinals who have just been made, as it will be necessary soon to create others for the Emperor and King Ferdinand, for Rome and for you Florentines, if you desire it; it had been arranged to await Pentecost for their nominations, but certain reasons, as you will have heard, induced greater haste. In short, Lorenzo, examine well my advice and that of others who are better informed, which I think you will have received: et tandem put your trust in God as to what path to pursue. Take a courageous course, and tell me what you wish done. It would, however, be well beforehand to inform the Duke of Milan, et quidem pro forma, in order that he should not say No to what you desire; if you are in doubt ask for his real opinion. For my own satisfaction I have not contented myself with writing to Giovanni [Tornabuoni], but have scrawled these lines. I am fond of you, and I love you, not your position or your riches. Charity bids me say everything openly, and attribute everything to her. Dominus Deus sit in corde vestro, et dirigat gressus vestros in semitam rectam. That He should do this increase your donations to pious works and cause special prayers to be made, for in truth the affair is not a light one, or of small importance, and all in my judgment depends on His clemency. Bene Valete.—Rome, May 15, 1473.[179]

This letter is inserted to show how all in trouble or distress turned for help to Madonna Lucrezia, knowing her kindly disposition, and the great influence she had over her son Lorenzo.

The Syndic and Ancients of Galatea to Lucrezia de’ Medici

Magnifica ac generosa domina nostra singularissima,—Your Magnificence is aware how attached and bound to your house our community has always been and will be as long as life lasts. This encourages us to turn to you in our necessities and troubles, and also in those of any of our friends who have need to have recourse to Your Magnificence who has always been kind to us and helped us. We hope now more than ever in you on account of the great faith we all have in your house; for could you but know you would find the name of your family written in the hearts of big and little of our community. Now Magnificent Madonna, after such long and tedious words, we come to implore aid from Your Magnificence. It is several months since one Ser Michele, a priest, was seized by the Lords of Vazoca, they say for coining money, and after suffering much torture he was put in the Stinche,[180] thus it may be conceived that he has been sufficiently punished for his sins. Here live some relations of his, honourable men, who are desirous for the honour of the world to liberate him from such misery, and we, agreeing with him, come to beg Your Magnificence to ask them [the Lords of Vazoca] to allow him to be released from this wretchedness so that he should not die in such infamy. Your Magnificence would be doing a most kind act to this community for which we shall be ever grateful. We commend him strongly to you, and also we commend ourselves, offering to Your Magnificence your ever ready and most faithful servants the Syndic General Vexillifori et Antiani of the Commune of Galatea.—Ex Galatea, 23rd August 1473.[181]

Fra Cristofano d’Antonio di Mast ... to Lucrezia de’ Medici

Illustrious Matron and Lady,—I have not written before, because I know that my news will have reached you in other letters. Nevertheless the more good one hears of one’s family the more contented and happy one is; let us thank God heartily with words and acts, as S. Paul says to the Ephesians in the epistle we shall read on Sunday morning.

To begin with, Mona Contessina is well. Giuliano is as usual. I have often been to see Mona Bianca[182] who is well, and her children have been for three days with Mona Contessina to her great delight. Lucrezia still has a little eczema, otherwise she is well, and is well cared for by Mona Nanna and she ...[183]; little Lucrezia is obedient, like the wise little person she is. Piero has a fine colour and is happy and full of spirits, by the grace of God; he often comes to the side door calling you all, saying Granny, Papa, and Mamma, so that you would laugh if you were here. Maddalena is also well and every day when I return from the house of the Tornabuoni I go to stay a little with her, and to the wet nurse I say, “Now go, walk a little;” so that she may amuse herself and take some exercise, and thus keep in good health and have better milk. She is very pleased, and thanks me saying, “I shall pray to God for you.” Of a truth she serves you faithfully and well. Mona Nannina’s[184] Cosimino is well but will not read, saying, “I did not come into the country to read.” This displeases Mona Contessina. In November we will make up for lost time. Galasso[185] comes to read with me every morning, and then I go, for love of the children, back with him. He gives me much trouble, although it does not seem great to me, because I do it willingly for the love of God, and for love of Lorenzo, Mona Clarice, and you, for you know I am yours. I have even for the honour of God made him learn by heart little by little the Salve Regina, and part of the introit and of the psalter. Sister Magante has gone to another world, requiescat in pace. I know that you must have many petitioners, but when any little thing like this of small value falls in, think of me, you know my need, and that you would have a faithful servant. All your relations are well. Mona Bartolomea and Mona Francesca often go to see Mona Contessina and the children. The men are well also. All commend themselves to you. I commend myself to you, to Lorenzo, to Mona Clarice, and to Mona Nannina. No more. Christ guard you from ill.—September 25, 1473.

Your Cristofano d’Antonio di Mast ... Priest....[186]

Matteo Franco to Lorenzo de’ Medici[187]

Lorenzo mine,—Have mercy. God well knows how and in what attitude I write to you. A chopping-board on my bed, whereon lies my paper, my arm bare with the sleeve rolled up, I am as a dead man laden with bricks, with a head like a big onion on an arid heap of cappelline,[188] I seem to be all east wind. With trembling voice and hands I write, Signor mine, because the sacristan of Or San Michele has just come to my bedside to tell me that the priest of my little church, which Your Magnificence promised me, is dead; it is at Empoli and worth twelve or fifteen florins a month, and there are no duties. Now being vacant, Lorenzo my life and hope, I throw myself into your arms. I know not what to say. I have but my own mother-wit and my tongue. Do not judge of me for the love of God by my writing, but by my affection, my need, and the straits in which I find myself. I commend myself to you as heartily as I can and will not again molest you. No more, in haste, I am sweating as though I were harnessed to a waggon. God keep you in health and prosperity, and inspire you to do what is best for the salvation of my soul.—April 1, 1474.

Your Matteo Franco.

Not most faithful servant, for as yet there is nothing in which I can be faithful.[189]

Giuliano de’ Medici from Pisa to his mother Lucrezia

The Lady Lucretia de Medici most dear to me,—So that you should know something about us since our departure we send you word that, thanks be to God, we have arrived safely, and are all very well. We are in the midst of a thousand fine doings here, of which you shall hear more by word of mouth when we return. Yesterday we had dinner with our rector, which was magnificent, and he played the pedant. To-day is the ball, and to-morrow I shall go my own way, for there is much to see; it is a beautiful place. Till now we have not had a moment without entertainments, which are given in our honour.

We have no more to say; if you want anything from here let us know.—Pisa, May 16, 1474.

Jul. Med.[190]

Bertoldo di Giovanni to Lorenzo de’ Medici

Magnificent Lorenzo, &c.,—This moment I have thrown away burin, chisel, compasses, square, wax, modelling tools, architecture, perspective, have given four kicks to that bull, and have sent back the clay to the potter, because hideous pots had been made for me, and because I perceive that the peppered dishes of our knight of Prato, Messer Luca Calvanese, are more esteemed by Count Girolamo than all other talents, sciences, or arts, they having obtained for him knighthood. Now the art of cooking is not inborn in Luca, but has been obtained by him in a piggish way solely out of my book, and I believe the cleanest dish he ever prepared was at Monte Guffoni, when he gave you two plates full of beccafichi[191] cooked by hand. So I have determined to abandon all other arts and to take to cooking, and therefore pray Your Magnificence to recommend me to the head steward, who is over the cooks, in order that I may get back my book. I hope that in a short time Messer Luca of the Pepper will not be able to hold a sieve. I would to God I had been brought up under Cibacca[192] instead of under Donatello, for seeing how times go, before I had made two giacomini[193] or two jellies, the Count would have created me Prior of Pisa. And I say if they make him head of the giants, or of something else which had better not be mentioned, you are the better judge, I being a pupil of Donato. But above all, before Messer Luca has taken possession of it, I beg you to get me back my cookery book. Once I have it in my hands trust me to put him, his pepper-pot, his wantons and his title, into a pie covered with pepper, without passing them through a sieve, and then I will make so many pills of it. May God send all that court to the devil. I pray Him that I may see the Pope, the Count, and Messer Luca suffocated in a vat full of pepper, and you, beware of their treachery. From the castle of S. Anthony in the Wilderness.—[No date.] From your servant

Bertoldo.[194]

In 1475 everything was peaceful in Italy. Lorenzo was able to give his attention to the reconstruction of the University of Pisa, in which town he spent some months, to devote himself to poetry and philosophy, and often to indulge in his love of outdoor sports. Niccolò Roberti, Duke Borso d’Este’s ambassador to Florence, wrote to his master in January:

Most illustrious Lord,—There is no news to send save that near Pisa, where Lorenzo is enjoying much sport with the King’s [Ferrante of Naples] hawkers, two of the falcons sent to him by H.M. have been lost, and they are the two best. Your Excellency must not wonder at my sending such news, because here little else is talked about. Idleness is so universal in Italy that if things do not change there will be more to write of battles between birds and dogs than of armies and gallant deeds.—January 22, 1474 (1475).

In this same year was held Giuliano de’ Medici’s magnificent and costly tournament, which would however be forgotten had not Poliziano written his immortal Stanze per la Giostra del Magnifico Giuliano di Piero de’ Medici, “a masterpiece,” writes Symonds, “which blent the ancient and the modern world in a work of art glowing with Italian fancy.... Each stanza of La Giostra is a mimic world of beauty, art, and scholarship; a painting where the object stands before us modelled with relief of light and shade in finely modulated lines....”[195]

Agnolo Poliziano at Pisa to Clarice de’ Medici

Magnifica Domina mea,—I did not write yesterday to Your Magnificence because Lorenzo sent me to Lucca. I have just come back and take up my pen to keep faith with you. Lorenzo is well and in good spirits. Yesterday as there was but little wind he went hawking; but they had not much luck because the young falcon belonging to Pilato, called the Mantuan, was lost. This morning they went out again, but the wind was not favourable, nevertheless we saw some fine flights, and Maestro Giorgio flew his Peregrine falcon which came back to the lure most obediently.[196] Lorenzo is quite in love with it. Of a truth he is not wrong, for Maestro Giorgio says he never saw a handsomer or a better, and declares he will make of him the finest falcon in the world. While we were in the fields Pilato came back from the river with his lost falcon, so Lorenzo was doubly pleased. If I knew what to write I should be glad: but I can only give you news of his hawking as we do nought else in the fore- and the afternoon. This evening I hear that on Monday Lorenzo intends to hunt roe deer and then to return at once to Florence. Please God we may find you well and with a boy in your arms.[197] I commend myself to Your Magnificence.—In Pisa, December 1, 1475. Make my excuses to Madonna Lucrezia if I have not written to her, but I have nought to say save what I write to you. Commend me to her. Your servant,

Agnolo da Montepulciano.[198]

Agnolo Poliziano to Clarice de’ Medici

Magnifica Domina mea,—Yesterday after leaving Florence we came as far as San Miniato [al Tedesco], singing all the way, and occasionally talking of holy things so as not to forget Lent. At Lastra [a Signa] we drank zappolino, which tasted much better than I had been told. Lorenzo is brilliant and makes the whole company gay: yesterday I counted twenty-six horses of those who are with him. When we reached San Miniato yester evening we began to read a little of S. Augustine, then the reading resolved itself into music, and looking at and instructing a certain well-known dancer who is here. Lorenzo is just going to Mass. I will finish another time.—At San Miniato, April 8 (1476). Servitor.

Your Agnolo.[199]

Clarice de’ Medici to her husband Lorenzo at Florence

By the bearer we send you seventeen partridges which your falconers took to-day. I should have been glad had you come to enjoy them with us; we have expected you until the third hour [an hour before sunset] for the last three evenings. I was astonished you did not come and fear something extraordinary must have happened to keep you. I beg that if it is so you will let me know, for surely it is in any case better we should be together than one in France and the other in Lombardy. I expect you at all events to-morrow and pray if it is possible that we should not await you in vain. The children are well and so are all the rest of the family. I commend myself to you, and beg you to come and to bring Madonna Lucrezia.—Cafaggiuolo, August 20, 1476.

Lucrezia de’ Medici, from Bagno a Morba, to her son Lorenzo

By the grace of God we have arrived safely and well at Bagno a Morba, I trust He will keep you the same. Of the riding horses we have kept here the ambling palfrey and the chestnut as best suited to this place. So have patience if we have not sent back the palfrey as you desired: none of the others stood the journey well, and it seemed best to me to keep these so that should anything happen we should not be forced to go afoot. But if you want him, tell me, and send us another horse instead. They shall be well looked after here. Of the honours paid us and the amusing things that have happened you shall hear in my next, as the bearer of this has one foot in the stirrup. To begin with, the rooms are like those of an alchemist [i.e. small, dark, and hot] and the bugs are as big as capons. Lionardo and Sano can testify to this, they were the first to begin the hunt. Valete. In haste.—On the 10th day of May 1477.

L. de Medicis, at Bagno a Morba.[200]

This letter was dictated to some secretary, and the handwriting is plain enough. Whenever Lucrezia dictates evidently the writer did not think it respectful to use thou, which she always uses when writing with her own hand.

Lucrezia de’ Medici, from Bagno a Morba, to her son Lorenzo at Pisa

Salutem, &c. I send you sixteen flasks of good old Greek wine: eight of Poggibonsi, marked with ink: and eight of Colle. To us they seem good, you must however choose, and four torte besse (cakes made at Siena). I do this because I think that with the arrival of the Madama[201] you may need them, although I doubt not you have made every provision. Yet as I had these and they seemed to me good I send them, for I think they may please you. Do not let the carrier return here empty. Oranges, biscuits, and marino[202] would be met with banners flying. No more at present. I am well and hope for good results from the baths. God be thanked, may He keep you well. In haste.—On the 23rd day of May 1477.

Your Lucrezia de’ Medici at Bagno a Morba.[203]

Lucrezia de’ Medici (Lorenzo’s daughter, born 1470) to her grandmother Lucrezia at Bagno a Morba

Magnificent Grandmother mine,—Let me know how you are and when you began your baths. It seems to me a thousand years since you left, and every day I say a Pater noster and an Ave Maria for your return well and happy. Send me that basket of roses you promised. We are all well here, all we children with Mona Clarice. Mona Bartolomea and all her family are here too, tell Leonardo that they are well and commend me to him. We often go up to your little spring, and there we talk of you. Lorenzo has gone to Pisa, may God accompany him, he will come back to us soon.

I pray you to be careful and of good cheer for love of me, so that you may return well and bright, it seems a thousand years to me. If I can do aught for you here, command me.—Written on May 24, 1477. No more. May Christ guard you.

Your Lucrezia de’ Medici, Careggi.[204]

Agnolo Poliziano to Lucrezia de’ Medici at Bagno a Morba

Magnifica Domina mea honoranda,—the family are all well. Lorenzo has informed us of the honours paid to Madama of Ferrara at Pisa, so I do not repeat what no doubt you have heard from others. She left evidently well pleased.

There is again talk about the affairs at Milan and the Lord Ruberto [Count of San Severino]. You will have heard how he went to Milan with Messer Obietto, and it appears the Illustrious Madonna Duchess heard of some understanding between them. Donato del Conte, who was also in the secret, was sent for and imprisoned. Upon which it seems the Lord Ruberto took arms with his followers and attempted to raise the city together with some of the Duke’s brothers. Then seeing there was no hope he fled, and with him went Messer Obietto, who they say to-day has been taken; of the Lord Ruberto there is as yet no news. The Duke’s brothers have implored the Duchess to forgive them, alleging as an excuse that they feared for their lives. The Lord Ottaviano is reported to have been drowned while flying from his pursuers. There is also the affair of Messer Antonio Ridolfo, who was attacked by some soldiers of Pietra Santa and Melia on his way from the Riviera of Genoa. After a skirmish of several miles his mounted crossbow-men showed good fight and wounded and killed those soldiers with great honour to themselves, and Messer Antonio arrived here safe and sound.

Your Piero and Lucrezia and the other children are well and commend themselves to Your Magnificence. I have not been able to write to you because I am at Careggi, and therefore have no means of sending letters. Madonna Clarice, Bianca and Nannina, and all our people are well. I commend myself to Your Magnificence.—Florence, the last day of May 1477. Your Magnificence’s servant,

Angelus Pol.[205]

Lucrezia de’ Medici, from Bagno a Morba, to her son Lorenzo

Salvus sis, mi suavissime filii,—To-day I have received a letter in thy name which has caused me much rejoicing, particularly as thou sayest thou art well and also the others. I am delighted to hear of the marriage arranged between Cosimino Rucellai[206] and the daughter of the Marquess Gabbrielle. Quite an unexpected piece of news. Coming from so good a source it must be good; and having been settled by so excellent a person, excellent. We are celebrating it with great rejoicings, and so are all the people of the Bagni. To so fortunate and good a beginning may God grant a joyous and happy ending, et suffit. By the grace of God I am well and have nearly finished my baths. I have decided, if it pleases God, to leave this on the 21st, that is Saturday week, and to stay the night with Madonna Tita, widow of Messer Antonio Cortesi, at San Gemignano. She has been with me here for several days and entreated me to do this; then she sent her son, who left this morning, to settle about the visit. So because of her entreaties, and because she is a widow, I have been forced to promise without awaiting thy assent. We shall go quietly and stay little, and on Monday the eve of S. John [23rd June] we shall be at home. I do not see my way to come before, as I am still weak from the effects of the baths. But should any necessity arise for me to come sooner, let me know and I will leave all. Send the horses, if it suits thee, to arrive here on the 19th, so that they can rest on the 20th, and as I have said, we start early on the 21st. Seven horses must be sent, nought else is wanted. May Christ keep you all. I commend myself to thee.—In haste on the 8th day of June 1477.

Thy Lucrezia.

I have given orders to Maso of Fiesole for the donkeys and mules he is to send.[207]

Lucrezia de’ Medici to her son Lorenzo, from Bagno a Morba

Karissime filii salutem, &c.,—To-day the 18th the horses have arrived, two days before the time; I suppose by the over-zeal of whoever was charged to send them. It does not matter, although there is a dearth of stabling, straw, and oats, but we have sent them where they will be well cared for and fed until we leave as I said on the 21st. I cannot leave before as I am very weak and have not yet finished my baths. But to keep my word and be with thee on S. John’s day I shall leave, although if I remained another eight days it would be more necessary than superfluous. However now it is settled. We shall not be at Florence before Monday for the reasons already given. So that if thou hast sent the horses before the time fixed in order that I might be home earlier, forgive me: if I had received a letter from thee urging me to return I should have left at once without considering my own convenience and well-being. Nought else. I commend myself to thee and pray God to keep thee well and happy. Salute the family and tell them I shall be at home on the vigil of S. John, if it pleases God, for I never expected to live so long. In haste, in haste, on the 18th day [of June] 1477.

Thy Lucrezia at Bagno a Morba.[208]

Piero Malegonnelle (Vicar of Pomerance) to Lucrezia de’ Medici

Honoured as a Mother,—Being here at Bagno a Morba, and hearing that what I always desired has been accomplished,[209] it is only my duty to congratulate you, not so much because of your satisfaction, as for the good of what otherwise would never have risen again to its ancient reputation. May God be pleased to give you grace to enjoy it for a long, long time. There is the same quantity of water in the baths as before, but with the new cistern we have made there will be more and of a better quality, as Riccio, the bearer of this letter, can fully explain when he sees you. Riccio and his brother understand such works, as you know. I recommend them to you most heartily in case you need their services here.

As the one necessary thing is to try and conduct as much water as possible to the baths, having to remain near here this winter, which I take to be the best time for searching for the springs, if you send an efficient and able man I offer, as is my bounden duty, to aid him in every way. It only remains for me to place myself at your disposal and to commend myself to you. May the Almighty keep you in health and happiness.—Bagno a Morba, on the 16th day of September 1477. Your servant,

Piero Malegonnelle.[210]

Piero Malegonnelle (Vicar of Pomerance) to Lucrezia de’ Medici

Most honoured as a Mother,—As I shall leave at the end of my service here and am expecting my successor from day to day, I have not written about the baths. I went there last Friday and found the water had increased rather than diminished, and that it was extremely hot. The trench is finished from where the water rises under the building as far as the baths which have been rebuilt, and are twelve in number. The cistern is also finished, except covering in the roof, according to the designs sent; and as far as my poor judgment goes all seems to me well done, saving that the water will enter the cistern at only one place and then will have to flow 12-3/4 yards, so that I fear the baths will be too hot to be borne where the water enters and not hot enough at the other end. I think the water ought to be brought into the cistern by two conduits. This might still be easily arranged by dividing the channel in two when it reaches the room where the shower baths are, and digging another trench 19 yards long 2-3/4 yards further in. This can always be done if necessary. There has been some difficulty in the work, as just under the hill where the water comes out they have been obliged to underpin the ground and then to cut through the rock from whence the water comes. But the rock is hard and 3 yards 30 inches thick, and a channel 2 feet long has to be cut in order that the water may have sufficient fall to flow under the small palace to the baths. In two or three days I think it will be finished. The lime has been burnt and they say it is good, about eighty bushels for twenty soldi; and in the fields opposite the trench they have found earth fit for making tiles and bricks. The levellers are at work making them and a Lombard has undertaken to bake them, so they will cost four lire or less the thousand. They are now in the kiln and this will be a great saving to you. The room for the shower baths, 4-1/2 yards wide and 12-3/4 yards long, is partly finished, and the bath at the side also. They say they need certain slabs which are made on purpose for shower baths, and they want them at once. Riccio has been dismissed from the inn and Giovanni di Pace has taken it and says that he has orders for rooms from Volterra, Florence, and elsewhere, and that in addition to what he has he needs all the things noted in the enclosed list. The orchard has been planted in a way that will please you when you see it. I say no more but commend myself to you and may God preserve you in happiness. Ex Castro di Pomarancii, March 25, 1478.

Petrus de Malegonnellis, Vicarius, &c.[211]

The following letters from Louis XI., from Lorenzo, and from Sixtus IV., relate to the famous Pazzi conspiracy when Giuliano de’ Medici was murdered and Lorenzo wounded in the cathedral of Florence. Antagonism and rivalry had for some time existed between the two great families, although Lorenzo’s favourite sister Bianca was married to Gugliemo de’ Pazzi, who had been regarded by Piero almost as his own son, and is often mentioned in these letters as the companion of the Magnificent on hunting excursions and visits to foreign courts. Gugliemo’s brother Francesco, head of the Pazzi bank at Rome, worked incessantly against Lorenzo’s uncle Giovanni Tornabuoni, manager of the Roman branch of the Medici bank, and eventually succeeded in depriving him of the business of the Holy See given to Lorenzo in the first days of Sixtus’ rule. The third brother, Giovanni de’ Pazzi, was married to Beatrice Borromeo, who on the death of her father without having made a will claimed, according to the existing laws, the whole of his property. His nephews, however, intimate friends of the two young Medici, contested her right, and in 1476 a retrospective law of intestacy was passed setting aside the claims of females to the estate of a father who died intestate, and giving it to the nearest male relative. Machiavelli, Nardi, and Guicciardini, all accuse Lorenzo of instigating the drafting of “this law made for the occasion,” as Nardi calls it. Roscoe maintains that it was passed more than ten years before, but the proofs he adduces are quite illusory. Without extraneous aid it is however very improbable that the Pazzi would have dared to attempt the assassination of the two brothers Medici. This aid they obtained from the Pope. Sixtus IV. had, as Dr. Creighton says, “elevated nepotism into political principle ... he took his nephews, men of no position and little capacity, and placed at their disposal all the resources of the Roman See.” Giuliano della Rovere and Piero Riario were created cardinals in total disregard of the regulations of the Conclave, while for Piero’s brother, Girolamo, he bought Imola from the Duke of Milan, at the same time arranging a marriage between him and Caterina Sforza, the Duke’s illegitimate daughter. Florence had long coveted Imola, and Lorenzo tried to prevent the purchase by raising difficulties about advancing the necessary money to the Pope. Francesco de’ Pazzi then seized his opportunity and was appointed Treasurer to the Holy See in Lorenzo’s place.

Another grievance Sixtus had against Florence was the indirect aid given to Niccolò Vitelli, who had taken the side of Todi and Spoleto when they rose against the Pope, by despatching troops to Borgo San Sepolcro when the Cardinal Giuliano della Rovere laid siege to Città di Castello. The appointment of the anti-Medicean Francesco Salviati, as Archbishop of Pisa in the place of the late Filippo de’ Medici, in spite of a previous promise that no archbishop or bishop should be appointed within Florentine territory save by the consent of the Signory of Florence, was deeply resented by Lorenzo. Though unable to prevent the nomination he succeeded in keeping Salviati out of his archbishopric and consequently without his emoluments for three years. In 1477 the Pope’s anger against Lorenzo rose to fever-heat. He suspected, unjustly as it appears, that Florence had aided Carlo Fortebraccio in his endeavour to seize Perugia. The attempt failed and Fortebraccio overran the territory of Siena, which at once appealed to the Pope and the King of Naples, at the same time arrogantly summoning Florence to immediately recall the condottiere. Fortebraccio was in Venetian service, so the Florentines answered that they had nothing to do with him and only wished he would keep quiet.

The murder of Galeazzo Sforza, Duke of Milan, had further complicated matters. Girolamo Riario was astute enough to realise that if the Pope died, the change of government in Milan might expose him to the resentment of Florence, and determined to try and overthrow the Medici. Francesco de’ Pazzi and Archbishop Salviati were easily persuaded to join, but shrewd old Jacopo de’ Pazzi, who lived in Florence and knew the hold the Medici had over the people, gave them no encouragement. Promises of foreign aid and the assurance of the assent of the Pope however at last won him over. An Abruzzese, Giovan Battista da Montesecco, a captain in the service of Girolamo Riario, was selected as a man to be trusted; his confession[212] is curious reading but too long to give in extenso. When he met Francesco de’ Pazzi in the Archbishop Salviati’s house at Rome he expressed grave doubts. “Have a care, gentlemen, what you are undertaking. Florence is no small matter, and Lorenzo, I hear, is very popular.” The Archbishop answered that they knew better how it stood with Lorenzo, that it was their affair and he was only the instrument. Montesecco then asked what the Pope would say, and was assured he hated Lorenzo and would follow their advice. Moreover he would receive the captain. Plans were then discussed. It was arranged that troops were to be held in readiness by Giovanni Francesco da Tolentino from Imola, Lorenzo Giustini from Città di Castello, and Napoleone Orsini from Todi and Perugia, to enter Florence as soon as the assassins had done their work. Soon afterwards Montesecco was summoned to the Vatican. “I will have no bloodshed,” said the Pope, “it is not consistent with my office to cause the death of any man. Lorenzo has behaved shamefully and iniquitously towards us, but I do not desire his death, though I do desire a change of government.” Girolamo Riario promised that everything should be done to prevent bloodshed, but asked the Pope to pardon any man who was forced to commit murder. “Thou art a stupid fool,” answered the Pope. “I tell thee I will have no man killed, but I desire the government to be changed. To you, Giovan Battista, I repeat that I wish the government of Florence to be changed and Lorenzo to be overthrown, for he is an undutiful and a bad man who defies us. When he is out of the way we can deal as we choose with the Republic which will be most convenient to us.” Riario and the Archbishop agreed to this and added, “Then Your Holiness is content that we should take every means to bring this about?” Sixtus repeated, “Again I say I am not. Go and do what you will, as long as no blood is shed.” As they left Salviati turned to the Pope, “Holy Father, are you content that we steer this boat. We will guide it well.” The Pope answered, “I am. But see to it that the honour of the Holy See and of the Count does not suffer.”

The Archbishop now went to Pisa, and Francesco de’ Pazzi to Florence. Knowing the hospitable nature of Lorenzo, he suggested that Raffaello Sansoni, a nephew of Girolamo Riario (whose name he adopted), who had just been created Cardinal of S. Giorgio at the age of seventeen and was studying at Pisa, should come to the Pazzi villa near Florence. As he expected, the lad was at once invited to supper at the Medicean villa at Fiesole, and the conspirators were jubilant. But Giuliano was ill and did not come, so they were foiled. The young Cardinal, simply an instrument in the hands of the Pazzi and the Archbishop, then expressed a desire to see the Medici palace in town, and proposed the Sunday before Ascension day (26th April), when he was to celebrate High Mass in the cathedral. Lorenzo asked him to dine afterwards, and it was arranged that the two Medici brothers were to be killed as they rose from table. It is singular that no rumour of the plot had got abroad, as so many were cognisant of it. Besides Jacopo and Francesco de’ Pazzi, the Archbishop and Montesecco, there was Jacopo Salviati, the Archbishop’s brother, and his cousin another Jacopo, Bernardo Bandini, a dissipated adventurer, and Jacopo Bracciolini, son of Poggio Bracciolini the humanist, who owed much to the Medici. Jacopo was deeply in debt and inordinately vain. Two priests, destined to play a prominent part, were also implicated, Antonio Maffei of Volterra, an Apostolic scribe, and Stefano da Bagnone, chaplain to Jacopo de’ Pazzi. Montesecco had hired a band of Perugian exiles, and the Archbishop had a large retinue; these were to aid in seizing the Palazzo de’ Signori. At the last moment Giuliano sent word that he was not well enough to dine, but would attend Mass. The conspirators then determined that the deed must be done in the cathedral, as on that evening Tolentino and Giustini would be drawing near to Florence with their troops. Francesco de’ Pazzi and Bernardo Bandini undertook to kill Giuliano, Lorenzo was entrusted to the abler hands of Montesecco. No doubt all would have gone as they had planned but for the scruples of the soldier, who absolutely refused to commit a murder “where God would see him.” The two priests, who had no such feeling, offered themselves as substitutes—and failed.

Lorenzo accompanied the Cardinal and the Archbishop, who had come to Florence on the pretext of seeing his invalid mother, to the cathedral. Suddenly the conspirators saw that Giuliano had not come. Francesco de’ Pazzi and Bernardo Bandini ran across the square and persuaded him to go with them, affectionately clasping their arms round him to feel whether he wore a shirt of mail.

The scene in the cathedral is best described in the words of Filippo Strozzi, who was present: “At the words missa est Ser Stefano da Bagnone, secretary of Messer Jacopo de’ Pazzi and Messer Antonio Maffei of Volterra assailed Lorenzo de’ Medici, while Francesco de’ Pazzi and Bernardo Bandini fell upon Giuliano. Both were walking round the choir outside, and Lorenzo at once understood, drew his sword, leaped into the choir, rushed across in front of the altar, entered the new sacristy and ordered the door to be locked. There he remained until aid came from his house. He was only wounded in the neck, and in a few days was well. Francesco de’ Pazzi and Bernardo Bandini sprang at Giuliano, who was walking in front of the chapel of the Cross, and with ten or twelve blows laid him dead on the pavement; they also killed Francesco Nori, who was with him. The uproar was great in the church. I was there talking with Messer Bongianni and the other gentlemen, and we were all struck with astonishment, people flying now here, now there, while the church resounded with loud shouts, and arms were seen in the hands of partisans of the Pazzi who had joined in this matter. The Cardinal was left all alone by the side of the altar, until some priests came and led him into the old sacristy, where he remained until two of the Eight with many soldiers arrived and took him to the Palace. At the time this was happening the Archbishop of Pisa, under the pretence of paying a visit to the Signory, was at the Palace, and hearing the tumult in the city, he tried to seize it. With him was his brother Jacopo and Jacopo his cousin, Jacopo Poggio, the Perugians, and others. But the Signory and their guard defended themselves and sounded the tocsin, and the citizens rushed armed into the piazza, and forced a way into the Palace, the door of which had been closed on the inside, and all were made prisoners.”

Poliziano describes the agony of suspense of the small group in the new sacristy, who thought the church was in the hands of the Pazzi. “Some feared that the priest’s dagger was poisoned, and Lorenzo’s friend, Antonio Ridolfi, a most excellent youth, sucked the wound in his neck. Lorenzo, however, gave no heed to it, continually repeating, ‘Is Giuliano safe?’ Then came sharp knocks at the door. ‘We are friends, we are relations. Let Lorenzo come out ere the enemy gains a foothold.’ We were undecided, and shouted, ‘Enemies or friends? Is Giuliano safe?’ No answer was given. Then Sigismondo Della Stufa, devoted to Lorenzo since his boyhood, climbed up the ladders into the organ loft, looked down into the church, and saw the dead body of Giuliano. He recognised those below as friends, and shouted to us to open the door. Closing around Lorenzo we led him, so that he should not come past the dead body, to his house.”