P

PADDY, s. Rice in the husk; but the word is also, at least in composition, applied to growing rice. The word appears to have in some measure, a double origin.

There is a word batty (see BATTA) used by some writers on the west coast of India, which has probably helped to propagate our uses of paddy. This seems to be the Canarese batta or bhatta, 'rice in the husk,' which is also found in Mahr. as bhāt with the same sense, a word again which in Hind. is applied to 'cooked rice.' The last meaning is that of Skt. bhaktā, which is perhaps the original of all these forms.

But in Malay pādī [according to Mr. Skeat, usually pronounced pădi] Javan. pārī, is 'rice in the straw.' And the direct parentage of the word in India is thus apparently due to the Archipelago; arising probably out of the old importance of the export trade of rice from Java (see Raffles, Java, i. 239-240, and Crawfurd's Hist. iii. 345, and Descript. Dict., 368). Crawfurd, (Journ. Ind. Arch., iv. 187) seems to think that the Malayo-Javanese word may have come from India with the Portuguese. But this is impossible, for as he himself has shown (Desc. Dict., u.s.), the word pārī, more or less modified, exists in all the chief tongues of the Archipelago, and even in Madagascar, the connection of which last with the Malay regions certainly was long prior to the arrival of the Portuguese.

1580.—"Certaine Wordes of the naturall language of Jaua ... Paree, ryce in the huske."—Sir F. Drake's Voyage, in Hakl. iv. 246.

1598.—"There are also divers other kinds of Rice, of a lesse price, and slighter than the other Ryce, and is called Batte...."—Linschoten, 70; [Hak. Soc. i. 246].

1600.—"In the fields is such a quantity of rice, which they call bate, that it gives its name to the kingdom of Calou, which is called on that account Batecalou."—Lucena, Vida do Padre F. Xavier, 121.

1615.—"... oryzae quoque agri feraces quam Batum incolae dicunt."—Jarric, Thesaurus, i. 461.

1673.—"The Ground between this and the great Breach is well ploughed, and bears good Batty."—Fryer, 67, see also 125. But in the Index he has Paddy.

1798.—"The paddie which is the name given to the rice, whilst in the husk, does not grow ... in compact ears, but like oats, in loose spikes."—Stavorinus, tr. i. 231.

1837.—"Parrots brought 900,000 loads of hill-paddy daily, from the marshes of Chandata,—mice husking the hill-paddy, without breaking it, converted it into rice."—Turnour's Mahawanso, 22.

1871.—"In Ireland Paddy makes riots, in Bengal raiyats make paddy; and in this lies the difference between the paddy of green Bengal, and the Paddy of the Emerald Isle."—Govinda Samanta, ii. 25.

1878.—"Il est établi un droit sur les riz et les paddys exportés de la Colonie, excepté pour le Cambodge par la voie du fleuve."—Courrier de Saigon, Sept. 20.

PADDY-BIRD, s. The name commonly given by Europeans to certain baser species of the family Ardeidae or Herons, which are common in the rice-fields, close in the wake of grazing cattle. Jerdon gives it as the European's name for the Ardeola leucoptera, Boddaert, andhā baglā ('blind heron') of the Hindus, a bird which is more or less coloured. But in Bengal, if we are not mistaken, it is more commonly applied to the pure white bird—Herodias alba, L., or Ardea Torra, Buch. Ham., and Herodias egrettoides, Temminck, or Ardea putea, Buch. Ham.

1727.—"They have also Store of wild Fowl; but who have a Mind to eat them must shoot them. Flamingoes are large and good Meat. The Paddy-bird is also good in their season."—A. Hamilton, i. 161; [ed. 1744, i. 162-3].

1868.—"The most common bird (in Formosa) was undoubtedly the Padi bird, a species of heron (Ardea prasinosceles), which was constantly flying across the padi, or rice-fields."—Collingwood, Rambles of a Naturalist, 44.

PADDY-FIELD, s. A rice-field, generally in its flooded state.

1759.—"They marched onward in the plain towards Preston's force, who, seeing them coming, halted on the other side of a long morass formed by paddy-fields."—Orme, ed. 1803, iii. 430.

1800.—"There is not a single paddy-field in the whole county, but plenty of cotton ground (see REGUR) swamps, which in this wet weather are delightful."—Wellington to Munro, in Despatches, July 3.

1809.—"The whole country was in high cultivation, consequently the paddy-fields were nearly impassable."—Ld. Valentia, i. 350.

PADRE, s. A priest, clergyman, or minister, of the Christian Religion; when applied by natives to their own priests, as it sometimes is when they speak to Europeans, this is only by way of accommodation, as 'church' is also sometimes so used by them.

The word has been taken up from the Portuguese, and was of course applied originally to Roman Catholic priests only. But even in that respect there was a peculiarity in its Indian use among the Portuguese. For P. della Valle (see below) notices it as a singularity of their practice at Goa that they gave the title of Padre to secular priests, whereas in Italy this was reserved to the religiosi or regulars. In Portugal itself, as Bluteau's explanation shows, the use is, or was formerly, the same as in Italy; but, as the first ecclesiastics who went to India were monks, the name apparently became general among the Portuguese there for all priests.

It is a curious example of the vitality of words that this one which had thus already in the 16th century in India a kind of abnormally wide application, has now in that country a still wider, embracing all Christian ministers. It is applied to the Protestant clergy at Madras early in the 18th century. A bishop is known as Lord (see LAT) padre. See LAT Sahib.

According to Leland the word is used in China in the form pa-ti-li.

1541.—"Chegando á Porta da Igreja, o sahirão a receber oito Padres."—Pinto, ch. lxix. (see Cogan, p. 85).

1584.—"It was the will of God that we found there two Padres, the one an Englishman, and the other a Flemming."—Fitch, in Hakl. ii. 381.

" "... had it not pleased God to put it into the minds of the archbishop and other two Padres of Jesuits of S. Paul's Colledge to stand our friends, we might have rotted in prison."—Newberrie, ibid. ii. 380.

c. 1590.—"Learned monks also come from Europe, who go by the name of Pádre. They have an infallible head called Pápá. He can change any religious ordinances as he may think advisable, and kings have to submit to his authority."—Badāonī, in Blochmann's Āīn, i. 182.

c. 1606.—"Et ut adesse Patres comperiunt, minor exclamat Padrigi, Padrigi, id est Domine Pater, Christianus sum."—Jarric, iii. 155.

1614.—"The Padres make a church of one of their Chambers, where they say Masse twice a day."—W. Whittington, in Purchas, i. 486.

1616.—"So seeing Master Terry whom I brought with me, he (the King) called to him, Padre you are very welcome, and this house is yours."—Sir T. Roe, in Purchas, i. 564; [Hak. Soc. ii. 385].

1623.—"I Portoghesi chiamano anche i preti secolari padri, come noi i religiosi...."—P. della Valle, ii. 586; [Hak. Soc. i. 142].

1665.—"They (Hindu Jogis) are impertinent enough to compare themselves with our Religious Men they meet with in the Indies. I have often taken pleasure to catch them, using much ceremony with them, and giving them great respect; but I soon heard them say to one another, This Franguis knows who we are, he hath been a great while in the Indies, he knows that we are the Padrys of the Indians. A fine comparison, said I, within myself, made by an impertinent and idolatrous rabble of Men!"—Bernier, E.T. 104; [ed. Constable, 323].

1675.—"The Padre (or Minister) complains to me that he hath not that respect and place of preference at Table and elsewhere that is due unto him.... At his request I promised to move it at ye next meeting of ye Councell. What this little Sparke may enkindle, especially should it break out in ye Pulpit, I cannot foresee further than the inflaming of ye dyning Roome w^ch sometimes is made almost intollerable hot upon other Acc^ts."—Mr. Puckle's Diary at Metchlapatam, MS. in India Office.

1676.—"And whiles the French have no settlement near hand, the keeping French Padrys here instead of Portugueses, destroys the encroaching growth of the Portugall interest, who used to entail Portugalism as well as Christianity on all their converts."—Madras Consns., Feb. 29, in Notes and Exts. i. p. 46.

1680.—"... where as at the Dedication of a New Church by the French Padrys and Portugez in 1675 guns had been fired from the Fort in honour thereof, neither Padry nor Portugez appeared at the Dedication of our Church, nor as much as gave the Governor a visit afterwards to give him joy of it."—Ibid. Oct. 28. No. III. p. 37.

c. 1692.—"But their greatest act of tyranny (at Goa) is this. If a subject of these misbelievers dies, leaving young children, and no grown-up son, the children are considered wards of the State. They take them to their places of worship, their churches ... and the padris, that is to say the priests, instruct the children in the Christian religion, and bring them up in their own faith, whether the child be a Mussulman saiyid or a Hindú bráhman."—Kháfi Khán, in Elliot, vii. 345.

1711.—"The Danish Padre Bartholomew Ziegenbalgh, requests leave to go to Europe in the first ship, and in consideration that he is head of a Protestant Mission, espoused by the Right Reverend the Lord Archbishop of Canterbury ... we have presumed to grant him his passage."—In Wheeler, ii. 177.

1726.—"May 14. Mr. Leeke went with me to St. Thomas's Mount.... We conversed with an old Padre from Silesia, who had been 27 years in India...."—Diary of the Missionary Schultze (in Notices of Madras, &c., 1858), p. 14.

" "May 17. The minister of the King of Pegu called on me. From him I learned, through an interpreter, that Christians of all nations and professions have perfect freedom at Pegu; that even in the Capital two French, two Armenian, and two Portuguese Patres, have their churches...."—Ibid. p. 15.

1803.—"Lord Lake was not a little pleased at the Begum's loyalty, and being a little elevated by the wine ... he gallantly advanced, and to the utter dismay of her attendants, took her in his arms, and kissed her.... Receiving courteously the proffered attention, she turned calmly round to her astonished attendants—'It is,' said she, 'the salute of a padre (or priest) to his daughter.'"—Skinner's Mil. Mem. i. 293.

1809.—"The Padre, who is a half cast Portuguese, informed me that he had three districts under him."—Ld. Valentia, i. 329.

1830.—"Two fat naked Brahmins, bedaubed with paint, had been importuning me for money ... upon the ground that they were padres."—Mem. of Col. Mountain, iii.

1876.—"There is Padre Blunt for example,—we always call them Padres in India, you know,—makes a point of never going beyond ten minutes, at any rate during the hot weather."—The Dilemma, ch. xliii.

PADSHAW, PODSHAW, s. Pers.—Hind. pādishāh (Pers. pād, pāt 'throne,' shāh, 'prince'), an emperor; the Great Mogul (q.v.); a king.

[1553.—"Patxiah." See under POORUB.

[1612.—"He acknowledges no Padenshawe or King in Christendom but the Portugals' King."—Danvers, Letters, i. 175.]

c. 1630.—"... round all the roome were placed tacite Mirzoes, Chauns, Sultans, and Beglerbegs, above threescore; who like so many inanimate Statues sat crosse-legg'd ... their backs to the wall, their eyes to a constant object; not daring to speak to one another, sneeze, cough, spet, or the like, it being held in the Potshaw's presence a sinne of too great presumption."—Sir T. Herbert, ed. 1638, p. 169. At p. 171 of the same we have Potshaugh; and in the edition of 1677, in a vocabulary of the language spoken in Hindustan, we have "King, Patchaw." And again: "Is the King at Agra?... Punshaw Agrameha?" (Pādishāh Agrā meṅ hai?)—99-100.

1673.—"They took upon them without controul the Regal Dignity and Title of Pedeshaw."—Fryer, 166.

1727.—"Aureng-zeb, who is now saluted Pautshaw, or Emperor, by the Army, notwithstanding his Father was then alive."—A. Hamilton, i. 175, [ed. 1744].

PAGAR, s.

a. This word, the Malay for a 'fence, enclosure,' occurs in the sense of 'factory' in the following passage:

1702.—"Some other out-pagars or Factories, depending upon the Factory of Bencoolen."—Charters of the E.I. Co. p. 324.

In some degree analogous to this use is the application, common among Hindustani-speaking natives, of the Hind.—Arab. word iḥāṭa, 'a fence, enclosure,' in the sense of Presidency: Bombay kī [kā] iḥāṭa, Bangāl kī [kā] iḥāta, a sense not given in Shakespear or Forbes; [it is given in Fallon and Platts. Mr. Skeat points out that the Malay word is pāgar, 'a fence,' but that it is not used in the sense of a 'factory' in the Malay Peninsula. In the following passage it seems to mean 'factory stock':

[1615.—"The King says that at her arrival he will send them their house and pagarr upon rafts to them."—Foster, Letters, iii. 151.]

b. (pagār). This word is in general use in the Bombay domestic dialect for wages, Mahr. pagār. It is obviously the Port. verb pagar, 'to pay,' used as a substantive.

[1875.—"... the heavy-browed sultana of some Gangetic station, whose stern look palpably interrogates the amount of your monthly paggar."—Wilson, Abode of Snow, 46.]

PAGODA, s. This obscure and remarkable word is used in three different senses.

a. An idol temple; and also specifically, in China, a particular form of religious edifice, of which the famous "Porcelain tower" of Nanking, now destroyed, may be recalled as typical. In the 17th century we find the word sometimes misapplied to places of Mahommedan worship, as by Faria-y-Sousa, who speaks of the "Pagoda of Mecca."

b. An idol.

c. A coin long current in S. India. The coins so called were both gold and silver, but generally gold. The gold pagoda was the varāha or hūn of the natives (see HOON); the former name (fr. Skt. for 'boar') being taken from the Boar avatār of Vishnu, which was figured on a variety of ancient coins of the South; and the latter signifying 'gold,' no doubt identical with sonā, and an instance of the exchange of h and s. (See also PARDAO.)

Accounts at Madras down to 1818 were kept in pagodas, fanams, and kās (see CASH); 8 kās = 1 fanam, 42 fanams = 1 pagoda. In the year named the rupee was made the standard coin.^[195] The pagoda was then reckoned as equivalent to 3½ rupees.

In the suggestions of etymologies for this word, the first and most prominent meaning alone has almost always been regarded, and doubtless justly; for the other uses are deduceable from it. Such suggestions have been many.

Thus Chinese origins have been propounded in more than one form; e.g. Pao-t'ah, 'precious pile,' and Poh-kuh-t'ah ('white-bones-pile').^[196] Anything can be made out of Chinese monosyllables in the way of etymology; though no doubt it is curious that the first at least of these phrases is actually applied by the Chinese to the polygonal towers which in China foreigners specially call pagodas. Whether it be possible that this phrase may have been in any measure formed in imitation of pagoda, so constantly in the mouth of foreigners, we cannot say (though it would not be a solitary example of such borrowing—see NEELAM); but we can say with confidence that it is impossible pagoda should have been taken from the Chinese. The quotations from Corsali and Barbosa set that suggestion at rest.

Another derivation is given (and adopted by so learned an etymologist as H. Wedgwood) from the Portuguese pagão, 'a pagan.' It is possible that this word may have helped to facilitate the Portuguese adoption of pagoda; it is not possible that it should have given rise to the word. A third theory makes pagoda a transposition of dagoba. The latter is a genuine word, used in Ceylon, but known in Continental India, since the extinction of Buddhism, only in the most rare and exceptional way.

A fourth suggestion connects it with the Skt. bhagavat, 'holy, divine,' or Bhagavatī, applied to Durgā and other goddesses; and a fifth makes it a corruption of the Pers. but-kadah, 'idol-temple'; a derivation given below by Ovington. There can be little doubt that the origin really lies between these two.

The two contributors to this book are somewhat divided on this subject:—

(1) Against the derivation from bhagavat, 'holy,' or the Mahr. form bhagavant, is the objection that the word pagode from the earliest date has the final e, which was necessarily pronounced. Nor is bhagavant a name for a temple in any language of India. On the other hand but-kadah is a phrase which the Portuguese would constantly hear from the Mahommedans with whom they chiefly had to deal on their first arrival in India. This is the view confidently asserted by Reinaud (Mémoires sur l'Inde, 90), and is the etymology given by Littré.

As regards the coins, it has been supposed, naturally enough, that they were called pagoda, because of the figure of a temple which some of them bear; and which indeed was borne by the pagodas of the Madras Mint, as may be seen in Thomas's Prinsep, pl. xlv. But in fact coins with this impress were first struck at Ikkeri at a date after the word pagode was already in use among the Portuguese. However, nearly all bore on one side a rude representation of a Hindu deity (see e.g. Kṛishṇarāja's pagoda, c. 1520), and sometimes two such images. Some of these figures are specified by Prinsep (Useful Tables, p. 41), and Varthema speaks of them: "These pardai ... have two devils stamped upon one side of them, and certain letters on the other" (115-116). Here the name may have been appropriately taken from bhagavat (A. B.).

On the other hand, it may be urged that the resemblance between but-kadah and pagode is hardly close enough, and that the derivation from but-kadah does not easily account for all the uses of the word. Indeed, it seems admitted in the preceding paragraph that bhagavat may have had to do with the origin of the word in one of its meanings.

Now it is not possible that the word in all its applications may have had its origin from bhagavat, or some current modification of that word? We see from Marco Polo that such a term was currently known to foreign visitors of S. India in his day—a term almost identical in sound with pagoda, and bearing in his statement a religious application, though not to a temple.^[197] We thus have four separate applications of the word pacauta, or pagoda, picked up by foreigners on the shores of India from the 13th century downwards, viz. to a Hindu ejaculatory formula, to a place of Hindu worship, to a Hindu idol, to a Hindu coin with idols represented on it. Is it not possible that all are to be traced to bhagavat, 'sacred,' or to Bhagavat and Bhagavatī, used as names of divinities—of Buddha in Buddhist times or places, of Kṛishṇa and Durgā in Brahminical times and places? (uses which are fact). How common was the use of Bhagavatī as the name of an object of worship in Malabar, may be seen from an example. Turning to Wilson's work on the Mackenzie MSS., we find in the list of local MS. tracts belonging to Malabar, the repeated occurrence of Bhagavati in this way. Thus in this section of the book we have at p. xcvi. (vol. ii.) note of an account "of a temple of Bhagavati"; at p. ciii. "Temple of Mannadi Bhagavati goddess ..."; at p. civ. "Temple of Mangombu Bhagavati ..."; "Temple of Paddeparkave Bhagavati ..."; "Temple of the goddess Pannáyennar Kave Bhagavati ..."; "Temple of the goddess Patáli Bhagavati ..."; "Temple of Bhagavati ..."; p. cvii., "Account of the goddess Bhagavati at, &c. ..."; p. cviii., "Acc. of the goddess Yalanga Bhagavati," "Acc. of the goddess Vallur Bhagavati." The term Bhagavati seems thus to have been very commonly attached to objects of worship in Malabar temples (see also Fra Paolino, p. 79 and p. 57, quoted under c. below). And it is very interesting to observe that, in a paper on "Coorg Superstitions," Mr. Kittel notices parenthetically that Bhadrā Kālī (i.e. Durgā) is "also called Pogŏdi, Pavodi, a tadbhava of Bagavati" (Ind. Antiq. ii. 170)—an incidental remark that seems to bring us very near the possible origin of pagode. It is most probable that some form like pogodi or pagode was current in the mouths of foreign visitors before the arrival of the Portuguese; but if the word was of Portuguese origin there may easily have been some confusion in their ears between Bagavati and but-kadah which shaped the new word. It is no sufficient objection to say that bhagavati is not a term applied by the natives to a temple; the question is rather what misunderstanding and mispronunciation by foreigners of a native term may probably have given rise to the term?—(H. Y.)

Since the above was written, Sir Walter Elliot has kindly furnished a note, of which the following is an extract:—

"I took some pains to get at the origin of the word when at Madras, and the conclusion I came to was that it arose from the term used generally for the object of their worship, viz., Bhagavat, 'god'; bhagavati, 'goddess.'

"Thus, the Hindu temple with its lofty gopuram or propylon at once attracts attention, and a stranger enquiring what it was, would be told, 'the house or place of Bhagavat.' The village divinity throughout the south is always a form of Durga, or, as she is commonly called, simply 'Devi' (or Bhagavati, 'the goddess').... In like manner a figure of Durga is found on most of the gold Huns (i.e. pagoda coins) current in the Dakhan, and a foreigner inquiring what such a coin was, or rather what was the form stamped upon it, would be told it was 'the goddess,' i.e., it was 'Bhagavati.'"

As my friend, Dr. Burnell, can no longer represent his own view, it seems right here to print the latest remarks of his on the subject that I can find. They are in a letter from Tanjore, dated March 10, 1880:—

"I think I overlooked a remark of yours regarding my observation that the e in Pagode was pronounced, and that this was a difficulty in deriving it from Bhagavat. In modern Portuguese e is not sounded, but verses show that it was in the 16th century. Now, if there is a final vowel in Pagoda, it must come from Bhagavati; but though the goddess is and was worshipped to a certain extent in S. India, it is by other names (Amma, &c.). Gundert and Kittel give 'Pogodi' as a name of a Durga temple, but assuredly this is no corruption of Bhagavati, but Pagoda! Malayālam and Tamil are full of such adopted words. Bhagavati is little used, and the goddess is too insignificant to give rise to pagoda as a general name for a temple.

"Bhagavat can only appear in the S. Indian languages in its (Skt.) nominative form bhagavān (Tamil paγuvān). As such, in Tamil and Malayālam it equals Vishnu or Siva, which would suit. But pagoda can't be got out of bhagavān; and if we look to the N. Indian forms, bhagavant, &c., there is the difficulty about the e, to say nothing about the nt."

The use of the word by Barbosa at so early a date as 1516, and its application to a particular class of temples must not be overlooked.

a.—

1516.—"There is another sect of people among the Indians of Malabar, which is called Cujaven [Kushavan, Logan, Malabar, i. 115].... Their business is to work at baked clay, and tiles for covering houses, with which the temples and Royal buildings are roofed.... Their idolatry and their idols are different from those of the others; and in their houses of prayer they perform a thousand acts of witchcraft and necromancy; they call their temples pagodes, and they are separate from the others."—Barbosa, 135. This is from Lord Stanley of Alderley's translation from a Spanish MS. The Italian of Ramusio reads: "nelle loro orationi fanno molte strigherie e necromãtie, le quali chiamano Pagodes, differenti assai dall' altre" (Ramusio, i. f. 308v.). In the Portuguese MS. published by the Lisbon Academy in 1812, the words are altogether absent; and in interpolating them from Ramusio the editor has given the same sense as in Lord Stanley's English.

1516.—"In this city of Goa, and all over India, there are an infinity of ancient buildings of the Gentiles, and in a small island near this, called Dinari, the Portuguese, in order to build the city, have destroyed an ancient temple called Pagode, which was built with marvellous art, and with ancient figures wrought to the greatest perfection in a certain black stone, some of which remain standing, ruined and shattered, because these Portuguese care nothing about them. If I can come by one of these shattered images I will send it to your Lordship, that you may perceive how much in old times sculpture was esteemed in every part of the world."—Letter of Andrea Corsali to Giuliano de'Medici, in Ramusio, i. f. 177.

1543.—"And with this fleet he anchored at Coulão (see QUILON) and landed there with all his people. And the Governor (Martim Afonso de Sousa) went thither because of information he had of a pagode which was quite near in the interior, and which, they said, contained much treasure.... And the people of the country seeing that the Governor was going to the pagode, they sent to offer him 50,000 pardaos not to go."—Correa, iv. 325-326.

1554.—"And for the monastery of Santa Fee 845,000 reis yearly, besides the revenue of the Paguodes which His Highness bestowed upon the said House, which gives 600,000 reis a year...."—Botelho, Tombo, in Subsidios, 70.

1563.—"They have (at Baçaim) in one part a certain island called Salsete, where there are two pagodes or houses of idolatry."—Garcia, f. 211v.

1582.—"... Pagode, which is the house of praiers to their Idolls."—Castañeda (by N. L.), f. 34.

1594.—"And as to what you have written to me, viz., that although you understand how necessary it was for the increase of the Christianity of those parts to destroy all the pagodas and mosques (pagodes e mesquitas), which the Gentiles and the Moors possess in the fortified places of this State...." (The King goes on to enjoin the Viceroy to treat this matter carefully with some theologians and canonists of those parts, but not to act till he shall have reported to the King).—Letter from the K. of Portugal to the Viceroy, in Arch. Port. Orient., Fasc. 3, p. 417.

1598.—"... houses of Diuels [Divels] which they call Pagodes."—Linschoten, 22; [Hak. Soc. i. 70].

1606.—Gouvea uses pagode both for a temple and for an idol, e.g., see f. 46v, f. 47.

1630.—"That he should erect pagods for God's worship, and adore images under green trees."—Lord, Display, &c.

1638.—"There did meet us at a great Pogodo or Pagod, which is a famous and sumptuous Temple (or Church)."—W. Bruton, in Hakl. v. 49.

1674.—"Thus they were carried, many flocking about them, to a Pagod or Temple" (pagode in the orig.).—Steven's Faria y Sousa, i. 45.

1674.—"Pagod (quasi Pagan-God), an Idol or false god among the Indians; also a kind of gold coin among them equivalent to our Angel."—Glossographia, &c., by T. S.

1689.—"A Pagoda ... borrows its Name from the Persian word Pout, which signifies Idol; thence Pout-Gheda, a Temple of False Gods, and from thence Pagode."—Ovington, 159.

1696.—"... qui eussent élévé des pagodes au milieu des villes."—La Bruyère, Caractères, ed. Jouast, 1881, ii. 306.

[1710.—"In India we use this word pagoda (pagodes) indiscriminately for idols or temples of the Gentiles."—Oriente Conquistado, vol. i. Conq. i. Div. i. 53.]

1717.—"... the Pagods, or Churches."—Phillip's Account, 12.

1727.—"There are many ancient Pagods or Temples in this country, but there is one very particular which stands upon a little Mountain near Vizagapatam, where they worship living Monkies."—A. Hamilton, i. 380 [ed. 1744].

1736.—"Págod [incert. etym.], an idol's temple in China."—Bailey's Dict. 2nd ed.

1763.—"These divinities are worshipped in temples called Pagodas in every part of Indostan."—Orme, Hist. i. 2.

1781.—"During this conflict (at Chillumbrum), all the Indian females belonging to the garrison were collected at the summit of the highest pagoda, singing in a loud and melodious chorus hallelujahs, or songs of exhortation, to their people below, which inspired the enemy with a kind of frantic enthusiasm. This, even in the heat of the attack, had a romantic and pleasing effect, the musical sounds being distinctly heard at a considerable distance by the assailants."—Munro's Narrative, 222.

1809.—

[1830.—"... pagodas, which are so termed from paug, an idol, and ghoda, a temple (!)...."—Mrs. Elwood, Narrative of a Journey Overland from England, ii. 27.]

1855.—"... Among a dense cluster of palm-trees and small pagodas, rises a colossal Gaudama, towering above both, and, Memnon-like, glowering before him with a placid and eternal smile."—Letters from the Banks of the Irawadee, Blackwood's Mag., May, 1856.

b.—

1498.—"And the King gave the letter with his own hand, again repeating the words of the oath he had made, and swearing besides by his pagodes, which are their idols, that they adore for gods...."—Correa, Lendas, i. 119.

1582.—"The Divell is oftentimes in them, but they say it is one of their Gods or Pagodes."—Castañeda (tr. by N. L.), f. 37.

[In the following passage from the same author, as Mr. Whiteway points out, the word is used in both senses, a temple and an idol:

"In Goa I have seen this festival in a pagoda, that stands in the island of Divar, which is called Çapatu, where people collect from a long distance; they bathe in the arm of the sea between the two islands, and they believe ... that on that day the idol (pagode) comes to that water, and they cast in for him much betel and many plantains and sugar-canes; and they believe that the idol (pagode) eats those things."—Castanheda, ii. ch. 34. In the orig., pagode when meaning a temple has a small, and when the idol, a capital, P.]

1584.—"La religione di queste genti non si intende per esser differenti sette fra loro; hanno certi lor pagodi che son gli idoli...."—Letter of Sassetti, in De Gubernatis, 155.

1587.—"The house in which his pagode or idol standeth is covered with tiles of silver."—R. Fitch, in Hakl. ii. 391.

1598.—"... The Pagodes, their false and divelish idols."—Linschoten, 26; [Hak. Soc. i. 86].

1630.—"... so that the Bramanes under each green tree erect temples to pagods...."—Lord, Display, &c.

c. 1630.—"Many deformed Pagothas are here worshipped; having this ordinary evasion that they adore not Idols, but the Deumos which they represent."—Sir T. Herbert, ed. 1665, p. 375.

1664.—

1693.—"... For, say they, what is the Pagoda? it is an image or stone...."—In Wheeler, i. 269.

1727.—"... the Girl with the Pot of Fire on her Head, walking all the Way before. When they came to the End of their journey ... where was placed another black stone Pagod, the Girl set her Fire before it, and run stark mad for a Minute or so."—A. Hamilton, i. 274 [ed. 1744].

c. 1737.—

1814.—"Out of town six days. On my return, find my poor little pagod, Napoleon, pushed off his pedestal;—the thieves are in Paris."—Letter of Byron's, April 8, in Moore's Life, ed. 1832, iii. 21.

c.—

c. 1566.—"Nell' vscir poi li caualli Arabi di Goa, si paga di datio quaranta due pagodi per cauallo, et ogni pagodo val otto lire alia nostra moneta; e sono monete d'oro; de modo che li caualli Arabi sono in gran prezzo in que' paesi, come sarebbe trecento quattro cento, cinque cento, e fina mille ducati l'vno."—C. Federici, in Ramusio, iii. 388.

1597.—"I think well to order and decree that the pagodes which come from without shall not be current unless they be of forty and three points (assay?) conformable to the first issue, which is called of Agra, and which is of the same value as that of the San Tomes, which were issued in its likeness."—Edict of the King, in Archiv. Port. Orient. iii. 782.

1598.—"There are yet other sorts of money called Pagodes.... They are Indian and Heathenish money with the picture of a Diuell vpon them, and therefore are called Pagodes...."—Linschoten, 54 and 69; [Hak. Soc. i. 187, 242].

1602.—"And he caused to be sent out for the Kings of the Decan and Canara two thousand horses from those that were in Goa, and this brought the King 80,000 pagodes, for every one had to pay forty as duty. These were imported by the Moors and other merchants from the ports of Arabia and Persia; in entering Goa they are free and uncharged, but on leaving that place they have to pay these duties."—Couto, IV. vi. 6.

[ " "... with a sum of gold pagodes, a coin of the upper country (Balagate), each of which is worth 500 reis (say 11s. 3d.; the usual value was 360 reis)."—Ibid. VII. i. 11.]

1623.—"... An Indian Gentile Lord called Rama Rau, who has no more in all than 2000 pagod [paygods] of annual revenue, of which again he pays about 800 to Venktapà Naieka, whose tributary he is...."—P. della Valle, ii. 692; [Hak. Soc. ii. 306].

1673.—"About this time the Rajah ... was weighed in Gold, and poised about 16,000 Pagods."—Fryer, 80.

1676.—"For in regard these Pagods are very thick, and cannot be clipt, those that are Masters of the trade, take a Piercer, and pierce the Pagod through the side, halfway or more, taking out of one piece as much Gold as comes to two or three Sous."—Tavernier, E.T. 1684, ii. 4; [Ball, ii. 92].

1780.—"Sir Thomas Rumbold, Bart., resigned the Government of Fort St. George on the Mg. of the 9th inst., and immediately went on board the General Barker. It is confidently reported that he has not been able to accumulate a very large Fortune, considering the long time he has been at Madrass; indeed people say it amounts to only 17 Lacks and a half of Pagodas, or a little more than £600,000 sterling."—Hicky's Bengal Gazette, April 15.

1785.—"Your servants have no Trade in this country, neither do you pay them high wages, yet in a few years they return to England with many lacs of pagodas."—Nabob of Arcot, in Burke's Speech on the Nabob's Debts, Works, ed. 1852, iv. 18.

1796.—"La Bhagavadi, moneta d'oro, che ha l'immagine della dea Bhagavadi, nome corrotto in Pagodi o Pagode dagli Europei, è moneta rotonda, convessa in una parte...."—Fra Paolino, 57.

1803.—"It frequently happens that in the bazaar, the star pagoda exchanges for 4 rupees, and at other times for not more than 3."—Wellington, Desp., ed. 1837, ii. 375.

PAGODA-TREE. A slang phrase once current, rather in England than in India, to express the openings to rapid fortune which at one time existed in India. [For the original meaning, see the quotation from Ryklof Van Goens under BO TREE. Mr. Skeat writes: "It seems possible that the idea of a coin tree may have arisen from the practice, among some Oriental nations at least, of making cash in moulds, the design of which is based on the plan of a tree. On the E. coast of the Malay Peninsula the name cash-tree (poko' pitis) is applied to cash cast in this form. Gold and silver tributary trees are sent to Siam by the tributary States: in these the leaves are in the shape of ordinary tree leaves."]

1877.—"India has been transferred from the regions of romance to the realms of fact ... the mines of Golconda no longer pay the cost of working, and the pagoda-tree has been stripped of all its golden fruit."—Blackwood's Magazine, 575.

1881.—"It might be mistaken ... for the work of some modern architect, built for the Nabob of a couple of generations back, who had enriched himself when the pagoda-tree was worth the shaking."—Sat. Review, Sept. 3, p. 307.

PAHLAVI, PEHLVI. The name applied to the ancient Persian language in that phase which prevailed from the beginning of the Sassanian monarchy to the time when it became corrupted by the influence of Arabic, and the adoption of numerous Arabic words and phrases. The name Pahlavi was adopted by Europeans from the Parsi use. The language of Western Persia in the time of the Achaemenian kings, as preserved in the cuneiform inscriptions of Persepolis, Behistun, and elsewhere, is nearly akin to the dialects of the Zend-Avesta, and is characterised by a number of inflections agreeing with those of the Avesta and of Sanskrit. The dissolution of inflectional terminations is already indicated as beginning in the later Achaemenian inscriptions, and in many parts of the Zend-Avesta, but its course cannot be traced, as there are no inscriptions in Persian language during the time of the Arsacidae; and it is in the inscriptions on rocks and coins of Ardakhshīr-i-Pāpaḳān (A.D. 226-240)—the Ardashīr Babagān of later Persian—that the language emerges in a form of that which is known as Pahlavi. "But, strictly speaking, the medieval Persian language is called Pahlavi when it is written in one of the characters used before the invention of the modern Persian alphabet, and in the peculiarly enigmatical mode adopted in Pahlavi writings.... Like the Assyrians of old, the Persians of Parthian times appear to have borrowed their writing from a foreign race. But, whereas the Semitic Assyrians adopted a Turanian syllabary, these later Aryan Persians accepted a Semitic alphabet. Besides the alphabet, however, which they could use for spelling their own words, they transferred a certain number of complete Semitic words to their writings as representatives of the corresponding words in their own language.... The use of such Semitic words, scattered about in Persian sentences, gives Pahlavi the motley appearance of a compound language.... But there are good reasons for supposing that the language was never spoken as it was written. The spoken language appears to have been pure Persian; the Semitic words being merely used as written representatives, or logograms, of the Persian words which were spoken. Thus, the Persians would write malkân malkâ, 'King of Kings,' but they would read shâhân shâh.... As the Semitic words were merely a Pahlavi mode of writing their Persian equivalents (just as 'viz.' is a mode of writing 'namely' in English^[198]), they disappeared with the Pahlavi writing, and the Persians began at once to write all their words with their new alphabet, just as they pronounced them" (E. W. West, Introd. to Pahlavi Texts, p. xiii.; Sacred Books of the East, vol. v.).^[199]

Extant Pahlavi writings are confined to those of the Parsis, translations from the Avesta, and others almost entirely of a religious character. Where the language is transcribed, either in the Avesta characters, or in those of the modern Persian alphabet, and freed from the singular system indicated above, it is called Pazand (see PAZEND); a term supposed to be derived from the language of the Avesta, paitizanti, with the meaning 're-explanation.'

Various explanations of the term Pahlavi have been suggested. It seems now generally accepted as a changed form of the Parthva of the cuneiform inscriptions, the Parthia of Greek and Roman writers. The Parthians, though not a Persian race, were rulers of Persia for five centuries, and it is probable that everything ancient, and connected with the period of their rule, came to be called by this name. It is apparently the same word that in the form pahlav and pahlavān, &c., has become the appellation of a warrior or champion in both Persian and Armenian, originally derived from that most warlike people the Parthians. (See PULWAUN.) Whether there was any identity between the name thus used, and that of Pahlava, which is applied to a people mentioned often in Sanskrit books, is a point still unsettled.

The meaning attached to the term Pahlavi by Orientals themselves, writing in Arabic or Persian (exclusive of Parsis), appears to have been 'Old Persian' in general, without restriction to any particular period or dialect. It is thus found applied to the cuneiform inscriptions at Persepolis. (Derived from West as quoted above, and from Haug's Essays, ed. London, 1878.)

c. 930.—"Quant au mot dirafeh, en pehlvi (al-fahlviya) c'est à dire dans la langue primitive de la Perse, il signifie drapeau, pique et étendard."—Maṣ'ūdī, iii. 252.

c. A.D. 1000.—"Gayômarth, who was called Girshâh, because Gir means in Pahlavî a mountain...."—Albîrûnî, Chronology, 108.

PAILOO, s. The so-called 'triumphal arches,' or gateways, which form so prominent a feature in Chinese landscape, really monumental erections in honour of deceased persons of eminent virtue. Chin. pai, 'a tablet,' and lo, 'a stage or erection.' Mr. Fergusson has shown the construction to have been derived from India with Buddhism (see Indian and Eastern Architecture, pp. 700-702). [So the Torii of Japan seem to represent Skt. toraṇa, 'an archway' (see Chamberlain, Things Japanese, 3rd ed. 407 seq.).]

PÁLAGILÁSS, s. This is domestic Hind. for 'Asparagus' (Panjab N. & Q. ii. 189).

PALANKEEN, PALANQUIN, s. A box-litter for travelling in, with a pole projecting before and behind, which is borne on the shoulders of 4 or 6 men—4 always in Bengal, 6 sometimes in the Telugu country.

The origin of the word is not doubtful, though it is by no means clear how the Portuguese got the exact form which they have handed over to us. The nasal termination may be dismissed as a usual Portuguese addition, such as occurs in mandarin, Baçaim (Wasai), and many other words and names as used by them. The basis of all the forms is Skt. paryañka, or palyañka, 'a bed,' from which we have Hind. and Mahr. palang, 'a bed,' Hind. pālkī, 'a palankin,' [Telugu pallakī, which is perhaps the origin of the Port. word], Pali pallanko, 'a couch, bed, litter, or palankin' (Childers), and in Javanese and Malay palañgki, 'a litter or sedan' (Crawfurd).^[200]

It is curious that there is a Spanish word palanca (L. Lat. phalanga) for a pole used to carry loads on the shoulders of two bearers (called in Sp. palanquinos); a method of transport more common in the south than in England, though even in old English the thing has a name, viz. 'a cowle-staff' (see N.E.D.). It is just possible that this word (though we do not find it in the Portuguese dictionaries) may have influenced the form in which the early Portuguese visitors to India took up the word.

The thing appears already in the Rāmāyana. It is spoken of by Ibn Batuta and John Marignolli (both c. 1350), but neither uses this Indian name; and we have not found evidence of pālkī older than Akbar (see Elliot, iv. 515, and Āīn, i. 254).

As drawn by Linschoten (1597), and as described by Grose at Bombay (c. 1760), the palankin was hung from a bamboo which bent in an arch over the vehicle; a form perhaps not yet entirely obsolete in native use. Williamson (V. M., i. 316 seqq.) gives an account of the different changes in the fashion of palankins, from which it would appear that the present form must have come into use about the end of the 18th century. Up to 1840-50 most people in Calcutta kept a palankin and a set of bearers (usually natives of Orissa—see OORIYA), but the practice and the vehicle are now almost, if not entirely, obsolete among the better class of Europeans. Till the same period the palankin, carried by relays of bearers, laid out by the post-office, or by private chowdries (q.v.), formed the chief means of accomplishing extensive journeys in India, and the elder of the present writers has undergone hardly less than 8000 or 9000 miles of travelling in going considerable distances (excluding minor journeys) after this fashion. But in the decade named, the palankin began, on certain great roads, to be superseded by the dawk-garry (a Palkee-garry or palankin-carriage, horsed by ponies posted along the road, under the post-office), and in the next decade to a large extent by railway, supplemented by other wheel-carriage, so that the palankin is now used rarely, and only in out-of-the-way localities.

c. 1340.—"Some time afterwards the pages of the Mistress of the Universe came to me with a dūla.... It is like a bed of state ... with a pole of wood above ... this is curved, and made of the Indian cane, solid and compact. Eight men, divided into two relays, are employed in turn to carry one of these; four carry the palankin whilst four rest. These vehicles serve in India the same purpose as donkeys in Egypt; most people use them habitually in going and coming. If a man has his own slaves, he is carried by them; if not he hires men to carry him. There are also a few found for hire in the city, which stand in the bazars, at the Sultan's gate, and also at the gates of private citizens."—Ibn Batuta, iii. 386.

c. 1350.—"Et eciam homines et mulieres portant super scapulas in lecticis de quibus in Canticis: ferculum fecit sibi Salomon de lignis Libani, id est lectulum portatilem sicut portabar ego in Zayton et in India."—Marignolli (see Cathay, &c., p. 331).

1515.—"And so assembling all the people made great lamentation, and so did throughout all the streets the women, married and single, in a marvellous way. The captains lifted him (the dead Alboquerque), seated as he was in a chair, and placed him on a palanquim, so that he was seen by all the people; and João Mendes Botelho, a knight of Afonso d'Alboquerque's making (who was) his Ancient, bore the banner before the body."—Correa, Lendas, II. i. 460.

1563.—"... and the branches are for the most part straight except some ... which they twist and bend to form the canes for palenquins and portable chairs, such as are used in India."—Garcia, f. 194.

1567.—"... with eight Falchines (fachini), which are hired to carry the palanchines, eight for a Palanchine (palanchino), foure at a time."—C. Frederike, in Hakl. ii. 348.

1598.—"... after them followeth the bryde between two Commeres, each in their Pallamkin, which is most costly made."—Linschoten, 56; [Hak. Soc. i. 196].

1606.—"The palanquins covered with curtains, in the way that is usual in this Province, are occasion of very great offences against God our Lord" ... (the Synod therefore urges the Viceroy to prohibit them altogether, and) ... "enjoins on all ecclesiastical persons, on penalty of sentence of excommunication, and of forfeiting 100 pardaos to the church court^[201] not to use the said palanquins, made in the fashion above described."—4th Act of 5th Council of Goa, in Archiv. Port. Orient., fasc. 4. (See also under BOY.)

The following is the remonstrance of the city of Goa against the ecclesiastical action in this matter, addressed to the King:

1606.—"Last year this City gave your Majesty an account of how the Archbishop Primate proposed the issue of orders that the women should go with their palanquins uncovered, or at least half uncovered, and how on this matter were made to him all the needful representations and remonstrances on the part of the whole community, giving the reasons against such a proceeding, which were also sent to Your Majesty. Nevertheless in a Council that was held this last summer, they dealt with this subject, and they agreed to petition Your Majesty to order that the said palanquins should travel in such a fashion that it could be seen who was in them.

"The matter is of so odious a nature, and of such a description that Your Majesty should grant their desire in no shape whatever, nor give any order of the kind, seeing this place is a frontier fortress. The reasons for this have been written to Your Majesty; let us beg Your Majesty graciously to make no new rule; and this is the petition of the whole community to Your Majesty."—Carta, que a Cidade de Goa escrevea a Sua Magestade, o anno de 1606. In Archiv. Port. Orient., fasc. i^o. 2^a. Edição, 2^a. Parte, 186.

1608-9.—"If comming forth of his Pallace, hee (Jahāngīr) get vp on a Horse, it is a signe that he goeth for the Warres; but if he be vp vpon an Elephant or Palankine, it will bee but an hunting Voyage."—Hawkins, in Purchas, i. 219.

1616.—"... Abdala Chan, the great governour of Amadauas, being sent for to Court in disgrace, comming in Pilgrim's Clothes with fortie servants on foote, about sixtie miles in counterfeit humiliation, finished the rest in his Pallankee."—Sir T. Roe, in Purchas, i. 552; [Hak. Soc. ii. 278, which reads Palanckee, with other minor variances].

In Terry's account, in Purchas, ii. 1475, we have a Pallankee, and (p. 1481) Palanka; in a letter of Tom Coryate's (1615) Palankeen.

1623.—"In the territories of the Portuguese in India it is forbidden to men to travel in palankin (Palanchino) as in good sooth too effeminate a proceeding; nevertheless as the Portuguese pay very little attention to their laws, as soon as the rains begin to fall they commence getting permission to use the palankin, either by favour or by bribery; and so, gradually, the thing is relaxed, until at last nearly everybody travels in that way, and at all seasons."—P. della Valle, i. 611; [comp. Hak. Soc. i. 31].

1659.—"The designing rascal (Sivají) ... conciliated Afzal Khán, who fell into the snare.... Without arms he mounted the pálkí, and proceeded to the place appointed under the fortress. He left all his attendants at the distance of a long arrow-shot.... Sivají had a weapon, called in the language of the Dakhin bichúá (i.e. 'scorpion') on the fingers of his hand, hidden under his sleeve...."—Kháfi Khán, in Elliot, vii. 259. See also p. 509.

c. 1660.—"... From Golconda to Maslipatan there is no travelling by waggons.... But instead of Coaches they have the convenience of Pallekies, wherein you are carried with more speed and more ease than in any part of India."—Tavernier, E.T. ii. 70; [ed. Ball, i. 175]. This was quite true up to our own time. In 1840 the present writer was carried on that road, a stage of 25 miles in little more than 5 hours, by 12 bearers, relieving each other by sixes.

1672. The word occurs several times in Baldaeus as Pallinkijn. Tavernier writes Palleki and sometimes Pallanquin [Ball, i. 45, 175, 390, 392]; Bernier has Paleky [ed. Constable, 214, 283, 372].

1673.—"... ambling after these a great pace, the Palankeen-Boys support them, four of them, two at each end of a Bambo, which is a long hollow Cane ... arched in the middle ... where hangs the Palenkeen, as big as an ordinary Couch, broad enough to tumble in...."—Fryer, 34.

1678.—"The permission you are pleased to give us to buy a Pallakee on the Company's Acct. Shall make use off as Soone as can possiblie meet w^th one y^t may be fitt for y^e purpose...."—MS. Letter from Factory at Ballasore to the Council (of Fort St. George), March 9, in India Office.

1682.—Joan Nieuhof has Palakijn. Zee en Lant-Reize, ii. 78.

[ " "The Agent and Council ... allowed him (Mr. Clarke) 2 pag^os p. mensem more towards the defraying his pallanquin charges, he being very crazy and much weaken'd by his sicknesse."—Pringle, Diary Ft. St. Geo. 1st ser. i. 34.]

1720.—"I desire that all the free Merchants of my acquaintance do attend me in their palenkeens to the place of burial."—Will of Charles Davers, Merchant, in Wheeler, ii. 340.

1726.—"... Palangkyn dragers" (palankin-bearers).—Valentijn, Ceylon, 45.

1736.—"Palanquin, a kind of chaise or chair, borne by men on their shoulders, much used by the Chinese and other Eastern peoples for travelling from place to place."—Bailey's Dict. 2nd ed.

1750-52.—"The greater nobility are carried in a palekee, which looks very like a hammock fastened to a pole."—Toreen's Voyage to Suratte, China, &c., ii. 201.

1754-58.—In the former year the Court of Directors ordered that Writers in their Service should "lay aside the expense of either horse, chair, or Palankeen, during their Writership." The Writers of Fort William (4th Nov. 1756) remonstrated, begging "to be indulged in keeping a Palankeen for such months of the year as the excessive heats and violent rains make it impossible to go on foot without the utmost hazard of their health." The Court, however, replied (11 Feb. 1756): "We very well know that the indulging Writers with Palankeens has not a little contributed to the neglect of business we complain of, by affording them opportunities of rambling"; and again, with an obduracy and fervour too great for grammar (March 3, 1758): "We do most positively order and direct (and will admit of no representation for postponing the execution of) that no Writer whatsoever be permitted to keep either palankeen, horse, or chaise, during his Writership, on pain of being immediately dismissed from our service."—In Long, pp. 54, 71, 130.

1780.—"The Nawaub, on seeing his condition, was struck with grief and compassion; but ... did not even bend his eyebrow at the sight, but lifting up the curtain of the Palkee with his own hand, he saw that the eagle of his (Ali Ruza's) soul, at one flight had winged its way to the gardens of Paradise."—H. of Hydur, p. 429.

1784.—

1804.—"Give orders that a palanquin may be made for me; let it be very light, with the pannels made of canvas instead of wood, and the poles fixed as for a dooley. Your Bengally palanquins are so heavy that they cannot be used out of Calcutta."—Wellington (to Major Shaw), June 20.

The following measures a change in ideas. A palankin is now hardly ever used by a European, even of humble position, much less by the opulent:

1808.—"Palkee. A litter well known in India, called by the English Palankeen. A Guzerat punster (aware of no other) hazards the Etymology Pa-lakhee [pāo-lākhī] a thing requiring an annual income of a quarter Lack to support it and corresponding luxuries."—R. Drummond, Illustrations, &c.

" "The conveyances of the island (Madeira) are of three kinds, viz.: horses, mules, and a litter, ycleped a palanquin, being a chair in the shape of a bathing-tub, with a pole across, carried by two men, as doolees are in the east."—Welsh, Reminiscences, i. 282.

1809.—

c. 1830.—"Un curieux indiscret reçut un galet dans la tête; on l'emporta baigné de sang, couché dans un palanquin."—V. Jacquemont, Corr. i. 67.

1880.—"It will amaze readers in these days to learn that the Governor-General sometimes condescended to be carried in a Palanquin—a mode of conveyance which, except for long journeys away from railroads, has long been abandoned to portly Baboos, and Eurasian clerks."—Sat. Rev., Feb. 14.

1881.—"In the great procession on Corpus Christi Day, when the Pope is carried in a palanquin round the Piazza of St. Peter, it is generally believed that the cushions and furniture of the palanquin are so arranged as to enable him to bear the fatigue of the ceremony by sitting whilst to the spectator he appears to be kneeling."—Dean Stanley, Christian Institutions, 231.

PALAVERAM, n.p. A town and cantonment 11 miles S.W. from Madras. The name is Pallāvaram, probably Palla-puram, Pallavapura, the 'town of the Pallas'; the latter a caste claiming descent from the Pallavas who reigned at Conjeveram (Seshagiri Śāstrī). [The Madras Gloss. derives their name from Tam. pallam, 'low land,' as they are commonly employed in the cultivation of wet lands.]

PALE ALE. The name formerly given to the beer brewed for Indian use. (See BEER.)

1784.—"London Porter and Pale Ale, light and excellent, Sicca Rupees 150 per hhd."—Advt. in Seton-Karr, i. 39.

1793.—"For sale ... Pale Ale (per hhd.) ... Rs. 80."—Bombay Courier, Jan. 19.

[1801.—"1. Pale Ale; 2. strong ale; 3. small beer; 4. brilliant beer; 5. strong porter; 6. light porter; 7. brown stout."—Advt. in Carey, Good Old Days, i. 147.]

1848.—"Constant dinners, tiffins, pale ale, and claret, the prodigious labour of cutchery, and the refreshment of brandy pawnee, which he was forced to take there, had this effect upon Waterloo Sedley."—Vanity Fair, ed. 1867, ii. 258.

1853.—"Parmi les cafés, les cabarets, les gargotes, l'on rencontre çà et là une taverne anglaise placardée de sa pancarte de porter simple et double, d'old Scotch ale, d'East India Pale beer."—Th. Gautier, Constantinople, 22.

1867.—

PALEMPORE, s. A kind of chintz bed-cover, sometimes made of beautiful patterns, formerly made at various places in India, especially at Sadras and Masulipatam, the importation of which into Europe has become quite obsolete, but under the greater appreciation of Indian manufactures has recently shown some tendency to revive. The etymology is not quite certain,—we know no place of the name likely to have been the eponymic,—and possibly it is a corruption of a hybrid (Hind. and Pers.) palang-posh, 'a bed-cover,' which occurs below, and which may have been perverted through the existence of Salempore as a kind of stuff. The probability that the word originated in a perversion of palang-posh, is strengthened by the following entry in Bluteau's Dict. (Suppt. 1727.)

"Chaudus or Chaudeus são huns panos grandes, que servem para cobrir camas e outras cousas. São pintados de cores muy vistosas, e alguns mais finos, a que chamão palangapuzes. Fabricão-se de algodão em Bengala e Choromandel,"—i.e. "Chaudus ou Chaudeus" (this I cannot identify, perhaps the same as Choutar among Piece-goods) "are a kind of large cloths serving to cover beds and other things. They are painted with gay colours, and there are some of a finer description which are called palangposhes," &c.

[For the mode of manufacture at Masulipatam, see Journ. Ind. Art. iii. 14. Mr. Pringle (Madras Selections, 4th ser. p. 71, and Diary Ft. St. Geo. 1st ser. iii. 173) has questioned this derivation. The word may have been taken from the State and town of Pālanpur in Guzerat, which seems to have been an emporium for the manufactures of N. India, which was long noted for chintz of this kind.]

1648.—"Int Governe van Raga mandraga ... werden veel ... Salamporij ... gemaeckt."—Van den Broecke, 87.

1673.—"Staple commodities (at Masulipatam) are calicuts white and painted, Palempores, Carpets."—Fryer, 34.

1813.—

1814.—"A variety of tortures were inflicted to extort a confession; one was a sofa, with a platform of tight cordage in network, covered with a palampore, which concealed a bed of thorns placed under it: the collector, a corpulent Banian, was then stripped of his jama (see JAMMA), or muslin robe, and ordered to lie down."—Forbes, Or. Mem. ii. 429; [2nd ed. ii. 54].

1817.—"... these cloths ... serve as coverlids, and are employed as a substitute for the Indian palempore."—Raffles, Java, 171; [2nd ed. i. 191].

[1855.—

1862.—"Bala posh, or Palang posh, quilt or coverlet, 300 to 1000 rupees."—Punjab Trade Report, App. p. xxxviii.

1880.—"... and third, the celebrated palampores, or 'bed-covers,' of Masulipatam, Fatehgarh, Shikarpur, Hazara, and other places, which in point of art decoration are simply incomparable."—Birdwood, The Industrial Arts of India, 260.

PALI, s. The name of the sacred language of the Southern Buddhists, in fact, according to their apparently well-founded tradition Magadhī, the dialect of what we now call South Bahar, in which Sakya Muni discoursed. It is one of the Prākrits (see PRACRIT) or Aryan vernaculars of India, and has probably been a dead language for nearly 2000 years. Pāli in Skt. means 'a line, row, series'; and by the Buddhists is used for the series of their Sacred Texts. Pālī-bhāshā is then 'the language of the Sacred Texts,' i.e. Magadhī; and this is called elliptically by the Singhalese Pālī, which we have adopted in like use. It has been carried, as the sacred language, to all the Indo-Chinese countries which have derived their religion from India through Ceylon. Pālī is "a sort of Tuscan among the Prākrits" from its inherent grace and strength (Childers). But the analogy to Tuscan is closer still in the parallelism of the modification of Sanskrit words, used in Pālī, to that of Latin words used in Italian.

Robert Knox does not apparently know by that name the Pālī language in Ceylon. He only speaks of the Books of Religion as "being in an eloquent style which the Vulgar people do not understand" (p. 75); and in another passage says: "They have a language something differing from the vulgar tongue (like Latin to us) which their books are writ in" (p. 109).

1689.—"Les uns font valoir le style de leur Alcoran, les autres de leur Báli."—Lettres Edif. xxv. 61.

1690.—"... this Doubt proceeds from the Siameses understanding two Languages, viz., the Vulgar, which is a simple Tongue, consisting almost wholly of Monosyllables, without Conjugation or Declension; and another Language, which I have already spoken of, which to them is a dead Tongue, known only by the Learned, which is called the Balie Tongue, and which is enricht with the inflexions of words, like the Languages we have in Europe. The terms of Religion and Justice, the names of Offices, and all the Ornaments of the Vulgar Tongue are borrow'd from the Balie."—De la Loubère's Siam, E.T. 1693, p. 9.

1795.—"Of the ancient Pállis, whose language constitutes at the present day the sacred text of Ava, Pegue, and Siam, as well as of several other countries eastward of the Ganges: and of their migration from India to the banks of the Cali, the Nile of Ethiopia, we have but very imperfect information.^[202] ... It has been the opinion of some of the most enlightened writers on the languages of the East, that the Pali, the sacred language of the priests of Boodh, is nearly allied to the Shanscrit of the Bramins: and there certainly is much of that holy idiom engrafted on the vulgar language of Ava, by the introduction of the Hindoo religion."—Symes, 337-8.

1818.—"The Talapoins ... do apply themselves in some degree to study, since according to their rules they are obliged to learn the Sadà, which is the grammar of the Palì language or Magatà, to read the Vini, the Padimot ... and the sermons of Godama.... All these books are written in the Palì tongue, but the text is accompanied by a Burmese translation. They were all brought into the kingdom by a certain Brahmin from the island of Ceylon."—Sangermano's Burmese Empire, p. 141.

[1822.—"... the sacred books of the Buddhists are composed in the Balli tongue...."—Wallace, Fifteen Years in India, 187.]

1837.—"Buddhists are impressed with the conviction that their sacred and classical language, the Mágadhi or Páli, is of greater antiquity than the Sanscrit; and that it had attained also a higher state of refinement than its rival tongue had acquired. In support of this belief they adduce various arguments, which, in their judgment, are quite conclusive. They observe that the very word Páli signifies original, text, regularity; and there is scarcely a Buddhist scholar in Ceylon, who, in the discussion of this question, will not quote, with an air of triumph, their favourite verse,—

Sá Mágadhi; múla bhásá (&c.).

'There is a language which is the root; ... men and bráhmans at the commencement of the creation, who never before heard nor uttered a human accent, and even the Supreme Buddhos, spoke it: it is Mágadhi.'

"This verse is a quotation from Kachcháyanó's grammar, the oldest referred to in the Páli literature of Ceylon.... Let me ... at once avow, that, exclusive of all philological considerations, I am inclined, on primâ facie evidence—external as well as internal—to entertain an opinion adverse to the claims of the Buddhists on this particular point."—George Turnour, Introd. to Maháwanso, p. xxii.

1874.—"The spoken language of Italy was to be found in a number of provincial dialects, each with its own characteristics, the Piedmontese harsh, the Neapolitan nasal, the Tuscan soft and flowing. These dialects had been rising in importance as Latin declined; the birth-time of a new literary language was imminent. Then came Dante, and choosing for his immortal Commedia the finest and most cultivated of the vernaculars, raised it at once to the position of dignity which it still retains. Read Sanskrit for Latin, Magadhese for Tuscan, and the Three Baskets for the Divina Commedia, and the parallel is complete.... Like Italian Pali is at once flowing and sonorous; it is a characteristic of both languages that nearly every word ends in a vowel, and that all harsh conjunctions are softened down by assimilation, elision, or crasis, while on the other hand both lend themselves easily to the expression of sublime and vigorous thought."—Childers, Preface to Pali Dict. pp. xiii-xiv.

PALKEE-GARRY, s. A 'palankin-coach,' as it is termed in India; i.e. a carriage shaped somewhat like a palankin on wheels; Hind. pālkī-gāṛī. The word is however one formed under European influences. ["The system of conveying passengers by palkee carriages and trucks was first established between Cawnpore and Allahabad in May 1843, and extended to Allyghur in November of the same year; Delhi was included in June 1845, Agra and Meerut about the same time; the now-going line not being, however, ready till January 1846" (Carey, Good Old Days, ii. 91).]

1878.—"The Governor-General's carriage ... may be jostled by the hired 'palki-gharry,' with its two wretched ponies, rope harness, nearly naked driver, and wheels whose sinuous motions impress one with the idea that they must come off at the next revolution."—Life in the Mofussil, i. 38.

This description applies rather to the cranchee (q.v.) than to the palkee-garry, which is (or used to be) seldom so sordidly equipt. [Mr. Kipling's account of the Calcutta palki gari (Beast and Man, 192) is equally uncomplimentary.]

PALMYRA, s. The fan-palm (Borassus flabelliformis), which is very commonly cultivated in S. India and Ceylon (as it is also indeed in the Ganges valley from Farrukhābād down to the head of the Delta), and hence was called by the Portuguese par excellence, palmeira or 'the palm-tree.' Sir J. Hooker writes: "I believe this palm is nowhere wild in India; and have always suspected that it, like the tamarind, was introduced from Africa." [So Watt, Econ. Dict. i. 504.] It is an important tree in the economy of S. India, Ceylon, and parts of the Archipelago as producing jaggery (q.v.) or 'palm-sugar'; whilst the wood affords rafters and laths, and the leaf gives a material for thatch, mats, umbrellas, fans, and a substitute for paper. Its minor uses are many: indeed it is supposed to supply nearly all the wants of man, and a Tamil proverb ascribes to it 801 uses (see Ferguson's Palmyra-Palm of Ceylon, and Tennent's Ceylon, i. 111, ii. 519 seqq.; also see BRAB).

1563.—"... A ilha de Ceilão ... ha muitas palmeiras."—Garcia, ff. 65v-66.

1673.—"Their Buildings suit with the Country and State of the inhabitants, being mostly contrived for Conveniency: the Poorer are made of Boughs and ollas of the Palmeroes."—Fryer, 199.

1718.—"... Leaves of a Tree called Palmeira."—Prop. of the Gospel in the East, iii. 85.

1756.—"The interval was planted with rows of palmira, and coco-nut trees."—Orme, ii. 90, ed. 1803.

1860.—"Here, too, the beautiful palmyra palm, which abounds over the north of the Island, begins to appear."—Tennent's Ceylon, ii. 54.

PALMYRA POINT, n.p. Otherwise called Pt. Pedro, [a corruption of the Port. Punta das Pedras, 'the rocky cape,' a name descriptive of the natural features of the coast (Tennent, ii. 535)]. This is the N.E. point of Ceylon, the high palmyra trees on which are conspicuous.

PALMYRAS, POINT, n.p. This is a headland on the Orissa coast, quite low, but from its prominence at the most projecting part of the combined Mahānadī and Brāhmaṇī delta an important landmark, especially in former days, for ships bound from the south for the mouth of the Hoogly, all the more for the dangerous shoal off it. A point of the Mahānadī delta, 24 miles to the south-west, is called False Point, from its liability to be mistaken for P. Palmyras.

1553.—"... o Cabo Segógora, a que os nossos chamam das Palmeiras por humas que alli estam, as quaes os navigantes notam por lhes dar conhecimento da terra. E deste cabo ... fazemos fim do Reyno Orixá."—Barros, I. ix. 1.

1598.—"... 2 miles (Dutch) before you come to the point of Palmerias, you shall see certaine blacke houels standing vppon a land that is higher than all the land thereabouts, and from thence to the Point it beginneth againe to be low ground and ... you shall see some small (but not ouer white) sandie Downes ... you shall finde being right against the point de Palmerias ... that vpon the point there is neyther tree nor bush, and although it hath the name of the Point of Palm-trees, it hath notwithstanding right forth, but one Palme tree."—Linschoten, 3d Book, ch. 12.

[c. 1665.—"Even the Portuguese of Ogouli (see HOOGLY), in Bengale, purchased without scruple these wretched captives, and the horrid traffic was transacted in the vicinity of the island of Galles, near Cape das Palmas."—Bernier, ed. Constable, 176.]

1823.—"It is a large delta, formed by the mouths of the Maha-Nuddee and other rivers, the northernmost of which insulates Cape Palmiras."—Heber, ed. 1844, i. 88.

[PAMBRE, s. An article of dress which seems to have been used for various purposes, as a scarf, and perhaps as a turban. Mr. Yusuf Ali (Monograph on Silk Fabrics, 81) classes it among 'fabrics which are simply wrapped over the head and shoulders by men and women'; and he adds: "The Pamri is used by women and children, generally amongst Hindus." His specimens are some 3 yards long by 1 broad, and are made of pure silk or silk and cotton, with an ornamental border. The word does not appear in the Hind. dictionaries, but Molesworth has Mahr. pāmarī, 'a sort of silk cloth.'

[1616.—"He covered my head with his Pambre."—Foster, Letters, iv. 344.]

For some of the following quotations and notes I am indebted to Mr. W. Foster.

[1617.—"Antelopes and ramshelles,^[203] which bear the finest wool in the world, with which they make very delicate mantles, called Pawmmerys."—Joseph Salbank to the E. India Co., Agra, Nov. 22, 1617; India Office Records, O. C., No. 568.

[1627.—"L'on y [Kashmír] travaille aussi plusieurs Vomeris [misprint for Pomeris, which he elsewhere mentions as a stuff from Kashmir and Lahore], qui sont des pieces d'estoffes longues de trois aulnes, et largers de deux, faite de laine de moutons, qui croit au derriere de ces bestes, et qui est aussi fine que de la soye: on tient ces estoffes exposées au froid pendant l'hyver: elles ont un beau lustre, semblables aux tabis de nos cartiers."—François Pelsart, in Thevenot's Rélations de divers Voyages, vol. i. pt. 2.

[1634.—A letter in the India Office of Dec. 29 mentions that the Governor of Surat presented to the two chief Factors a horse and "a coat and pamorine" apiece.

[ " O. C., No. 1543A (I. O. Records) mentions the presentation to the President of Surat of a "coat and pamorine."

[1673.—"A couple of pamerins, which are fine mantles."—Fryer's New Account, p. 79; also see 177; in 112 ramerin.

[1766.—"... a lungee (see LOONGHEE) or clout, barely to cover their nakedness, and a pamree or loose mantle to throw over their shoulders, or to lye on upon the ground."—Grose, 2nd ed. ii. 81.]

PANCHĀÑGAM, s. Skt. = 'quinque-partite.' A native almanac in S. India is called so, because it contains information on five subjects, viz. Solar Days, Lunar Days, Asterisms, Yogas, and karaṇas (certain astrological divisions of the days of a month). Panchanga is used also, at least by Buchanan below, for the Brahman who keeps and interprets the almanac for the villagers. [This should be Skt. pañchāngī.]

1612.—"Every year they make new almanacs for the eclipses of the Sun and of the Moon, and they have a perpetual one which serves to pronounce their auguries, and this they call Panchagão."—Couto, V. vi. 4.

1651.—"The Bramins, in order to know the good and bad days, have made certain writings after the fashion of our Almanacks, and these they call Panjangam."—Rogerius, 55. This author gives a specimen (pp. 63-69).

1800.—"No one without consulting the Panchanga, or almanac-keeper, knows when he is to perform the ceremonies of religion."—Buchanan's Mysore, &c., i. 234.

PANDAL, PENDAUL, s. A shed. Tamil pandal, [Skt. bandh, 'to bind'].

1651.—"... it is the custom in this country when there is a Bride in the house to set up before the door certain stakes somewhat taller than a man, and these are covered with lighter sticks on which foliage is put to make a shade.... This arrangement is called a Pandael in the country speech."—Rogerius, 12.

1717.—"Water-Bandels, which are little sheds for the Conveniency of drinking Water."—Phillips's Account, 19.

1745.—"Je suivis la procession d'un peu loin, et arrivé aux sepultures, j'y vis un pandel ou tente dressée, sur la fosse du defunt; elle était ornée de branches de figuier, de toiles peintes, &c. L'intérieur était garnie de petites lampes allumées."—Norbert, Mémoires, iii. 32.

1781.—"Les gens riches font construir devant leur porte un autre pendal."—Sonnerat, ed. 1782, i. 134.

1800.—"I told the farmer that, as I meant to make him pay his full rent, I could not take his fowl and milk without paying for them; and that I would not enter his pundull, because he had not paid the labourers who made it."—Letter of Sir T. Munro, in Life, i. 283.

1814.—"There I beheld, assembled in the same pandaul, or reposing under the friendly banian-tree, the Gosannee (see GOSAIN) in a state of nudity, the Yogee (see JOGEE) with a lark or paroquet his sole companion for a thousand miles."—Forbes, Or. Mem. ii. 465; [2nd ed. ii. 72. In ii. 109 he writes Pendall].

1815.—"Pandauls were erected opposite the two principal fords on the river, where under my medical superintendence skilful natives provided with eau-de-luce and other remedies were constantly stationed."—Dr. M‘Kenzie, in Asiatic Researches, xiii. 329.

PANDÁRAM, s. A Hindu ascetic mendicant of the (so-called) Śūdra, or even of a lower caste. A priest of the lower Hindu castes of S. India and Ceylon. Tamil, paṇḍāram. C. P. Brown says the Paṇḍāram is properly a Vaishnava, but other authors apply the name to Śaiva priests. [The Madras Gloss. derives the word from Skt. pāṇḍu-ranga, 'white-coloured.' Messrs. Cox and Stuart (Man. of N. Arcot. i. 199) derive it from Skt. bhāṇḍagāra, 'a temple-treasury,' wherein were employed those who had renounced the world. "The Pandārams seem to receive numerous recruits from the Śaivite Śúdra castes, who choose to make a profession of piety and wander about begging. They are, in reality, very lax in their modes of life, often drinking liquor and eating animal food furnished by any respectable Śúdra. They often serve in Śiva temples, where they make up garlands of flowers to decorate the lingam, and blow brass trumpets when offerings are made or processions take place" (ibid.).]

1711.—"... But the destruction of 50 or 60,000 pagodas worth of grain ... and killing the Pandarrum; these are things which make his demands really carry too much justice with them."—Letter in Wheeler, ii. 163.

1717.—"... Bramans, Pantarongal, and other holy men."—Phillips's Account, 18. The word is here in the Tamil plural.

1718.—"Abundance of Bramanes, Pantares, and Poets ... flocked together."—Propn. of the Gospel, ii. 18.

1745.—"On voit ici quelquefois les Pandarams ou Penitens qui ont été en pélérinage à Bengale; quand ils retournent ils apportent ici avec grand soin de l'eau du Gange dans des pots ou vases bien formés."—Norbert, Mém. iii. 28.

c. 1760.—"The Pandarams, the Mahometan priests, and the Bramins thomselves yield to the force of truth."—Grose, i. 252.

1781.—"Les Pandarons ne sont pas moins révérés que les Saniasis. Ils sont de la secte de Chiven, se barbouillent toute la figure, la poitrine, et les bras avec des cendres de bouze de vache," &c.—Sonnerat, 8vo. ed., ii. 113-114.

1798.—"The other figure is of a Pandaram or Senassey, of the class of pilgrims to the various pagodas."—Pennant's View of Hindostan, preface.

1800.—"In Chera the Pújáris (see POOJAREE) or priests in these temples are all Pandarums, who are the Súdras dedicated to the service of Siva's temples...."—Buchanan's Mysore, &c., ii. 338.

1809.—"The chief of the pagoda (Rameswaram), or Pandaram, waiting on the beach."—Ld. Valentia, i. 338.

1860.—"In the island of Nainativoe, to the south-west of Jafna, there was till recently a little temple, dedicated to the goddess Naga Tambiran, in which consecrated serpents were tenderly reared by the Pandarams, and daily fed at the expense of the worshippers."—Tennent's Ceylon, i. 373.

PANDARĀNI, n.p. The name of a port of Malabar of great reputation in the Middle Ages, a name which has gone through many curious corruptions. Its position is clear enough from Varthema's statement that an uninhabited island stood opposite at three leagues distance, which must be the "Sacrifice Rock" of our charts. [The Madras Gloss. identifies it with Collam.] The name appears upon no modern map, but it still attaches to a miserable fishing village on the site, in the form Pantalānī (approx. lat. 11° 26′), a little way north of Koilandi. It is seen below in Ibn Batuta's notice that Pandarāni afforded an exceptional shelter to shipping during the S.W. monsoon. This is referred to in an interesting letter to one of the present writers from his friend Col. (now Lt.-Gen.) R. H. Sankey, C.B., R.E., dated Madras, 13th Feby., 1881: "One very extraordinary feature on the coast is the occurrence of mud-banks in from 1 to 6 fathoms of water, which have the effect of breaking both surf and swell to such an extent that ships can run into the patches of water so sheltered at the very height of the monsoon, when the elements are raging, and not only find a perfectly still sea, but are able to land their cargoes.... Possibly the snugness of some of the harbours frequented by the Chinese junks, such as Pandarani, may have been mostly due to banks of this kind? By the way, I suspect your 'Pandarani' was nothing but the roadstead of Coulete (Coulandi or Quelande of our Atlas). The Master Attendant who accompanied me, appears to have a good opinion of it as an anchorage, and as well sheltered." [See Logan, Malabar, i. 72.]

c. 1150.—"Fandarina is a town built at the mouth of a river which comes from Manibár (see MALABAR), where vessels from India and Sind cast anchor. The inhabitants are rich, the markets well supplied, and trade flourishing."—Edrisi, in Elliot, i. 90.

1296.—"In the year (1296) it was prohibited to merchants who traded in fine or costly products with Maparh (Ma'bar or Coromandel), Peï-nan (?) and Fantalaina, three foreign kingdoms, to export any one of them more than the value of 50,000 ting in paper money."—Chinese Annals of the Mongol Dynasty, quoted by Pauthier, Marc Pol, 532.

c. 1300.—"Of the cities on the shore the first is Sindábúr, then Faknúr, then the country of Manjarúr, then the country of Hílí, then the country of (Fandaraina^[204])."—Rashíduddín, in Elliot, i. 68.

c. 1321.—"And the forest in which the pepper groweth extendeth for a good 18 days' journey, and in that forest there be two cities, the one whereof is called Flandrina, and the other Cyngilin" (see SHINKALI).—Friar Odoric, in Cathay, &c., 75.

c. 1343.—"From Boddfattan we proceeded to Fandaraina, a great and fine town with gardens and bazars. The Musulmans there occupy three quarters, each having its mosque.... It is at this town that the ships of China pass the winter" (i.e. the S.W. monsoon).—Ibn Batuta, iv. 88. (Compare Roteiro below.)

c. 1442.—"The humble author of this narrative having received his order of dismissal departed from Calicut by sea, after having passed the port of Bendinaneh (read Bandarānah, and see MANGALORE, a) situated on the coast of Melabar, (he) reached the port of Mangalor...."—Abdurrazzāk, in India in XVth Cent., 20.

1498.—"... hum lugar que se chama Pandarany ... por que alii estava bom porto, e que alii nos amarassemos ... e que era costume que os navios que vinham a esta terra pousasem alii por estarem seguros...."—Roteiro de Vasco da Gama, 53.

1503.—"Da poi feceno vela et in vn porto de dicto Re chiamato Fundarane amazorno molta gẽte cõ artelaria et deliberorno andare verso il regno de Cuchin...."—Letter of King Emanuel, p. 5.

c. 1506.—"Questo capitanio si trovò nave 17 de mercadanti Mori in uno porto se chima Panidarami, e combattè con queste le quali se messeno in terra; per modo che questo capitanio mandò tutti li soi copani ben armadi con un baril de polvere per cadaun copano, e mise fuoco dentro dette navi de Mori; e tutte quelle brasolle, con tutte quelle spezierie che erano carghe per la Mecha, e s'intende ch'erano molto ricche...."—Leonardo Ca' Masser, 20-21.

1510.—"Here we remained two days, and then departed, and went to a place which is called Pandarani, distant from this one day's journey, and which is subject to the King of Calicut. This place is a wretched affair, and has no port."—Varthema, 153.

1516.—"Further on, south south-east, is another Moorish place which is called Pandarani, in which also there are many ships."—Barbosa, 152.

In Rowlandson's Translation of the Tohfat-ul-Majāhidīn (Or. Transl. Fund, 1833), the name is habitually misread Fundreeah for Fundaraina.

1536.—"Martim Afonso ... ran along the coast in search of the paraos, the galleys and caravels keeping the sea, and the foists hugging the shore. And one morning they came suddenly on Cunhalemarcar with 25 paraos, which the others had sent to collect rice; and on catching sight of them as they came along the coast towards the Isles of Pandarane, Diogo de Reynoso, who was in advance of our foists, he and his brother ... and Diogo Corvo ... set off to engage the Moors, who were numerous and well armed. And Cunhale, when he knew it was Martim Afonso, laid all pressure on his oars to double the Point of Tiracole...."—Correa, iii. 775.

PANDY, s. The most current colloquial name for the Sepoy mutineer during 1857-58. The surname Pāṇḍē [Skt. Paṇḍita] was a very common one among the high-caste Sepoys of the Bengal army, being the title of a Jōt [got, gotra] or subdivisional branch of the Brahmins of the Upper Provinces, which furnished many men to the ranks. "The first two men hung" (for mutiny) "at Barrackpore were Pandies by caste, hence all sepoys were Pandies, and ever will be so called" (Bourchier, as below). "In the Bengal army before the Mutiny, there was a person employed in the quarter-guard to strike the gong, who was known as the gunta Pandy" (M.-G. Keatinge). Ghanṭā, 'a gong or bell.'

1857.—"As long as I feel the entire confidence I do, that we shall triumph over this iniquitous combination, I cannot feel gloom. I leave this feeling to the Pandies, who have sacrificed honour and existence to the ghost of a delusion."—H. Greathed, Letters during the Siege of Delhi, 99.

" "We had not long to wait before the line of guns, howitzers, and mortar carts, chiefly drawn by elephants, soon hove in sight.... Poor Pandy, what a pounding was in store for you!..."—Bourchier, Eight Months' Campaign against the Bengal Sepoy Army, 47.

PANGARA, PANGAIA, s. From the quotations, a kind of boat used on the E. coast of Africa. [Pyrard de Laval (i. 53, Hak. Soc.) speaks of a "kind of raft called a panguaye," on which Mr. Gray comments: "As Rivara points out, Pyrard mistakes the use of the word panguaye, or, as the Portuguese write it, pangaio, which was a small sailing canoe.... Rivara says the word is still used in Portuguese India and Africa for a two-masted barge with lateen sails. It is mentioned in Lancaster's Voyages (Hak. Soc. pp. 5, 6, and 26), where it is described as being like a barge with one mat sail of coco-nut leaves. 'The barge is sowed together with the rindes of trees and pinned with wooden pinnes.' See also Alb. Comm. Hak. Soc. iii. p. 60, note; and Dr. Burnell's note to Linschoten, Hak. Soc. i. p. 32, where it appears that the word is used as early as 1505, in Dom Manoel's letter."]

[1513.—Pandejada and Panguagada are used for a sort of boat near Malacca in D'Andrade's Letter to Alboquerque of 22 Feby.; and we have "a Pandejada laden with supplies and arms" in India Office MS., Corpo Chronologico, vol. i.]

1591.—"... divers Pangaras or boates, which are pinned with wooden pinnes, and sowed together with Palmito cordes."—Barker, in Hakluyt, ii. 588.

1598.—"In this fortresse of Sofala the Captaine of Mossambique hath a Factor, and twice or thrice every yere he sendeth certaine boats called Pangaios, which saile along the shore to fetch gold, and bring it to Mossambique. These Pangaios are made of light planks, and sowed together with cords, without any nailes."—Linschoten, ch. 4; [Hak. Soc. i. 32].

1616.—"Each of these bars, of Quilimane, Cumama, and Luabo, allows of the entrance of vessels of 100 tons, viz., galeots and pangaios, loaded with cloth and provisions; and when they enter the river they discharge cargo into other light and very long boats called almadias...."—Bocarro, Decada, 534.

[1766.—"Their larger boats, called panguays, are raised some feet from the sides with reeds and branches of trees, well bound together with small-cord, and afterwards made water-proof, with a kind of bitumen, or resinous substance."—Grose, 2nd ed. ii. 13.]

PANGOLIN, s. This book-name for the Manis is Malay Pangūlang, 'the creature that rolls itself up.' [Scott says: "The Malay word is peng-goling, transcribed also peng-guling; Katingan pengiling. It means 'roller,' or, more literally, 'roll up.' The word is formed from goling, 'roll, wrap,' with the denominative prefix pe-, which takes before g the form peng." Mr. Skeat remarks that the modern Malay form is teng-giling or senggiling, but the latter seems to be used, not for the Manis, but for a kind of centipede which rolls itself up. "The word pangolin, to judge by its form, should be derived from guling, which means to 'roll over and over.' The word pangguling or pengguling in the required sense of Manis, does not exist in standard Malay. The word was either derived from some out-of-the-way dialect, or was due to some misunderstanding on the part of the Europeans who first adopted it." Its use in English begins with Pennant (Synopsis of Quadrupeds, 1771, p. 329). Adam Burt gives a dissection of the animal in Asiat. Res. ii. 353 seqq.] It is the Manis pentedactyla of Linn.; called in Hind. bajrkīt (i.e. Skt. vajra-kiṭa 'adamant reptile'). We have sometimes thought that the Manis might have been the creature which was shown as a gold-digging ant (see Busbeck below); was not this also the creature that Bertrandon de la Brocquière met with in the desert of Gaza? When pursued, "it began to cry like a cat at the approach of a dog. Pierre de la Vaudrei struck it on the back with the point of his sword, but it did no harm, from being covered with scales like a sturgeon." A.D. 1432. (T. Wright's Early Travels in Palestine, p. 290) (Bohn). It is remarkable to find the statement that these ants were found in the possession of the King of Persia recurring in Herodotus and in Busbeck, with an interval of nearly 2000 years! We see that the suggestion of the Manis being the gold-digging ant has been anticipated by Mr. Blakesley in his Herodotus. ["It is now understood that the gold-digging ants were neither, as ancients supposed, an extraordinary kind of real ants, nor, as many learned men have since supposed, large animals mistaken for ants, but Tibetan miners who, like their descendants of the present day, preferred working their mines in winter when the frozen soil stands well and is not likely to trouble them by falling in. The Sanskrit word pipilika denotes both an ant and a particular kind of gold" (McCrindle, Ancient India, its Invasion by Alexander the Great, p. 341 seq.]

c. B.C. 445.—"Here in this desert, there live amid the sand great ants, in size somewhat less than dogs, but bigger than foxes. The Persian King has a number of them, which have been caught by the hunters in the land whereof we are speaking...."—Herod. iii. 102 (Rawlinson's tr.).

1562.—Among presents to the G. Turk from the King of Persia: "in his inusitati generis animantes, qualem memini dictum fuisse allatam formicam Indicam mediocris canis magnitudine, mordacem admodum et saevam."—Busbequii Opera, Elzev., 1633, p. 343.

PANICALE, s. This is mentioned by Bluteau (vi. 223) as an Indian disease, a swelling of the feet. Câle is here probably the Tamil kāl, 'leg.' [Ānaikkāl is the Tamil name for what is commonly called Cochin Leg.]

PANIKAR, PANYCA, &c., s. Malayāl. paṇikan, 'a fencing-master, a teacher' [Mal. paṇi, 'work,' karan, 'doer']; but at present it more usually means 'an astrologer.'

1518.—"And there are very skilful men who teach this art (fencing), and they are called Panicars."—Barbosa, 128.

1553.—"And when (the Naire) comes to the age of 7 years he is obliged to go to the fencing-school, the master of which (whom they call Panical) they regard as a father, on account of the instruction he gives them."—Barros, I. ix. 3.

1554.—"To the panical (in the Factory at Cochin) 300 reis a month, which are for the year 3600 reis."—S. Botelho, Tombo, 24.

1556.—"... aho Rei arma caualleiro ho Panica q̃ ho ensinou."—D. de Goes, Chron. 51.

1583.—"The maisters which teach them, be graduats in the weapons which they teach, and they bee called in their language Panycaes."—Castañeda (by N. L.), f. 36v.

1599.—"L'Archidiacre pour assurer sa personne fit appeller quelques-uns des principaux Maitres d'Armes de sa Nation. On appelle ces Gens-là Panicals.... Ils sont extremement redoutez."—La Croze, 101.

1604.—"The deceased Panical had engaged in his pay many Nayres, with obligation to die for him."—Guerrero, Relacion, 90.

1606.—"Paniquais is the name by which the same Malauares call their masters of fence."—Gouvea, f. 28.

1644.—"To the cost of a Penical and 4 Nayres who serve the factory in the conveyance of the pepper on rafts for the year 12,960 res."—Bocarro, MS. 316.

PANTHAY, PANTHÉ, s. This is the name applied of late years in Burma, and in intelligence coming from the side of Burma, to the Mahommedans of Yunnan, who established a brief independence at Talifu, between 1867 and 1873. The origin of the name is exceedingly obscure. It is not, as Mr. Baber assures us, used or known in Yunnan itself (i.e. by the Chinese). It must be remarked that the usual Burmese name for a Mahommedan is Pathí, and one would have been inclined to suppose Panthé to be a form of the same; as indeed we see that Gen. Fytche has stated it to be (Burma, Past and Present, ii. 297-8). But Sir Arthur Phayre, a high authority, in a note with which he has favoured us, observes: "Panthé, I believe, comes from a Chinese word signifying 'native or indigenous.' It is quite a modern name in Burma, and is applied exclusively to the Chinese Mahommedans who come with caravans from Yunnan. I am not aware that they can be distinguished from other Chinese caravan traders, except that they do not bring hams for sale as the others do. In dress and appearance, as well as in drinking samshu (see SAMSHOO) and gambling, they are like the others. The word Pa-thi again is the old Burmese word for 'Mahommedan.' It is applied to all Mahommedans other than the Chinese Panthé. It is in no way connected with the latter word, but is, I believe, a corruption of Pārsī or Fārsī, i.e. Persian." He adds:—"The Burmese call their own indigenous Mahommedans 'Pathi-Kulà,' and Hindus 'Hindu-Kulà,' when they wish to distinguish between the two" (see KULA). The last suggestion is highly probable, and greatly to be preferred to that of M. Jacquet, who supposed that the word might be taken from Pasei in Sumatra, which was during part of the later Middle Ages a kind of metropolis of Islam, in the Eastern Seas.^[205]

We may mention two possible origins for Panthé, as indicating lines for enquiry:—

a. The title Pathí (or Passí, for the former is only the Burmese lisping utterance) is very old. In the remarkable Chinese Account of Camboja, dating from the year 1296, which has been translated by Abel-Rémusat, there is a notice of a sect in Camboja called Pa-sse. The author identifies them in a passing way, with the Tao-sse, but that is a term which Fah-hian also in India uses in a vague way, apparently quite inapplicable to the Chinese sect properly so called. These Pa-sse, the Chinese writer says, "wear a red or white cloth on their heads, like the head-dress of Tartar women, but not so high. They have edifices or towers, monasteries, and temples, but not to be compared for magnitude with those of the Buddhists.... In their temples there are no images ... they are allowed to cover their towers and their buildings with tiles. The Pa-sse never eat with a stranger to their sect, and do not allow themselves to be seen eating; they drink no wine," &c. (Rémusat, Nouv. Mél. As., i. 112). We cannot be quite sure that this applies to Mahommedans, but it is on the whole probable that the name is the same as the Pathi of the Burmese, and has the same application. Now the people from whom the Burmese were likely to adopt a name for the Yunnan Mahommedans are the Shans, belonging to the great Siamese race, who occupy the intermediate country. The question occurs:—Is Panthé a Shan term for Mahommedan? If so, is it not probably only a dialectic variation of the Passe of Camboja, the Pathí of Burma, but entering Burma from a new quarter, and with its identity thus disguised? (Cushing, in his Shan Dict. gives Pasī for Mahommedan. We do not find Panthé). There would be many analogies to such a course of things.

["The name Panthay is a purely Burmese word, and has been adopted by us from them. The Shan word Pang-hse is identical, and gives us no help to the origin of the term. Among themselves and to the Chinese they are known as Hui-hui or Hui-tzu (Mahomedans)."—J. G. Scott, Gazetteer Upper Burma, I. i. 606.]

b. We find it stated in Lieut. Garnier's narrative of his great expedition to Yunnan that there is a hybrid Chinese race occupying part of the plain of Tali-fu, who are called Pen-ti (see Garnier, Voy. d'Expl. i. 518). This name again, it has been suggested, may possibly have to do with Panthé. But we find that Pen-ti ('root-soil') is a generic expression used in various parts of S. China for 'aborigines'; it could hardly then have been applied to the Mahommedans.