INDEX. (continued 2)

Notes

[1]

The dedication was sent for press on 6th January; on the 13th, G. U. Y. departed to his rest.

[2]

Three of the mottoes that face the title were also sent by him.

[3]

See Note A. at end of Introduction.

[4]

Professor Wilson's work may perhaps bear re-editing, but can hardly, for its purpose, be superseded. The late eminent Telugu scholar, Mr. C. P. Brown, interleaved, with criticisms and addenda, a copy of Wilson, which is now in the India Library. I have gone through it, and borrowed a few notes, with acknowledgment by the initials C. P. B. The amount of improvement does not strike me as important.

[5]

Nautch, it may be urged, is admitted to full franchise, being used by so eminent a writer as Mr. Browning. But the fact that his use is entirely misuse, seems to justify the classification in the text (see Gloss., s.v.). A like remark applies to compound. See for the tremendous fiasco made in its intended use by a most intelligent lady novelist, the last quotation s.v. in Gloss.

[6]

Gloss., s.v. (note p. 659, col. a), contains quotations from the Vulgate of the passage in Canticles iii. 9, regarding King Solomon's ferculum of Lebanon cedar. I have to thank an old friend for pointing out that the word palanquin has, in this passage, received solemn sanction by its introduction into the Revised Version.

[7]

See these words in Gloss.

[8]

See this word in Gloss.

[9]

See A. Weber, in Indian Antiquary, ii. 143 seqq. Most of the other Greek words, which he traces in Sanskrit, are astronomical terms derived from books.

[10]

Varthema, at the very beginning of the 16th century, shows some acquaintance with Malayālam, and introduces pieces of conversation in that language. Before the end of the 16th century, printing had been introduced at other places besides Goa, and by the beginning of the 17th, several books in Indian languages had been printed at Goa, Cochin, and Ambalakkāḍu.—(A. B.)

[11]

"At Point de Galle, in 1860, I found it in common use, and also, somewhat later, at Calecut."—(A. B.)

[12]

See "Notices of Madras and Cuddalore, &c., by the earlier Missionaries." Longman, 1858, passim. See also Manual, &c. in Book-List, infra p. xxxix. Dr. Carey, writing from Serampore as late as 1800, says that the children of Europeans by native women, whether children of English, French, Dutch, or Danes, were all called Portuguese. Smith's Life of Carey, 152.

[13]

See Note B. at end of Introductory Remarks. "Mr. Beames remarked some time ago that most of the names of places in South India are greatly disfigured in the forms used by Europeans. This is because we have adopted the Portuguese orthography. Only in this way it can be explained how Kollaḍam has become Coleroon, Solamaṇdalam, Coromandel, and Tuttukkuḍi, Tuticorin." (A. B.) Mr. Burnell was so impressed with the excessive corruption of S. Indian names, that he would hardly ever willingly venture any explanation of them, considering the matter all too uncertain.

[14]

The nasal termination given to many Indian words, when adopted into European use, as in palanquin, mandarin, &c., must be attributed mainly to the Portuguese; but it cannot be entirely due to them. For we find the nasal termination of Achīn, in Mahommedan writers (see p. 3), and that of Cochin before the Portuguese time (see p. 225), whilst the conversion of Pasei, in Sumatra, into Pacem, as the Portuguese call it, is already indicated in the Basma of Marco Polo.

[15]

The first five examples will be found in Gloss. Banāo, is imperative of banā-nā, 'to fabricate'; lagāo of lagā-nā, 'to lay alongside,' &c.; sumjhāo, of samjhā-nā, 'to cause to understand,' &c.

[16]

This is in the Bombay ordnance nomenclature for a large umbrella. It represents the Port. sombrero!

[17]

Mr. Skeat's Etym. Dict. does not contain mangrove. [It will be found in his Concise Etymological Dict. ed. 1901.]

[18]

'Buggy' of course is not an Oriental word at all, except as adopted from us by Orientals. I call sepoy, jungle, and veranda, good English words; and so I regard them, just as good as alligator, or hurricane, or canoe, or Jerusalem artichoke, or cheroot. What would my friends think of spelling these in English books as alagarto, and huracan, and canoa, and girasole, and shuruṭṭu?

[19]

Unfortunately, the translators of the Indo-Portuguese New Testament have, as much as possible, preserved the Portuguese orthography.

[20]

[In note "Luncheons."]

[21]

i.e., not on the W. coast of the Peninsula, called India especially by the Portuguese. See under INDIA.

[22]

This alludes to the mistaken notion, as old as N. Conti (c. 1440), that Sumatra = Taprobane.

[23]

Sir James Stephen, in Nuncomar and Impey, ii. 221.

[24]

These six were increased in 1781 to eighteen.

[25]

This symbolical action was common among beldars (Bildar), or native navvies, employed on the Ganges Canal many years ago, when they came before the engineer to make a petition. But besides grass in mouth, the beldar stood on one leg, with hands joined before him.

[26]

Also see Dozy, s.v. alcaduz. Alcaduz, according to Cobarruvias, is in Sp. one of the earthen pots of the noria or Persian wheel.

[27]

Query, from captured vessels containing foreign (non-Indian) women? The words are as follows: "As escravas que me diz que lhe mande, tomãose de prezas, que as Gentias d'esta terra são pretas, e mancebas do mundo como chegão a dez annos."

[28]

The English Cyclop. states on the authority of the Sloane MSS. that the pine was brought into England by the Earl of Portland, in 1690. [See Encyl. Brit., 9th ed., xix. 106.]

[29]

M is here a Suāhili prefix. See Bleek's Comp. Grammar, 189.

[30]

This word takes a ludicrous form in Dampier: "All the Indians who spake Malayan ... lookt on those Meangians as a kind of Barbarians; and upon any occasion of dislike, would call them Bobby, that is Hogs."—i. 515.

[31]

["Mr Burke's method of pronouncing it."]

[32]

At Lord Wellesley's table, Major Malcolm mentioned as a notable fact that he and three of his brothers had once met together in India. "Impossible, Malcolm, quite impossible!" said the Governor-General. Malcolm persisted. "No, no," said Lord Wellesley, "if four Malcolms had met, we should have heard the noise all over India!"

[33]

See Chinese Recorder, 1876, vii. 324, and Kovalefski's Mongol Dict. No. 1058.

[34]

Orient und Occident, i. 137.

[35]

Waringin is the Javanese name of a sp. kindred to the banyan, Ficus benjamina, L.

[36]

In a Glossary of Military Terms, appended to Fortification for Officers of the Army and Students of Military History, Edinburgh, Blackwood, 1851.

[37]

Aurut-dar is āṛhat-dār, from H. āṛhat, 'agency'; phorea = H. phaṛiyā, 'a retailer.'

[38]

The "Bahadur" could hardly have read Don Quixote! But what a curious parallel presents itself! When Sancho is bragging of his daughter to the "Squire of the Wood," and takes umbrage at the free epithet which the said Squire applies to her (= laundikā and more); the latter reminds him of the like term of apparent abuse (hardly reproduceable here) with which the mob were wont to greet a champion in the bull-ring after a deft spear-thrust, meaning only the highest fondness and applause!—Part ii. ch. 13.

[39]

"The Greeks call it the Araxes, Khondamīr the Kur."

[40]

On benjuy de boninas ("of flowers"), see De Orta, ff. 28, 30, 31. And on benjuy de amendoada or mandolalo (mandolado? "of almond") id. 30v.

[41]

Kamañan or Kamiñan in Malay and Javanese.

[42]

Folium indicum of the druggist is, however, not betel, but the leaf of the wild cassia (see MALABATHRUM.)

[43]

"Terra e ilha de que El-Rei nosso senhor me fez mercê, aforada em fatiota." Em fatiota is a corruption apparently of emphyteuta, i.e. properly the person to whom land was granted on a lease such as the Civil Law called emphyteusis. "The emphyteuta was a perpetual lessee who paid a perpetual rent to the owner."—English Cycl. s.v. Emphyteusis.

[44]

Naobihār = Nava-Vihāra ('New Buddhist Monastery') is still the name of a district adjoining Balkh.

[45]

This (Sonamukhi, 'Chrysostoma') has continued to be the name of the Viceroy's river yacht (probably) to this day. It was so in Lord Canning's time, then represented by a barge adapted to be towed by a steamer.

[46]

I.e. Pariah dog.

[47]

"Mehtar! cut his ears and tail, quick; fabricate a Terrier!"

[48]

All new.

[49]

"See, I have fabricated a Major!"

[50]

The writer of these lines is believed to have been Captain Robert Skirving, of Croys, Galloway, a brother of Archibald Skirving, a Scotch artist of repute, and the son of Archibald Skirving, of East Lothian, the author of a once famous ballad on the battle of Prestonpans. Captain Skirving served in the Bengal army from about 1780 to 1806, and died about 1840.

[51]

Forchhammer argues further that the original name was Ran or Yan, with m', mā, or pa as a pronominal accent.

[52]

In a note with which we were favoured by the late Prof. Anton Schiefner, he expressed doubts whether the Bakshi of the Tibetans and Mongols was not of early introduction through the Uigurs from some other corrupted Sanskrit word, or even of præ-buddhistic derivation from an Iranian source. We do not find the word in Jaeschke's Tibetan Dictionary.

[53]

Thus: "Chomandarla (i.e. Coromandel) he de Christãoos e o rey Christãoo." So also Ceylam Camatarra, Melequa (Malacca), Peguo, &c., are all described as Christian states with Christian kings. Also the so-called Indian Christians who came on board Da Gama at Melinde seem to have been Hindu banians.

[54]

It may be observed, however, that kwāla in Malay indicates the estuary of a navigable river, and denominates many small ports in the Malay region. The Kalah of the early Arabs is probably the Κῶλι πόλις of Ptolemy's Tables.

[55]

"Capitale des établissements Anglais dans le Bengale. Les Anglais prononcent et écrivent Golgota"(!)

[56]

Not 'a larger kind of cinnamon,' or 'cinnamon which is known there by the name of crassa' (canellae quae grossae appellantur), as Mr. Winter Jones oddly renders, but canella grossa, i.e. 'coarse' cinnamon, alias cassia.

[57]

Sir J. Hooker observes that the fact that there is an acid and a sweet-fruited variety (blimbee) of this plant indicates a very old cultivation.

[58]

Dr. R. Rost observes to us that the Arabic letter ẓwād is pronounced by the Malays like ll (see also Crawfurd's Malay Grammar, p. 7). And it is curious to find a transfer of the same letter into Spanish as ld. In Malay ḳāḍī becomes ḳāllī.

[59]

These are probably the same as Milburn, under Tuticorin, calls ketchies. We do not know the proper name. [See Putton Ketchies, under PIECE-GOODS.]

[60]

The court for chaugān is ascribed by Codinus (see below) to Theodosius Parvus. This could hardly be the son of Arcadius (A.D. 408-450), but rather Theodosius III. (716-718).

[61]

It may be well to append here the whole list which I find on a scrap of paper in Dr. Burnell's handwriting (Y):

[62]

I leave this passage as Dr. Burnell wrote it. But though limited to a specific locality, of which I doubt not it was true, it conveys an idea of the entire extinction of the ancient chintz production which I find is not justified by the facts, as shown in a most interesting letter from Mr. Purdon Clarke, C.S.I., of the India Museum. One kind is still made at Masulipatam, under the superintendence of Persian merchants, to supply the Ispahan market and the "Moghul" traders at Bombay. At Pulicat very peculiar chintzes are made, which are entirely Ḳalam Kārī work, or hand-painted (apparently the word now used instead of the Calmendār of Tavernier,—see above, and under CALAMANDER). This is a work of infinite labour, as the ground has to be stopped off with wax almost as many times as there are colours used. At Combaconum Sarongs (q.v.) are printed for the Straits. Very bold printing is done at Wālājāpet in N. Arcot, for sale to the Moslem at Hyderabad and Bangalore.

An anecdote is told me by Mr. Clarke which indicates a caution as to more things than chintz printing. One particular kind of chintz met with in S. India, he was assured by the vendor, was printed at W——; but he did not recognize the locality. Shortly afterwards, visiting for the second time the city of X. (we will call it), where he had already been assured by the collector's native aids that there was no such manufacture, and showing the stuff, with the statement of its being made at W——, 'Why,' said the collector, 'that is where I live!' Immediately behind his bungalow was a small bazar, and in this the work was found going on, though on a small scale.

Just so we shall often find persons "who have been in India, and on the spot"—asseverating that at such and such a place there are no missions or no converts; whilst those who have cared to know, know better.—(H. Y.)

[For Indian chintzes, see Forbes Watson, Textile Manufactures, 90 seqq.; Mukharji, Art Manufactures of India, 348 seqq.; S. H. Hadi, Mon. on Dyes and Dyeing in the N.W.P. and Oudh, 44 seqq.; Francis, Mon. on Punjab Cotton Industry, 6.]

[63]

There is no reason to suppose that Linschoten had himself been to Chittagong. My friend, Dr. Burnell, in his (posthumous) edition of Linschoten for the Hakluyt Society has confounded Chātigam in this passage with Satgaon—see Porto Piqueno (H. Y.).

[64]

The chātak which figures in Hindu poetry, is, according to the dictionaries, Cuculus melanoleucos, which must be the pied cuckoo, Coccystes melanoleucos, Gm., in Jerdon; but this surely cannot be Sir William's "most beautiful little bird he ever saw"?

[65]

Thus, in Shakspeare, "This is Monsieur Parolles, the gallant militarist ... that had the whole theorie of war in the knot of his scarf, the practice in the chape of his dagger."—All's Well that Ends Well, iv. 3. And, in the Scottish Rates and Valuatiouns, under 1612:

[66]

"... e quanto á moeda, ser chapada de sua sica (by error printed sita), pois já lhe concedea, que todo o proveyto serya del Rey de Portuguall, como soya a ser dos Reis dos Guzarates, e ysto nas terras que nos tiuermos em Canbaya, e a nós quisermos bater."—Treaty (1537) in S. Botelho, Tombo, 226.

[67]

H. Ṭikiyā is a little cake of charcoal placed in the bowl of the hooka, or hubble-bubble.

[68]

See Fergusson & Burgess, Cave Temples, pp. 168 & 349. See also Mr. James Campbell's excellent Bombay Gazetteer, xiv. 52, where reasons are stated against the view of Dr. Burgess.

[69]

Stat. and Geog. Rep. of the 24 Pergunnahs District, Calcutta, 1857, p. 57.

[70]

Lingue di San Paolo is a name given to fossil sharks' teeth, which are commonly found in Malta, and in parts of Sicily.

[71]

I have seen more snakes in a couple of months at the Bagni di Lucca, than in any two years passed in India.—H. Y.

[72]

Duarte Pacheco Pereira, whose defence of the Fort at Cochin (c. 1504) against a great army of the Zamorin's, was one of the great feats of the Portuguese in India. [Comm. Alboquerque, Hak. Soc. i. 5.]

[73]

MS. communication from Prof. Terrien de la Couperie.

[74]

It may be noted that Theophrastus describes under the names of κύκας and κόϊξ a palm of Ethiopia, which was perhaps the Doom palm of Upper Egypt (Theoph. H. P. ii. 6, 10). Schneider, the editor of Theoph., states that Sprengel identified this with the coco-palm. See the quotation from Pliny below.

[75]

This mythical story of the unique tree producing this nut curiously shadows the singular fact that one island only (Praslin) of that secluded group, the Seychelles, bears the Lodoicea as an indigenous and spontaneous product. (See Sir L. Pelly, in J.R.G.S., xxxv. 232.)

[76]

Kalāpā, or Klāpā, is the Javanese word for coco-nut palm, and is that commonly used by the Dutch.

[77]

It is curious that Ducange has a L. Latin word cahua, 'vinum album et debile.'

[78]

See the extract in De Sacy's Chrestomathie Arabe cited below. Playfair, in his history of Yemen, says coffee was first introduced from Abyssinia by Jamāluddīn Ibn Abdalla, Kāḍī of Aden, in the middle of the 15th century: the person differs, but the time coincides.

[79]

There seems no foundation for this.

[80]

i.e. Bacca Lauri; laurel berry.

[81]

There is here a doubtful reading. The next paragraph shows that the word should be κομαρεὶ. [We should also read for βριάριον, φρούριον, a watch-post, citadel.]

[82]

I had this from one of the party, my respected friend Bishop Caldwell.—H. Y.

[83]

On the origin of this word for a long time different opinions were held by my lamented friend Burnell and by me. And when we printed a few specimens in the Indian Antiquary, our different arguments were given in brief (see I. A., July 1879, pp. 202, 203). But at a later date he was much disposed to come round to the other view, insomuch that in a letter of Sept. 21, 1881, he says: "Compound can, I think, after all, be Malay Kampong; take these lines from a Malay poem"—then giving the lines which I have transcribed on the following page. I have therefore had no scruple in giving the same unity to this article that had been unbroken in almost all other cases.—H. Y.

[84]

"This elephant is a very pious animal"—a German friend once observed in India, misled by the double sense of his vernacular fromm ('harmless, tame' as well as 'pious or innocent').

[85]

J.R.A.S., N.S. v. 148. He had said the same in earlier writings, and was apparently the original author of this suggestion. [But see above.]

[86]

See Bp. Caldwell's Comp. Gram., 18, 95, &c.

[87]

See Tennent, i. 395.

[88]

"This coast bears commonly the corrupted name of Choromandel, and is now called only thus; but the right name is Sjola-mandalam, after Sjola, a certain kingdom of that name, and mandalam, 'a kingdom,' one that used in the old times to be an independent and mighty empire."—Val. v. 2.

[89]

e.g. 1675.—"Hence the country ... has become very rich, wherefore the Portuguese were induced to build a town on the site of the old Gentoo (Jentiefze) city Chiormandelan."—Report on the Dutch Conquests in Ceylon and S. India, by Rykloof Van Goens in Valentijn, v. (Ceylon) 234.

[90]

"It is characteristic of this region (central forests of Ceylon) that in traversing the forest they calculate their march, not by the eye, or by measures of distance, but by sounds. Thus a 'dog's cry' indicates a quarter of a mile; a 'cock's crow,' something more; and a 'hoo' implies the space over which a man can be heard when shouting that particular monosyllable at the pitch of his voice."—Tennent's Ceylon, ii. 582. In S. Canara also to this day such expressions as "a horn's blow," "a man's call," are used in the estimation of distances. [See under GOW.]

[91]

Le Nord de la Sibérie, i. 82.

[92]

"... that Royal Alley of Trees planted by the command of Jehan-Guire, and continued by the same order for 150 leagues, with little Pyramids or Turrets erected every half league."—Bernier, E.T. 91; [ed. Constable, 284].

[93]

This gloss is a mistake.

[94]

Note communicated by Professor Terrien de la Couperie.

[95]

Kāhan, see above = 1280 cowries.

[96]

A Kāg would seem here to be equivalent to ¼ of a cowry. Wilson, with (?) as to its origin [perhaps P. kāk, 'minute'], explains it as "a small division of money of account, less than a ganḍa of Kauris." Til is properly the sesamum seed, applied in Bengal, Wilson says, "in account to 1⁄80 of a kauri." The Table would probably thus run: 20 til = 1 kāg, 4 kāg = 1 kauri, and so forth. And 1 rupee = 409,600 til!

[97]

See Madras Journal, xiii. 127.

[98]

Ind. Ant. iii. 309.

[99]

Camalli (= facchini) survives from the Arabic in some parts of Sicily.

[100]

Sir Joseph Hooker observes that the use of the terms Custard-apple, Bullock's heart, and Sweet-sop has been so indiscriminate or uncertain that it is hardly possible to use them with unquestionable accuracy.

[101]

Mysore is nonsense. As suggested by Sir J. Campbell in the Bombay Gazetteer, Misr (Egypt) is probably the word.

[102]

Kumbha means an earthen pot, and also the "frontal globe on the upper part of the forehead of the elephant." The latter meaning was, according to Prof. Forchhammer, that intended, being applied to the hillocks on which the town stood, because of their form. But the Burmese applied it to 'alms-bowls,' and invented a legend of Buddha and his two disciples having buried their alms-bowls at this spot.

[103]

A correction is made here on Lord Stanley's translation.

[104]

Probably not much stress can be laid on this last statement. [The N.E.D. thinks that the Arabic word came from the West].

[105]

We owe this quotation, as well as that below from Ibn Jubair, to the kindness of Prof. Robertson Smith. On the proceedings of 'Omar see also Sir Wm. Muir's Annals of the Early Caliphate in the chapter quoted below.

[106]

At p. 6 there is an Arabic letter, dated A.D. 1200, from Abdurrahmān ibn 'Ali Tāhir, 'al-nazir ba-dīwān Ifriḳiya,' inspector of the dogana of Africa. But in the Latin version this appears as Rector omnium Christianorum qui veniunt in totam provinciam de Africa (p. 276). In another letter, without date, from Yusuf ibn Mahommed Sāhib diwān Tunis wal-Mahdia, Amari renders 'preposto della dogana di Tunis,' &c. (p. 311).

[107]

The present generation in England can have no conception how closely this description applies to what took place at many an English port before Sir Robert Peel's great changes in the import tariff. The present writer, in landing from a P. & O. steamer at Portsmouth in 1843, after four or five days' quarantine in the Solent, had to go through five to six hours of such treatment as Ibn Jubair describes, and his feelings were very much the same as the Moor's.—[H. Y.]

[108]

Ar. takāẓā, dunning or importunity.

[109]

This is the date of the Penal Code, as originally submitted to Lord Auckland, by T. B. Macaulay and his colleagues; and in that original form this passage is found as § 283, and in chap. xv. of Offences relating to Religion and Caste.

[110]

The passage referred to is probably that where Cosmas relates an adventure of his friend Sopatrus, a trader in Taprobane, or Ceylon, at the king's court. A Persian present brags of the power and wealth of his own monarch. Sopatrus says nothing till the king calls on him for an answer. He appeals to the king to compare the Roman gold denarius (called by Cosmas νόμισμα), and the Persian silver drachma, both of which were at hand, and to judge for himself which suggested the greater monarch. "Now the nomisma was a coin of right good ring and fine ruddy gold, bright in metal and elegant in execution, for such coins are picked on purpose to take thither, whilst the miliaresion (or drachma), to say it in one word, was of silver, and of course bore no comparison with the gold coin," &c. In another passage he says that elephants in Taprobane were sold at from 50 to 100 nomismata and more, which seems to imply that the gold denarii were actually current in Ceylon. See the passages at length in Cathay, &c., pp. clxxix-clxxx.

[111]

It will be seen that the Indian cry also appeals to the Prince expressly. It was the good fortune of one of the present writers (A. B.) to have witnessed the call of Haro! brought into serious operation at Jersey.

[112]

Tagādāgīr, under the Mahrattas, was an officer who enforced the State demands against defaulting cultivators (Wilson); and no doubt it was here an officer similarly employed to enforce the execution of contracts by weavers and others who had received advances. It is a corruption of Pers. takāẓagīr, from Ar. takāẓā, importunity (see quotation of 1819, under DHURNA).

[113]

[Mr. F. Brandt suggests that this word may be Telegu Thumiar, túmu being a measure of grain, and possibly the "Dumiers" may have been those entitled to receive the dustooree in grain.]

[114]

Royle says "Malayan agila," but this is apparently a misprint for Malayālam.

[115]

We do not find information as to which tree produces the eagle-wood sold in the Tenasserim bazars. [It seems to be A. agallocha: see Watt, Econ. Dict. i. 279 seq.].

[116]

This lign aloes, "genuine, black, heavy, very choice," is presumably the fine kind from Champa: the aguila the inferior product.

[117]

Pīlu, for elephant, occurs in certain Sanskrit books, but it is regarded as a foreign word.

[118]

See Lassen, i. 313; Max Müller's Lectures on Sc. of Language, 1st S. p. 189.

[119]

"As regards the interpretation of habbim, a ἅπαξ λεγ., in the passage where the state of the text, as shown by comparison with the LXX, is very unsatisfactory, it seems impossible to say anything that can be of the least use in clearing up the origin of elephant. The O. T. speaks so often of ivory, and never again by this name, that habbim must be either a corruption or some trade-name, presumably for some special kind of ivory. Personally, I believe it far more likely that habbim is at bottom the same as hobnim (ebony?) associated with shen in Ezekiel xxvii. 15, and that the passage once ran 'ivory and ebony'"—(W. Robertson Smith); [also see Encycl. Bibl. ii. 2297 seq.].

[120]

See Zeitschr. für die Kie Kunde des Morgs. iv. 12 seqq.; also Ebehr. Schrader in Zeitsch. d. M. Gesellsch. xxvii. 706 seqq.; [Encycl. Bibl. ii. 1262].

[121]

In Journ. As., ser. iv. tom. ii.

[122]

In Kuhn's Zeitschr. für Vergleichende Sprachkunst, iv. 128-131.

[123]

Detmold, pp. 950-952.

[124]

See Topography of Thebes, with a General View of Egypt, 1835, p. 153.

[125]

See e.g. Brugsch's Hist. of the Pharaohs, 2d ed. i. 396-400; and Canon Rawlinson's Egypt, ii. 235-6.

[126]

In Z. für Aegypt. Spr. und Aetferth. 1873, pp. 1-9, 63, 64; also tr. by Dr. Birch in Records of the Past, vol. ii. p. 59 (no date, more shame to S. Bagster & Sons); and again by Ebers, revised in Z.D.M.G., 1876, pp. 391 seqq.

[127]

See Canon Rawlinson's Egypt, u.s.

[128]

For the painting see Wilkinson's Ancient Egyptians, edited by Birch, vol. i. pl. 11 b, which shows the Rutennu bringing a chariot and horses, a bear, an elephant, and ivory tusks, as tribute to Thotmes III. For other records see Brugsch, E.T., 2nd ed. i. 381, 384, 404.

[129]

Die Inschriften Tighlathpileser's I., ... mit Übersetzung und Kommentar von Dr. Wilhelm Lotz, Leipzig, 1880, p. 53; [and see Maspero, op. cit. 661 seq.].

[130]

Lotz, loc. cit. p. 197.

[131]

See J. R. As. Soc. vol. xviii.

[132]

Here is the origin of Tennyson's 'serpent-hands' quoted under HATTY. The title bos Luca is explained by St. Isidore:

"Hos boves Lucanos vocabant antiqui Romani: boves quia nullum animal grandius videbant: Lucanos quia in Lucania illos primus Pyrrhus in prœlio objecit Romanis."—Isid. Hispal. lib. xii. Originum, cap. 2.

[133]

It is not easy to understand the bearing of the drawing in question.

[134]

This use of campo is more like the sense of Compound (q.v.) than in any instance we had found when completing that article.

[135]

Galeon is here the galliot of later days. See above.

[136]

"A kind of boat," is all that Crawfurd tells.—Malay Dict. s.v. ["Banting, a native sailing-vessel with two masts"—Williamson, Malay Dict.: "Bantieng, soort van boot met twee masten"—Van Eysinga, Malay-Dutch Dict.]

[137]

There is no justification for this word in the Latin.

[138]

"Rheede says: 'Etiam in sylvis et desertis reperitur' (Hort. Mal. xi. 10). But I am not aware of any botanist having found it wild. I suspect that no one has looked for it."—Sir J. D. Hooker.

[139]

Gebeli, Ar. "of the hills." Neli is also read dely, probably for d'Ely (see DELY, MOUNT). The Ely ginger is mentioned by Barbosa (p. 220).

[140]

From Amari's Italian version.

[141]

The two companies which escaladed were led by Captain Bruce, a brother of the Abyssinian traveller. "It is said that the spot was pointed out to Popham by a cowherd, and that the whole of the attacking party were supplied with grass shoes to prevent them from slipping on the ledges of rock. There is a story also that the cost of these grass-shoes was deducted from Popham's pay, when he was about to leave India as a major-general, nearly a quarter of a century afterwards."—Cunningham, Arch. Surv. ii. 340.

[142]

I.e. ḥamāmī, a bath attendant. Compare the Hummums in Covent Garden.

[143]

Hemāchal and Hemakūt also occur in the Āīn (see Gladwin, ii. 342, 343; [ed. Jarrett, iii. 30, 31]). Karāchal is the name used by Ibn Batuta in the 14th century, and by Al-Birūni 300 years earlier. 17th century writers often call the Himālaya the "Mountains of Nuggur-Cote" (q.v.). [Mr. Tawney writes: "We have in Ṛig Veda (x. 121) ime himavanto parvatāḥ, 'these snowy mountains,' spoken of as abiding by the might of Prajāpati. In the Bhagavadgītā, an episode of the Mahābhārata, Kṛishṇa says that he is 'the Himālaya among stable things,' and the word Himālaya is found in the Kumāra Sambhava of Kālidāsa, about the date of which opinions differ. Perhaps the Greek Ιμαος is himavat; Ἠμωδὸς, himādri."]

[144]

In most of the important Asiatic languages the same word indicates the Sea or a River of the first class; e.g. Sindhu as here; in Western Tibet Gyamtso and Samandrang (corr. of Skt. samundra) 'the Sea,' which are applied to the Indus and Sutlej (see J. R. Geog. Soc. xxiii. 34-35); Hebrew yam, applied both to the sea and to the Nile; Ar. baḥr; Pers. daryā; Mongol. dalai, &c. Compare the Homeric Ὠκεανός.

[145]

The Teutonic word Corn affords a handy instance of the varying application of the name of a cereal to that which is, or has been, the staple grain of each country. Corn in England familiarly means 'wheat'; in Scotland 'oats'; in Germany 'rye'; in America 'maize.'

[146]

Afterwards M.-Gen. G. Hutchinson, C.B., C.S.I., Sec. to the Ch. Missy. Society.

[147]

"Ce sont des Maures qui exigent de l'argent sur les grands chemins, de ceux qui passent avec quelques merchandises; souvent ils en demandent à ceux mêmes qui n'en portent point. On regarde ces gens-là à peu pres comme des voleurs."

[148]

This remark is from a letter of Dr. Burnell's dd. Tanjore, March 16, 1880.

[149]

Paṭṭi is used here in the Mahratti sense of a 'contribution' or extra cess. It is the regular Mahratti equivalent of the abwāb of Bengal, on which see Wilson, s.v.

[150]

The same breed of elephants perhaps that is mentioned on this part of the coast by the author of the Periplus, by whom it is called ἡ Δησαρήνη χώρα φέρουσα ἐλέφαντα τὸν λεγόμενον Βωσαρή.

[151]

It is possible that the island called Shaikh Shu'aib, which is off the coast of Lār, and not far from Sirāf, may be meant. Barbosa also mentions Lār among the islands in the Gulf subject to the K. of Ormuz (p. 37).

[152]

Reg. I. of 1810 had empowered the Executive Government, by an official communication from its Secretary in the Judicial Department, to dispense with the attendance and futwa of the Law officers of the courts of circuit, when it seemed advisable. But in such case the judge of the court passed no sentence, but referred the proceedings with an opinion to the Nizamut Adawlut.

[153]

See an interesting paper in the Saturday Review of Sept. 29, 1883, on Le Mascaret.

[154]

Other names for the bore in India are: Hind. hummā, and in Bengal bān.

[155]

It is given in No. II. of Selections from the Records of S. Arcot District, p. 107.

[156]

In a letter from poor Arthur Burnell, on which this paragraph is founded, he adds: "It is sad that the most Philistine town (in the German sense) in all the East should have such a name."

[157]

This perhaps implies an earlier spread of northern influence than we are justified in assuming.

[158]

"The Portuguese ... sailing from Malabar on voyages of exploration ... made their acquaintance with various places on the eastern or Coromandel Coast ... and finding the language spoken by the fishing and sea-faring classes on the eastern coast similar to that spoken on the western, they came to the conclusion that it was identical with it, and called it in consequence by the same name—viz. Malabar.... A circumstance which naturally confirmed the Portuguese in their notion of the identity of the people and language of the Coromandel Coast with those of Malabar was that when they arrived at Cael, in Tinnevelly, on the Coromandel Coast ... they found the King of Quilon (one of the most important places on the Malabar Coast) residing there."—Bp. Caldwell, u.s.

[159]

This Port was immediately outside the Straits, as appears from the description of Dom João de Castro (1541): "Now turning to the 'Gates' of the Strait, which are the chief object of our description, we remark that here the land of Arabia juts out into the sea, forming a prominent Point, and very prolonged.... This is the point or promontory which Ptolemy calls Possidium.... In front of it, a little more than a gunshot off, is an islet called the Ilheo dos Roboeens; because Roboão in Arabic means a pilot; and the pilots living here go aboard the ships which come from outside, and conduct them," &c.—Roteiro do Mar Roxo, &c., 35.

The Island retains its name, and is mentioned as Pilot Island by Capt. Haines in J. R. Geog. Soc. ix. 126. It lies about 1½ m. due east of Perim.

[160]

See Erdkunde, v. 647. The Index to Ritter gives a reference to A. W. Schott, Mag. für die Literat. des Ausl., 1837, No. 123. This we have not been able to see.

[161]

The excellence of the Goa Mangoes is stated to be due to the care and skill of the Jesuits (Annaes Maritimos, ii. 270). In S. India all good kinds have Portuguese or Mahommedan names. The author of Tribes on My Frontier, 1883, p. 148, mentions the luscious peirie and the delicate afoos as two fine varieties, supposed to bear the names of a certain Peres and a certain Affonso.

[162]

See Sayce, Principles of Comparative Philology, 2nd ed. 208-211.

[163]

"Maund, a kind of great Basket or Hamper, containing eight Bales, or two Fats. It is commonly a quantity of 8 bales of unbound Books, each Bale having 1000 lbs. weight."—Giles Jacob, New Law Dict., 7th ed., 1756, s.v.

[164]

This passage is also referred to under NACODA. The French translation runs as follows:—"Cette princesse invita ... le tendîl ou 'général des piétons,' et le sipāhsālār ou 'général des archers.'" In answer to a query, our friend, Prof. Robertson Smith, writes: "The word is rijāl, and this may be used either as the plural of rajul, 'man,' or as the pl. of rājil, 'piéton.' But foreman, or 'praepositus' of the 'men' (muḳaddam is not well rendered 'général'), is just as possible." And, if possible, much more reasonable. Dulaurier (J. As. ser. iv. tom. ix.) renders rijāl here "sailors." See the article TINDAL; and see the quotation under the present article from Bocarro MS.

[165]

See Cathay, &c., pp. ccxlvii.-ccl.; and Mr. E. Thomas, Pathán Kings of Delhi, passim.

[166]

The average was taken as follows:—(1). We took the whole of the weight of gold in the list at p. 43 ("Table of the Gold Coins of India") with the omission of four pieces which are exceptionally debased; and (2), the first twenty-four pieces in the list at p. 50 ("Supplementary Table"), omitting two exceptional cases, and divided by the whole number of coins so taken. See the tables at end of Thomas's ed. of Prinsep's Essays.

[167]

Was this ignorance, or slang? Though slave-boys are occasionally mentioned, there is no indication that slaves were at all the usual substitute for domestic servants at this time in European families.

[168]

Moodeen Sheriff (Supplt. to the Pharmacopoeia of India) says that the Mahwā in question is Bassia longifolia and the wild Mahwā Bassia latifolia.

[169]

"Don Ricardo began to fret and fidget most awfully—'Beginning of the seasons'—why, we may not get away for a week, and all the ships will be kept back in their loading."—Ed. 1863, p. 309.

[170]

Equal to 863 lbs. 12 oz. 12 drs.

[171]

Hadley, however, mentions in his preface that a small pamphlet had been received by Mr. George Bogle in 1770, which he found to be the mutilated embryo of his own grammatical scheme. This was circulating in Bengal "at his expence."

[172]

The husband of the existing Princess of Tanjore is habitually styled by the natives "Mapillai Sāhib" ("il Signor Genero"), as the son-in-law of the late Raja.

[173]

According to Pyrard mesquite is the word used in the Maldive Islands. It is difficult to suppose the people would adopt such a word from the Portuguese. And probably the form both in east and west is to be accounted for by a hard pronunciation of the Arabic j, as in Egypt now; the older and probably the most widely diffused. [See Mr. Gray's note in Hak. Soc. ii. 417.]

[174]

Sir George Yule notes: "I can distinctly call to mind 6 mucknas that I had (I may have had more) out of 30 or 40 elephants that passed through my hands." This would give 15 or 20 per cent. of mucknas, but as the stud included females, the result would rather consist with Mr. Sanderson's 5 out of 51 males.

[175]

Here the Kyendwen R. is regarded as a branch of the Brahmaputra. See further on.

[176]

"Stupiva d'vdire tanta fragranza." The Scotchman is laughed at for "feeling" a smell, but here the Italian hears one!

[177]

We have seen, however, somewhere an ingenious suggestion that the word really came from Maisolia (the country about Masulipatam, according to Ptolemy), which even in ancient times was famous for fine cotton textures.

[178]

Deotī, a torch-bearer. Thus Baber: "If the emperor or chief nobility (in India) at any time have occasion for a light by night, these filthy Deuties bring in their lamps, which they carry up to their master, and stand holding it close by his side."—Baber, 333.

[179]

One of them is generally identified with the seeds of Moringa pterygosperma—see HORSE RADISH TREE—the Ben-nuts of old writers, and affording Oil of Ben, used as a basis in perfumery.

[180]

This article we have been unable to find. Dr. Hunter in As. Res. (xi. 182) quotes from a Persian work of Mahommed Husain Shirāzi, communicated to him by Mr. Colebrooke, the names of 6 varieties of Halīla (or Myrobalan) as afforded in different stages of maturity by the Terminalia Chebula:—1. H. Zīra, when just set (from Zīra, cummin-seed). 2. H. Jawī (from Jau, barley). 3. Zangī or Hindī (The Black M.). 4. H. Chīnī. 5. H. 'Asfar, or Yellow. 6. H. Kābulī, the mature fruit. [See Dr. Murray's article in Watt, Econ. Dict. vi. pt. iv. 33 seqq.]

[181]

"Confettiamo," "make comfits of"; "preserve," but the latter word is too vague.

[182]

This is surely not what we now call Cassia Fistula, the long cylindrical pod of a leguminous tree, affording a mild laxative? But Hanbury and Flückiger (pp. 195, 475) show that some Cassia bark (of the cinnamon kind) was known in the early centuries of our era as κασία συριγγώδης and cassia fistularis; whilst the drug now called Cassia Fistula, L., is first noticed by a medical writer of Constantinople towards A.D. 1300. Pegolotti, at p. 366, gives a few lines of instruction for judging of cassia fistula: "It ought to be black, and thick, and unbroken (salda), and heavy, and the thicker it is, and the blacker the outside rind is, the riper and better it is; and it retains its virtue well for 2 years." This is not very decisive, but on the whole we should suppose Pegolotti's cassia fistula to be either a spice-bark, or solid twigs of a like plant (H. & F. 476).

[183]

This is probably Balanitis aegyptiaca, Delile, the zak of the Arabs, which is not unlike myrobalan fruit and yields an oil much used medicinally. The negroes of the Niger make an intoxicating spirit of it.

[184]

Dozy says (2nd ed. 323) that the plural form has been adopted by mistake. Wilson says 'honorifically.' Possibly in this and other like cases it came from popular misunderstanding of the Arabic plurals. So we have omra, i.e. umarā, pl. of amīr used singularly and forming a plural umrāyān. (See also OMLAH and MEHAUL.)

[185]

The word is so misprinted throughout this part of the English version.

[186]

Qu. boroughs? The writer does injustice to his country when he speaks of burghs being bought and sold. The representation of Scotch burghs before 1832 was bad, but it never was purchasable. There are no burghs in England.

[187]

[The late Mr. E. J. W. Gibb pointed out that Chocarda is Turkish Chokadār, a name given to a great man's lackey or footman. "High functionaries have many Chokadārs attached to their establishments. In this case, probably the Pasha of the province through which Ives was travelling, or perhaps some functionary at Constantinople, appointed one of his Chokadārs to look after the traveller. The word literally means 'cloth-keeper,' and it is probable that the name was originally given to a servant who had charge of his master's wardrobe. But it has long been applied to a lackey who walks beside his master's horse when his master is out riding."]

[188]

The word Nágá is spelt with a nasal n, "Náñgá" (p. 76).

[189]

The "Hugly" River was then considered (in ascending) to begin at Hooghly Point, and the confluence of the Rupnarain R., often called the Gunga (see under GODAVERY).

[190]

Other terms applied have been Numeralia, Quantitative Auxiliaries, Numeral Auxiliaries, Segregatives, &c.

[191]

See Sir H. Yule's Introductory Essay to Capt. Gill's River of Golden Sand, ed. 1883, pp. [127], [128].

[192]

Some details on the subject of these determinatives, in reference to languages on the eastern border of India, will be found in Prof. Max Müller's letter to Bunsen in the latter's Outlines of the Phil. of Universal History, i. 396 seqq.; as well as in W. von Humboldt, quoted above. Prof. Max Müller refers to Humboldt's Complete Works, vi. 402; but this I have not been able to find, nor, in either writer, any suggested rationale of the idiom.

[193]

There seems to have been great oscillation of traffic in this matter. About 1873, one of the present writers, then resident at Palermo, sent, in compliance with a request from Lahore, a collection of plants of many (about forty) varieties of citrus cultivated in Sicily, for introduction into the Punjab. This despatch was much aided by the kindness of Prof. Todaro, in charge of the Royal Botanic Garden at Palermo.

[194]

In Reiske's version "poma stupendae molis et excellentissima."—Büsching's Magazin, iv. 230.

[195]

Prinsep's Useful Tables, by E. Thomas, p. 19.

[196]

Giles, Glossary of Reference, s.v.

[197]

"The prayer that they say daily consists of these words: 'Pacauta! Pacauta! Pacauta!' And this they repeat 104 times."—(Bk. iii. ch. 17.) The word is printed in Ramusio pacauca; but no one familiar with the constant confusion of c and t in medieval manuscript will reject this correction of M. Pauthier. Bishop Caldwell observes that the word was probably Bagavā, or Pagavā, the Tamil form of Bhagavata, "Lord"; a word reiterated in their sacred formulæ by Hindus of all sorts, especially Vaishnava devotees. The words given by Marco Polo, if written "Pagoda! Pagoda! Pagoda!" would be almost undistinguishable in sound from Pacauta.

[198]

Or our symbol (), now modified into (&), which is in fact Latin et, but is read 'and."

[199]

"The peculiar mode of writing Pahlavi here alluded to long made the character of the language a standing puzzle for European scholars, and was first satisfactorily explained by Professor Haug, of Munich, in his admirable Essay on the Pahlavi Language, already cited" (West, p. xii.).

[200]

In Canticles, iii. 9, the "ferculum quod fecit sibi rex Salomon de lignis Libani" is in the Hebrew appiryōn, which has by some been supposed to be Greek φορεῖον; highly improbable, as the litter came to Greece from the East. Is it possible that the word can be in some way taken from paryañka? The R.V. has palanquin. [See the discussion in Encyclopaedia Biblica, iii. 2804 seq.].

[201]

"Pagos do aljube." We are not sure of the meaning.

[202]

The writer is here led away by Wilford's nonsense.

[203]

Query (i.) rámún (Hind.) or rama (Ladakhi) chhelli = the rama (special variety of goat) -goat; (ii.) or is Salbank mixing rama-shál (goat-shawl), the product, with the name of the animal producing the raw material?

[204]

This is the true reading, see note at the place, and J. R. As. Soc. N.S.

[205]

See Journ. As., Ser. II., tom. viii. 352.

[206]

See also De Candolle, Plantes Cultivées, p. 234.

[207]

"E foy dar no golfam do estreito de Magalhães." I cannot explain the use of this name. It must be applied here to the Sea between Banda and Timor.

[208]

Antonio Nunez, "Comtador da Casa del Rey noso Senhor," who in 1554 compiled the Livro dos Pesos da Ymdia e asy Medidas e Mohedas, says of Diu in particular:

"The moneys here exhibit such variations and such differences, that it is impossible to write any thing certain about them; for every month, every 8 days indeed, they rise and fall in value, according to the money that enters the place" (p. 28).

[209]

I invert the similar table given by Dr. Badger in his notes to Varthema.

[210]

The issues of fanams, q.v., have been infinite; but they have not varied much in weight, though very greatly in alloy, and therefore in the number reckoned to a pagoda.

[211]

"The ganjā or unit (= ¼ fanam) is the rati, or Sanskrit raktika, the seed of the abrus."—Op. cit. p. 224, note. See also Sir W. Elliot's Coins of S. India, p. 56.

[212]

360 reis is the equivalent in the authorities, so far as I know.

[213]

Even the pound sterling, since it represented a pound of silver sterlings, has come down to one-third of that value; but if the value of silver goes on dwindling as it has done lately, our pound might yet justify its name again!

I have remarked elsewhere:

"Everybody seems to be tickled at the notion that the Scotch Pound or Livre was only 20 pence. Nobody finds it funny that the French or Italian Livre or Pound is only 20 halfpence or less!" I have not been able to trace how high the rei began, but the maravedi entered life as a gold piece, equivalent to the Saracen mithḳāl, and ended—?

[214]

I calculate all gold values in this paper at those of the present English coinage.

Besides the gradual depreciation of the Portugal rei, so prominently noticed in this paper, there was introduced in Goa a reduction of the rei locally below the rei of Portugal in the ratio of 15 to 8. I do not know the history or understand the object of such a change, nor do I see that it affects the calculations in this article. In a table of values of coins current in Portuguese India, given in the Annaes Maritimos of 1844, each coin is valued both in Reis of Goa and in Reis of Portugal, bearing the above ratio. My kind correspondent, Dr. J. N. Fonseca, author of the capital History of Goa, tells me that this was introduced in the beginning of the 17th century, but that he has yet found no document throwing light upon it. It is a matter quite apart from the secular depreciation of the rei.

[215]

Thus Alboquerque, returning to Europe in 1504, gives a "Moorish" pilot, who carried him by a new course straight from Cannanore to Mozambique, a buckshish of 50 cruzados; this is explained as £5—a mild munificence for such a feat. In truth it was nearly £24, the cruzado being about the same as the sequin (see i. p. 17).

The mint at Goa was farmed out by the same great man, after the conquest, for 600,000 reis, amounting, we are told, to £125. It was really £670 (iii. 41).

Alboquerque demands as ransom to spare Muscat "10,000 xerafins of gold." And we are told by the translator that this ransom of a wealthy trading city like Muscat amounted to £625. The coin in question is the ashrafi, or gold dīnār, as much as, or more than the sequin in value, and the sum more than £5000 (i. p. 82).

In the note to the first of these cases it is said that the cruzado is "a silver coin (formerly gold), now equivalent to 480 reis, or about 2s. English money, but probably worth much more relatively in the time of Dalboquerque." "Much more relatively" means of course that the 2s. had much more purchasing power.

This is a very common way of speaking, but it is often very fallaciously applied. The change in purchasing power in India generally till the beginning of last century was probably not very great. There is a curious note by Gen. Briggs in his translation of Firishta, comparing the amount stated by Firishta to have been paid by the Bāhmanī King, about A.D. 1470, as the annual cost of a body of 500 horse, with the cost of a British corps of Irregular horse of the same strength in Briggs's own time (say about 1815). The Bāhmanī charge was 350,000 Rs.; the British charge 219,000 Rs. A corps of the same strength would now cost the British Government, as near as I can calculate, 287,300 Rs.

The price of an Arab horse imported into India (then a great traffic) was in Marco Polo's time about three times what it was in our own, up to 1850.

The salary of the Governor at Goa, c. 1550, was 8000 cruzados, or nearly £4000 a year; and the salaries of the commandants of the fortresses of Goa, of Malacca, of Dio, and of Bassain, 600,000 reis, or about £670.

The salary of Ibn Batuta, when Judge of Delhi, about 1340, was 1000 silver tankas or dinārs as he calls them (practically 1000 rupees) a month, which was in addition to an assignment of villages bringing in 5000 tankas a year. And yet he got into debt in a very few years to the tune of 55,000 tankas—say £5,500!

[216]

Dr. D'Acunha has set this English traveller down to 1684, and introduces a quotation from him in illustration of the coinage of the latter period, in his quasi-chronological notes, a new element in the confusion of his readers.

[217]

"3 plaghe" in Balbi.

[218]

"Serafinno di argento" (ibid.).

[219]

"Quando si parla di pardai d'oro s'intendono, tanghe 6, di buona moneta" (Balbi). This does not mean the old pardao d'ouro or golden pagoda, a sense which apparently had now become obsolete, but that in dealing in jewels, &c., it was usual to settle the price in pardaos of 6 good tangas instead of 5 (as we give doctors guineas instead of pounds). The actual pagodas of gold are also mentioned by Balbi, but these were worth, new ones 7½ and old ones 8 tangas of good money.

[220]

No doubt, however, foreign coins were used to make up sums, and reduce the bulk of small change.

[221]

Sir W. Elliot refers to the Aśoka inscription (Edict II.) as bearing Palaya or Paraya, named with Choḍa (or Chola), Kerala, &c., as a country or people "in the very centre of the Dravidian group ... a reading which, if it holds good, supplies a satisfactory explanation of the origin of the Paria name and nation" (in J. Ethnol. Soc. N.S., 1869, p. 103). But apparently the reading has not held good, for M. Senart reads the name Pām̃dya (see Ind. Ant. ix. 287). [Mr. V. A. Smith writes: "The Girnar text is very defective in this important passage, which is not in the Dhauli text; that text gives only 11 out of the 14 edicts. The capital of the Pām̃diyan Kingdom was Madura. The history of the kingdom is very imperfectly known. For a discussion of it see Sewell, Lists of Antiquities, Madras, vol. ii. Of course it has nothing to do with Parias."]

[222]

"... great diversion is found ... in firing balls at birds, particularly the albitross, a large species of the swan, commonly seen within two or three hundred miles round the Cape of Good Hope, and which the French call Montons (Moutons) du Cap."—Munro's Narrative, 13. The confusion of genera here equals that mentioned in our article above.

[223]

It is an easy assumption that this export trade from India was killed by the development of machinery in England. We can hardly doubt that this cause would have killed it in time. But it was not left to any such lingering and natural death. Much time would be required to trace the whole of this episode of "ancient history." But it is certain that this Indian trade was not killed by natural causes: it was killed by prohibitory duties. These duties were so high in 1783 that they were declared to operate as a premium on smuggling, and they were reduced to 18 per cent. ad valorem. In the year 1796-97 the value of piece-goods from India imported into England was £2,776,682, or one-third of the whole value of the imports from India, which was £8,252,309. And in the sixteen years between 1793-4 and 1809-10 (inclusive) the imports of Indian piece-goods amounted in value to £26,171,125.

In 1799 the duties were raised. I need not give details, but will come down to 1814, just before the close of the war, when they were, I believe, at a maximum. The duties then, on "plain white calicoes," were:—

There was an Excise duty upon British manufactured and printed goods of 3½d. per square yard, and of twice that amount on foreign (Indian) calico and muslin printed in Great Britain, and the whole of both duty and excise upon such goods was recoverable as drawback upon re-exportation. But on the exportation of Indian white goods there was no drawback recoverable; and stuffs printed in India were at this time, so far as we can discern, not admitted through the English Custom-house at all until 1826, when they were admitted on a duty of 3½d. per square yard. (See in the Statutes, 43 Geo. III. capp. 68, 69, 70; 54 Geo. III. cap. 36; 6 Geo. IV. cap. 3; also Macpherson's Annals of Commerce, iv. 426).

In Sir A. Arbuthnot's publication of Sir T. Munro's Minutes (Memoir, p. cxxix.) he quotes a letter of Munro's to a friend in Scotland, written about 1825, which shows him surprisingly before his age in the matter of Free Trade, speaking with reference to certain measures of Mr. Huskisson's. The passage ends thus: "India is the country that has been worst used in the new arrangements. All her products ought undoubtedly to be imported freely into England, upon paying the same duties, and no more, which English duties [? manufactures] pay in India. When I see what is done in Parliament against India, I think that I am reading about Edward III. and the Flemings."

Sir A. Arbuthnot adds very appropriately a passage from a note by the late Prof. H. H. Wilson in his continuation of James Mill's History of India (1845, vol. i. pp. 538-539), a passage which we also gladly insert here:

"It was stated in evidence (in 1813) that the cotton and silk goods of India, up to this period, could be sold for a profit in the British market at a price from 50 to 60 per cent. lower than those fabricated in England. It consequently became necessary to protect the latter by duties of 70 or 80 per cent. on their value, or by positive prohibition. Had this not been the case, had not such prohibitory duties and decrees existed, the mills of Paisley and of Manchester would have been stopped in their outset, and could hardly have been again set in motion, even by the powers of steam. They were created by the sacrifice of the Indian manufactures. Had India been independent, she would have retaliated; would have imposed preventive duties upon British goods, and would thus have preserved her own productive industry from annihilation. This act of self-defence was not permitted her; she was at the mercy of the stranger. British goods were forced upon her without paying any duty; and the foreign manufacturer employed the arm of political injustice to keep down and ultimately strangle a competitor with whom he could not contend on equal terms."

[224]

See details in the Field of Nov. 15, 1884, p. 667, courteously given in reply to a query from the present writer.

[225]

Thomas Rastall or Rastell went out apparently in 1615, in 1616 is mentioned as a "chief merchant of the fleet at Swally Road," and often later as chief at Surat (see Sainsbury, i. 476, and ii. passim).

[226]

Pera o sapal, i.e. 'for the marsh.' We cannot be certain of the meaning of this; but we may note that in 1543 the King, as a favour to the city of Goa, and for the commodity of its shipping and the landing of goods, &c., makes a grant "of the marsh inundated with sea-water (do sapal alagado dagoa salgada) which extends along the river-side from the houses of Antonio Correa to the houses of Afonso Piquo, which grant is to be perpetual ... to serve for a landing-place and quay for the merchants to moor and repair their ships, and to erect their bankshalls (bangaçaes), and never to be turned away to any other purpose." Possibly the fines went into a fund for the drainage of this sapal and formation of landing-places. See Archiv. Port. Orient., Fasc. 2, pp. 130-131.

[227]

We do not know what word is intended, unless it be a special use of Ar. baṭan, 'the interior or middle of a thing.' Dorn refers to a note, which does not exist in his book. Bellew gives the title conferred by the Prophet as "Pīhtān or Pāthān, a term which in the Syrian language signifies a rudder." Somebody else interprets it as 'a mast.'

[228]

P. pāsbān and nigabān, both meaning literally 'watch-keeper,' the one from pās, 'a watch,' in the sense of a division of the day, the other from nigah, 'watch,' in the sense of 'heed' or 'observation.' [Dusaud = Dosādh, a low caste often employed as watchmen.]

[229]

Favre gives (Dict. Malay-Français): "Duku" (buwa is = fruit). "Nom d'un fruit de la grosseur d'un œuf de poule; il parait être une grosse espèce de Lansium." (It is L. domesticum.) The Rambeh is figured by Marsden in Atlas to Hist. of Sumatra, 3rd ed. pl. vi. and pl. ix. It seems to be Baccaurea dulcis, Müll. (Pierardia dulcis, Jack).

[230]

Müller and (very positively) Fabricius discard Βουτύρου for Βοσμόρου, which "no fellow understands." A. Hamilton (i. 136) mentions "Wheat, Pulse, and Butter" as exports from Mangaroul on this coast. He does not mention Bosmoron!

[231]

This is shown by a 17th century Dutch chart in I.O. to be a creek on the west side, very little below Diamond Point. It is also shown in Tassin's Maps of the R. Hoogly, 1835; not later.

[232]

This also points to the locality of Diamond Harbour, and the Chingrī Khāl.

[233]

These ingots were called saum. Ibn Batuta says: "At one day's journey from Ukak are the hills of the Rūs, who are Christians; they have red hair and blue eyes, they are ugly in feature and crafty in character. They have silver mines, and they bring from their country saum, i.e. ingots of silver, with which they buy and sell in that country. The weight of each ingot is five ounces."—ii. 414. Pegolotti (c. 1340), speaking of the land-route to Cathay, says that on arriving at Cassai (i.e. Kinsay of Marco Polo or Hang-chau-fu) "you can dispose of the sommi of silver that you have with you ... and you may reckon the sommo to be worth 5 golden florins" (see in Cathay, &c., ii. 288-9, 293). It would appear from Wasāf, quoted by Hammer (Geschichte der Goldenen Horde, 224), that gold ingots also were called sum or saum. The ruble is still called sūm in Turkestan.

[234]

The term Sonaut rupees, which was of frequent occurrence down to the reformation and unification of the Indian coinage in 1833, is one very difficult to elucidate. The word is properly sanwāt, pl. of Ar. sana(t), a year. According to the old practice in Bengal, coins deteriorated in value, in comparison with the rupee of account, when they passed the third year of their currency, and these rupees were termed Sanwāt or Sonaut. But in 1773, to put a stop to this inconvenience, Government determined that all rupees coined in future should bear the impression of the 19th san or year of Shāh 'Alam (the Mogul then reigning). And in all later uses of the term Sonaut it appears to be equivalent in value to the Farrukhābād rupee, or the modern "Company's Rupee" (which was of the same standard).

[235]

Like the Βαιτύλιον which the Greeks got through the Semitic nations. In Photius there are extracts from Damascius (Life of Isidorus the Philosopher), which speak of the stones called Baitulos and Baitulion, which were objects of worship, gave oracles, and were apparently used in healing. These appear, from what is stated, to have been meteoric stones. There were many in Lebanon (see Phot. Biblioth., ed. 1653, pp. 1047, 1062-3).

[236]

"It is curious that without any allusion to this work, another on the Veterinary Art, styled Sálotari, and said to comprise in the Sanskrit original 16,000 slokas, was translated in the reign of Sháh Jahán ... by Saiyad 'Abdulla Khán Bahádur Firoz Jang, who had found it among some other Sanskrit books which ... had been plundered from Amar Singh, Ráná of Chitor."

[237]

Of the birch-tree, Sansk. bhurja, Betula Bhojpattra, Wall., the exfoliating outer bark of which is called tōz.

[238]

In a Greek translation of Shakspere, published some years ago at Constantinople, this line is omitted!

[239]

Corvina is applied by Cuvier, Cantor and others to fish of the genus Sciaena of more recent ichthyologists.

[240]

"Cybium (Scomber, Linn.) guttatum."—Tennent.

[241]

Not a general officer, but a letter from the body of the Council.

[242]

On another B.M. copy of an earlier edition than that quoted, and which belonged to Jos. Scaliger, there is here a note in his autograph: "Id est Caesar, non est vox Tatarica, sed Vindica seu Illyrica, ex Latino detorta."

[243]

[244]

On the probable indication of Great and Little used in this fashion, see remarks in notes on Marco Polo, bk. iii. ch. 9.

[245]

In both written alike, but the final t in Arabic is generally silent, giving sharba, in Persian sharbat. So we get minaret from Pers. and Turk. munārat, in Ar. (and in India) munāra [manār, manāra].

[246]

"Sewalick is the term, according to the common acceptation; but Capt. Kirkpatrick proves, from the evident etymology of it, that it should be Sewa-luck."—Note by Rennell.

[247]

This is apparently a mistake. The proposals were certainly original with Mr. Yule.

[248]

Here is an instance in which scarlet is used for 'scarlet broadcloth':

c. 1665.—"... they laid them out, partly in fine Cotton Cloth ... partly in Silken Stuffs streaked with Gold and Silver, to make Vests and Summer-Drawers of; partly in English Scarlet, to make two Arabian Vests of for their King...."—Bernier, E.T. 43; [ed. Constable, 139].

[249]

Togrul Beg, founder of the Seljuk dynasty, called by various Western writers Tangrolipix, and (as here) Strangolipes.

[250]

"... hum rio ... que corta do mar todo aquelle terço de terra."... We are not quite sure how to translate. Crawfurd renders: "This (river) intersects the whole island from sea to sea," which seems very free. But it is true, as we have said, that several old maps show Java and Sunda thus divided from sea to sea.

[251]

Apparently 30,000 quintals every two years.

[252]

Sunda Kalapa was the same as Jacatra, on the site of which the Dutch founded Batavia in 1619.

[253]

These are mentioned in a copper tablet inscription of A.D. 1136; see Blochmann, as quoted further on, p. 226.

[254]

Basandhari is also mentioned by Mr. James Grant (1786) in his View of the Revenues of Bengal, as the Pergunna of Belia-bussendry; and by A. Hamilton as a place on the Damūdar, producing much good sugar (Fifth Report, p. 405; A. Ham. ii. 4). It would seem to have been the present Pergunna of Balia, some 13 or 14 miles west of the northern part of Calcutta. See Hunter's Bengal Gaz. i. 365.

[255]

So called in the German version which we use; but in the Dutch original he is Schouten.

[256]

This affair is alluded to in one of the extracts in Long (p. 342): "Agreed ... that the Fakiers who were made prisoners at the retaking of Dacca may be employed as Coolies in the repair of the Factory."—Procgs. of Council at Ft. William, Dec. 5, 1769.

[257]

Williams (Skt. Dict. s.v.) gives Sūrpāraka as "the name of a mythical country"; but it was real enough. There is some ground for believing that there was another Sūrpāraka on the coast of Orissa, Σιππάρα of Ptolemy.

[258]

Ῥογχὸ perhaps is Tam. lanha, 'coco-nut.'

[259]

Mangalore (q.v.) on this coast, no doubt called Sorathī Mangalor to distinguish it from the well-known Mangalor of Canara.

[260]

But it is worthy of note that in the Island of Bali one manner of accomplishing the rite is called Satia (Skt. satyā, 'truth,' from sat, whence also satī). See Crawfurd, H. of Ind. Archip. ii. 243, and Friedrich, in Verhandelingen van het Batav. Genootschap. xxiii. 10.

[261]

The same poet speaks of Evadne, who threw herself at Thebes on the burning pile of her husband Capaneus (I. xv. 21), a story which Paley thinks must have come from some early Indian legend.

[262]

Hoggiae is of course Khwājas (see COJA). But in the B. Museum there is a copy of Leunclavius, ed. of 1588, with MS. autograph remarks by Joseph Scaliger; and on the word in question he notes as its origin (in Arabic characters): "Ḥujja(t) Disputatio"—which is manifestly erroneous.

[263]

These are sheets of the Atlas of India, within Bhawalpur and Jeysalmīr, on the borders of Bikaner.

[264]

Mr. Major, in his Introduction to Parke's Mendoza for the Hak. Soc. says of this embassy, that at their halt in the desert 12 marches from Su-chau, they were regaled "with a variety of strong liquors, together with a pot of Chinese tea." It is not stated by Mr. Major whence he took the account; but there is nothing about tea in the translation of M. Quatremère (Not. et Ext. xiv. pt. 1), nor in the Persian text given by him, nor in the translation by Mr. Rehatsek in the Ind. Ant. ii. 75 seqq.

[265]

Queen Catharine.

[266]

This book was printed in England, whilst the author was in India; doubtless he was innocent of this quaint error.

[267]

This refers to an Arab legend that Samarkand was founded in very remote times by Tobba'-al-Akbar, Himyarite King of Yemen, (see e.g. Edrisi, by Jaubert, ii. 198), and the following: "The author of the Treatise on the Figure of the Earth says on this subject: "This is what was told me by Abu-Bakr-Dimashkī—'I have seen over the great gate of Samarkand an iron tablet bearing an inscription, which, according to the people of the place, was engraved in Himyarite characters, and as an old tradition related, had been the work of "Tobba."'"—Shihābuddīn Dimashkī, in Not. et Ext. xiii. 254.

[268]

[Col. Temple notes that the pronunciation has always been twofold. At present in Burma it is usual to pronounce it like tickle, and in Siam like tacawl. He regards it as certain that it comes from takā through Talaing and Peguan t'ke.]

[269]

Sir H. Rawlinson gives tigra as old Persian for an arrow (see Herod. vol. iii. p. 552). Vüllers seems to consider it rather an induction than a known word for an arrow. He says: "Besides the name of that river (Tigris) Arvand, which often occurs in the Shāhnāma, and which properly signifies 'running' or 'swift'; another Medo-persic name Tigra is found in the cuneiform inscriptions, and is cognate with the Zend word tedjao, tedjerem, and Pehlvi tedjera, i.e. 'a running river,' which is entered in Anquetil's vocabulary. And these, along with the Persian tej 'an arrow,' tegh 'a sword,' tekh and teg 'sharp,' are to be referred to the Zend root tikhsh, Skt. tij, 'to sharpen.' The Persian word tīr, 'an arrow,' may be of the same origin, since its primitive form appears to be tīgra, from which it seems to come by elision of the g, as the Skt. tīr, 'arrow,' comes from tīvra for tīgra, where v seems to have taken the place of g. From the word tīgra ... seem also to be derived the usual names of the river Tigris, Pers. Dizhla, Ar. Dijlah" (Vüllers, s.v. tīr).

[270]

Some notice of Major Yule, whose valuable Oriental MSS. were presented to the British Museum after his death, will be found in Dr. Rieu's Preface to the Catalogue of Persian MSS. (vol. iii. p. xviii.).

[271]

St. Julien et P. Champion, Industries Anciennes et Modernes de l'Empire Chinois, 1869, p. 75. Wells Williams says: "The peh-tung argentan, or white copper of the Chinese, is an alloy of copper 40.4, zinc 25.4, nickel 31.6, and iron 2.6, and occasionally a little silver; and these proportions are nearly those of German silver."—Middle Kingdom, ed. 1883, ii. 19.

[272]

The Pers. partala is always used for a 'waist-belt' in India, but in Persia also for a turban.

[273]

Busbecq (1554) says: "... ingens ubique florum copia offerebatur, Narcissorum, Hyacinthorum, et eorum quos Turcae Tulipan vocant."—Epist. i. Elzevir ed. p. 47.

[274]

It must be kept in mind that though Rumphius (George Everard Rumpf) died in 1693, his great work was not printed till nearly fifty years afterwards (1741).

[275]

Foersch was a surgeon of the third class at Samarang in the year 1773.—Horsfield, in Bat. Trans. as quoted below.

[276]

This distance is probably a clerical error. It is quite inconsistent with the other two assigned.

[277]

Leschenault also gives the description of another and still more powerful poison, used in a similar way to that of the Antiaris, viz. the tieute, called sometimes Upas Raja, the plant producing which is a Strychnos, and a creeper. Though, as we have said, the name Upas is generic, and is applied to this, it is not the Upas of English metaphor, and we are not concerned with it here. Both kinds are produced and prepared in Java. The Ipo (a form of Upas) of Macassar is the Antiaris; the ipo of the Borneo Dayaks is the Tieute.

[278]

I remember when a boy reading the whole of Foersch's story in a fascinating book, called Wood's Zoography, which I have not seen for half a century, and which, I should suppose from my recollection, was more sensational than scientific.—Y.

[279]

Compare this vivid description with a modern notice of the same pagoda:

1855. "This meridian range ... 700 miles from its origin in the Naga wilds ... sinks in the sea hard by Negrais, its last bluff crowned by the golden Pagoda of Modain, gleaming far to seaward, a Burmese Sunium."—Yule, Mission to Ava, 272. There is a small view of it in this work.

[280]

So wrote A. B. I cannot find the book in the B. Museum Library.—Y. [A bibliographical account of this book will be found in "Le Traité des Trois Imposteurs, et précédé d'une notice philologique et bibliographique par Philomneste Junior (i.e. Brunet), Paris and Brussels, 1867. Also see 7 Ser. N. &. Q. viii. 449 seqq.; 9 Ser. ix. 55. The passage about the Vedas seems to be the following: "Et Sectarii istorum, ut et Vedae et Brachmanorum ante MCCC retro secula obstant collectanea, ut de Sinensibus nil dicam. Tu, qui in angulo Europae hic delitescis, ista neglegis, negas; quam bene videas ipse. Eadem facilitate enim isti tua negant. Et quid non miraculorum superesset ad convincendos orbis incolas, si mundum ex Scorpionis ovo conditum et progenitum terramque Tauri capiti impositam, et rerum prima fundamentis ex prioribus III. Vedae libris constarent, nisi invidus aliquis Deorum filius haec III. prima volumina furatus esset!"]

[281]

This last remark is due to A. B.

[282]

[The first part of this word is thera, Skt. sthavira. Hardy (E. Monachism, p. 11) says the superior priests were called térunnánses, from Pali thero, "an elder."]

[283]

Ποηφάγος, whence no doubt Gray took his name for the genus.

[284]

The tails usually brought for sale are those of the tame Yak, and are white. The tail of the wild Yak is black, and of much greater size.