THE 'LIVES' (continued 6)

He writt 'Philosophia Epicureo-Democritiana, simpliciter proposita, non edocta': printed at Colen, in 8vo or 12mo: Sir John Hoskins hath it.

Thomas Henshawe, of Kensington, esq., R. Soc. Soc., hath a treatise of his in manuscript, which he will not print, viz. 'Of the Essence of God, &c. Light.' It is mighty paradoxicall:—That there is a God; What he is, in 10 or 12 articles: Of the Immortality of the Soule, which he does demonstrate παντουσία and ὀντουσία.

[Fabian Philips, the cursiter, remembers him[1199].]

He was, as appeares by A. Wood's Historie, of St. John's Colledge in Oxford, where he mentions him to be a great Lullianist.

In his travells with his lord, (I forget whither Italy or Germany, but I thinke the former) a poor man begged him to give him a penny. 'A penny!' said Mr. Hill, 'what dost say to ten pound?' 'Ah! ten pound!' (said the beggar) 'that would make a man happy.' N. Hill gave him immediately 10 li. and putt it downe upon account,—'Item, to a beggar ten pounds, to make him happy.'

[1200]He printed 'Philosophia Epicurea Democritiana,' dedicated 'filiolo Laurentio.'—There was one Laurence Hill that did belong to the queen's court, that was hangd with[1201] Green and Berry about Sir Edmund-Berry Godfrey. According to age, it might be this man, but we cannot be certain.

[1202]Mr. Thomas Henshaw bought of Nicholas Hill's widow, in Bow lane, some of his bookes; among which is a manuscript de infinitate et aeternitate mundi. He finds by his writings that he was (or leaning) a Roman Catholique. Mr. Henshaw believes he dyed about 1610: he dyed an old man. He flourished in queen Elizabeth's time. I will search the register of Bowe.

[1203]I have searched the register of Bow, ubi non inventus Nicolas Hill.

[1204]Vide tom. 1 of Ben: Johnson's workes, pag. 48, epigram CXXXIV, title 'The famous voyage'....

Note.

Thomas Hobbes (1588-1679).

<This, the most elaborate of these 'Brief Lives,' occupies by itself MS. Aubr. 9. For the letters introductory to it, see supra, pp. 17-20.

The various papers of which the MS. is composed are bound up confusedly, and the separate notes are in some cases entered on a page, or a page and its opposite, in no order. Considerable re-arrangement has therefore been necessary; but the exact MS. references have been given throughout. Some few notes relating to Hobbes, found in other Aubrey MSS., have here been brought into their natural place.>

[1205]The Life of Mr. Thomas Hobbes, of Malmesburie[1206].

<Introduction.>

The writers[1207] of the lives of the ancient philosophers used to, in the first place, to speake of their lineage[1208]; and they tell us that in processe of time severall great[1209] families accounted it their glory to be branched[1210] from such or such a Sapiens.

Why now should that method be omitted in this Historiola of our Malmesbury philosopher? Who though but[1211] of plebeian descent[1212], his renowne haz and will give brightnesse to his name and familie, which hereafter may arise glorious and flourish in riches and may justly take it an honour to be of kin to this worthy person, so famous, for his learning[1213], both at home and abroad.

<Pedigree.>

This heraldique way of expressing a genealogie is most intelligible and makes the best impresse in the memory or fancy; but[1216] will it not be thought here to<o> pompous and affected by his enemies and the nation of critiques? Prescribe Trebate.

My brother[1217] W. A. will set all this right[FF].

<His father.>

[1218]Thomas Hobbes[FG], then, whose life I write, was second son of Mr. Thomas Hobbes, vicar of Westport juxta Malmesbury, who maried ... Middleton of Brokinborough (a yeomanly family).[1219]He was also vicar of Charlton (a mile hence): they are annexed, and are both worth 60 or 80li. per annum.—[1220]Memorandum, Brokenborough also is appendant to Charlton vicaridge—160li. per annum—from Philip Laurence, whose father-in-law was vicar. [[1221]The vicaridge of Malmesbury is but XX nobles per annum = 6li. 13s. 4d.; but Coston and Radbourne belongs to it, which addition is equal to 50 or 60li. per annum.]

[1222]Thomas, the father[1223], was one of the ignorant 'Sir Johns[1224]' of queen Elizabeth's time; could[1225] only read the prayers of the church and the homilies; and disesteemed[1226] learning (his son Edmund told me so), as not knowing the sweetnes of it.

[1227]As to his father's ignorance and clownery, 'twas as good metall in the oare which wants excoriating and refineing. A witt requires much cultivation, much paines, and art and good conversation to perfect a man.

<His father's brother.>

[1228]He[1229] had an elder brother[FH] whose name was Francis, a wealthy man, and had been alderman[XC.] of the borough; by profession a glover[XCI.], which is a great trade here[XCII.], and in times past much greater. Having no[1230]child, he contributed much to, or rather altogether maintained, his nephew Thomas at Magdalen hall in Oxon; and when he dyed gave him an agellum (a moweing-ground[1231]) called the Gasten-ground, lyeing neer to the horse-faire, worth 16 or 18 poundes per annum; the rest of his landes he gave to his nephew Edmund.

[1232]At Sherston about 3 miles hence (vide map) are groundes likewise called the Gasten-grounds—perhaps 'tis Garston grounds. At Sherston was heretofore a castle, and perhaps (and quaere) if these grounds are not where the vallum or bulwarkes might be drawne. Gaer, Britannicè, signifies some such thing, vide Dr. Davys' British Dictionary.

In Hexham's Dutch dictionary Gast signifies 'a guest'; so that Gasten-ground will be 'the ground for the guests'; probably to putt the horses of the guests (that came to lye at the abbey) to grasse. They speake broad in our countrey, and do pronounce guest, gast, etc. Monasterys had their guest-halls; and it should seeme they had likewise their guest-grounds for the strangers' horses: as here.

<His brother and sister.>

[1233]Thomas, the vicar of Westport, maried ... Middleton[FI] of Brokenborough[XCIII.] (of a yeomanly family), by whom he had two sonnes and one daughter (quaere my brother William Aubrey)—Edmund, his eldest (was bred-up to[1234] his uncle's profession of a glover); and Thomas (philosopher), second son, whose life I now write. Edmund was neer[1235] two yeares elder then his brother Thomas, and something resembled him in aspect[1236], not so tall, but fell much short of him in his intellect, though he was a good plain understanding countrey-man[1237]. He had been bred at schoole with his brother; could have made theme, and verse, and understood a little Greek to his dyeing day. He dyed (quaere William Aubrey) about 13 yeares since, aetat. circiter 80.

<His nephews and nieces.>

This Edmund had only one son named Francis, and two daughters maried to countreymen (renters) in the neighborhood. This Francis pretty well resembled his uncle Thomas, especially about the eie; and probably had he had good education might have been ingeniose; but he drowned his witt[1238] in ale[XCIV.]. He was left by his father and uncle Thomas, 80 li. (quaere W. A.) or better per annum, but he was an ill husband. He dyed about two yeares after his father, and left five children.—His eldest son is Thomas, a clothier, now about 23, living at[XCV.] ... (quaere W. A.[1239]). The second, <Edmund>, lives at ...[XCVI.], and has some lines of Thomas the philosopher. When he was a child[1240], his genius inclined him to ([1241]quaere W. A.) draweing[1242] and engraving in copper. He is now about 21.

<Description of Malmsbury.>

<As may be seen from his intended preface (supra, p. 19) Aubrey thought of beginning the life of Hobbes with an account of Malmsbury.

For this purpose in MS. Aubr. 9 he has drawn three plans[1243]:—

(a) plan of environs of Malmsbury (a slip at fol. 31^v).

(b) plan of Malmsbury (fol. 31^v).

(c) a drawing of the house in which Hobbes was born (fol. 31^v). These are reproduced in facsimile at the end of this edition.

He gives there (fol. 31^v) these dimensions of the town:—'From St. John's Bridge <south limit of the town> to the abbey <north> is about a quarter of a mile; and from the same bridge to Westport church <west limit> is neer about a mile. Height of the borough from the levill belowe is about 100 foot high.'

The references on the plan of Malmsbury (see the facsimile) are:—

'α = the house of his birth.

ω = Westport church.

W = the West port (olim).

β = the smyth's shop.

δ = the private house where Mr. Latimer taught him.

ξ = Three Tunnes (as I take it), opposite to the smyth's shop.

= the religious <house> dedicated to Our Lady: the chapell is yet standing.

H = <Hobbes's> house at the upper <end> faces the Horse fayre.

= quaere if not a chapell here?'

On fol. 31^v of MS. Aubr. 9, Aubrey has these remarks about these plans, etc.:—

'If these notes are not now inserted, probably they will be lost: or should it not be a marginall commentary?'

'I have drawne this rude sketch meerly for your clearer understanding, not that I think it worth while to grave it for 'tis at randome. I intended if it had pleased God that I had prospered in the world to have had taken an exact map[1244] of Malmesbury.'

'Whitechurch, about a mile ferè off:—quaere ubi stat?' 'Vide Speed's mappe in Wiltshire.'

'Burnevall, quasi Bournevall.'>

<Description of Westport.>

[1245]Westport[FJ] is the parish without the west-gate (which is now demolished), which gate stood on the neck of land that joines Malmesbury (vide verses[FK]) to Westport. Here[FL] was, before the late warres, a very pretty church, consisting of 3 aisles, or rather a nave and two aisles (which tooke up the whole area[1246]), dedicated to St. Mary; and a fair spire-steeple, with five tuneable bells, which, when the towne was taken (about 1644; quaere William Aubrey) by Sir W. Waller, were converted[1247] into ordinance, and the church pulled-downe to the ground, that the enemie might not shelter themselves against the garrison. The steeple was higher then that now standing in the borough, which much added to[1248] the prospect. The windowes were well painted, and in them were inscriptions that declared much antiquitie; now is here rebuilt a church like a stable.

<Place and date of his birth.>

Thomas Hobbes, Malmesburiensis, Philosophus, was borne at his father's house in Westport, being that extreme howse that pointes into, or[1249] faces, the Horse-fayre; the farthest howse on the left hand as you goe to Tedbury, leaving the church on your right. To prevent mistakes, and that hereafter may rise no doubt[1250] what house was famous for this famous man's birth; I doe here testifie that in April, 1659, his brother Edmond went with me into this house, and into the chamber where he was borne. Now things begin to be antiquated, and I have heard some guesse it might be at the howse where his brother Edmund lived and dyed. But this is so, as I here[1251] deliver it. This house was given by Thomas, the vicar, to his daughter[XCVII.] ... whose daughter or granddaughter possessed[1252] it, when I was there.[1253]It is a firme house, stone-built and tiled, of one roome (besides[1254] a buttery, or the like, within) below, and two chambers above. 'Twas in the innermost where he first drew breath.

The day of his birth was April the fifth, Anno Domini 1588, on a Fryday morning, which that yeare was Good Fryday. His mother fell in labour with him upon the fright of the invasion of the Spaniards—

—[1258]he told me himself between the houres of four and six: but by rectification his nativity is found to be at ...[XCVIII.].

His horoscope[FN] is Taurus, having in it a satellitium of 5 of the 7 planets. It is a maxime in astrologie—vide Ptol. Centil.—that a native that hath a satellitium in his ascendent becomes[1259] more eminent in his life then ordinary[1260], e.g. divers which see in Origanus, etc., and Oliver Cromwell had so, etc.

<His school and college life.>

At four yeares old[FO] he went to schoole in Westport church, till eight; by that time[1261] he could read well, and number four figures. Afterwards he went to schoole to Malmesbury, to Mr. Evans, the minister of the towne; and afterwards to Mr. Robert Latimer, a young man of about nineteen or twenty, newly come from the University, who then kept a private schoole in Westport, where the broad place (quaere nomen) is, next dore north from the smyth's shop, opposite to the Three Cuppes[1262] (as I take it). He was a batchelour and delighted in his scholar, T. H.'s company, and used to instruct him, and two or three ingeniose youths more, in the evening till nine a clock. Here T. H. so well profited in his learning, that at fourteen yeares of age, he went away a good schoole-scholar to Magdalen-hall, in Oxford. It is not to be forgotten, that before he went to the University, he had turned Euripidis Medea[1263] out of Greeke into Latin Iambiques, which he presented to his master. Mr. H. told me that he would faine have had them, to have seen how he did grow in.... Twenty odde[1264] yeares agoe I searcht all old Mr. Latimer's papers, but could not find them; the[1265] good huswives had sacrificed them.

I have heard his brother Edmund and Mr. Wayte (his schoolefellowe) say that when he was a boy he was playsome enough, but withall he had even then a contemplative melancholinesse; he would gett him into a corner, and learne his lesson by heart presently. His haire was black, and his schoolfellows[1266] were wont to call him 'Crowe.'

This Mr. Latimer was a good Graecian, and the first that came into our parts hereabout since the Reformation. He was afterwards minister of Malmesbury, and from thence preferred to a better living of 100 li. per annum, or +, at Leigh-de-la-mere within this hundred.

At Oxford Mr. T. H. used, in the summer time especially, to rise very early in the morning, and would tye the leaden-counters (which they used in those dayes at Christmas, at post and payre) with pacthreds[1267], which he did besmere with[1268] birdlime, and bayte them with parings of cheese, and the jack-dawes would spye them a vast distance up in the aire[XCIX.] and as far as Osney-abbey, and strike at the bayte, and so be harled in the string, which the wayte of the counter would make cling about ther wings. He did not much care for logick, yet he learnd it, and thought himselfe a good disputant. He tooke great delight there to goe to the[1269] booke-binders' shops, and lye gaping on mappes, of which he takes notice in his life written by himselfe in verse:

[1271]Quaere A<nthony> W<ood> what moneth and day he was matriculated?

[He[1272] came[1273] to Magdalen hall in the beginning of an. 1603, at what time, Dr. James Hussee, LL.D., was principall. This James Hussee was afterwards knighted by king James and was made Chancellour of Sarum. This Dr. Hussee was a great encourager of towardly youths. But he resigning his principallity about 1605, Mr. John Wilkinson succeeded him: so that Mr. Hobs was under the government of two principalls.[FP]—Thomas Hobs was admitted to the reading of any book of logic ('ad[1274] lectionem cujuslibet libri logices'), that is, he was admitted to the degree of Bachelaur of Arts, 5 Feb., 1607[1275], and in the Lent that then began did determine[1276], that is, did his exercise for the completion of that degree. Vide Hist. <et Antiq. Univ.> Oxon., lib. 2, pag. 376 a.]

<Enters the earl of Devonshire's service.>

[1277]After he had taken his batchelor of Arts degree (quaere A. Wood de hoc), the than principall of Magdalen-hall (Sir James Hussey[1278]) recommended him to his yong lord when he left Oxon, who had a conceit[1279] that he should profitt more in his learning if he had a scholar of his owne age to wayte on him then if he had the information of a grave doctor. He was his lordship's page, and rode a hunting and hawking with him, and kept his privy-purse.

By this way of life he had almost forgott his Latin; vide Latin verses. He therefore[1280] bought him bookes of an Amsterdam print that he might carry in his pocket (particularly Caesar's Commentarys), which he did read in the lobbey, or ante-chamber, whilest his lord was making his visits.

<Is servant to Francis Bacon.>

The Lord Chancellour Bacon loved to converse[C.] with him. He assisted his lordship in translating severall of his Essayes into Latin, one, I well remember, is[1281] that Of the Greatnes of Cities: the rest I have forgott. His lordship was a very contemplative person, and was wont to contemplate in his delicious walkes at Gorambery[FQ], and dictate to Mr. Thomas Bushell, or some other of his gentlemen, that attended him with inke and paper ready to sett downe presently his thoughts. His lordship would often say that he better liked Mr. Hobbes's taking his thoughts[1282], then any of the other, because he understood what he wrote, which the others not understanding, my Lord[1283] would many times have a hard taske to make sense of what they writt.

It is to be remembred that about these times, Mr. T. H. was much addicted to musique, and practised on the base-violl.

<Visits his native county, Wiltshire.>

1634: this summer—I remember 'twas in venison season[1285] (July or August)—Mr. T. H. came into his native country[1286] to visitt his friends, and amongst others he came then to see his old school-master, Mr. Robert Latimer[CI.], at Leigh-de-la-mer, where I was then at schoole[CII.] in the church[1287], newly entred into my grammar by him. Here was the first place and time that ever I had the honour to see this worthy, learned man, who was then pleased to take notice of me, and the next day visited[1288] my relations[1289]. He was then a proper man, briske, and in very good habit[1290]. His hayre was then quite black[1291]. He stayed at Malmsbury and in the neighborhood a weeke or better. 'Twas the last time that ever he was in Wiltshire.

[1292]His conversation about those times was much about Ben: Jonson, Mr. Ayton, etc.

<His mathematical studies.>

[1293]He was (vide his life) 40 yeares[1294] old before he looked on geometry; which happened accidentally. Being in a gentleman's library in ..., Euclid's Elements lay open, and 'twas the 47 El.[1295] libri I. He read the proposition. By[CIII.] G—,' sayd he, 'this is impossible!' So he reads the demonstration of it, which referred him back to such a proposition; which proposition he read. That referred him back to another, which he also read. Et sic deinceps, that at last he was demonstratively convinced of that trueth. This made him in love with geometry.

I have heard Sir Jonas Moore (and others[FR]) say that 'twas a great pity he had not began the study of the mathematics sooner, for such a working head[1297] would have made great advancement in it. So had he donne[1298], he would not have layn so open to his learned mathematicall antagonists[1299]. But one may say of him, as one (quaere who) sayes of Jos. Scaliger, that where he erres, he erres so ingeniosely, that one had rather erre with him then hitt the mark[1300] with Clavius. I have heard Mr. Hobbes say[1301] that he was wont to draw lines[1302] on his thigh and on the sheetes, abed, and[1303] also multiply and divide. He would often complain that algebra[CIV.] (though of great use) was too much admired, and so followed after, that it made men not contemplate and consider so much the nature and power of lines, which was a great hinderance to the groweth of geometrie; for that though algebra did rarely well and quickly, and easily in right lines, yet 'twould not bite in solid (I thinke) geometrie. Quod N.B.

[1304]Memorandum—After he began to reflect on[1305] the interest of the king of England as touching his affaires between him and the parliament, for ten yeares together his thoughts were much, or almost altogether, unhinged from the mathematiques; but chiefly intent on his De Cive, and after that on his Leviathan: which was a great putt-back to his mathematicall improvement[1306]—quod N.B.—for in ten yeares' (or better) discontinuance of that study (especially) one's mathematiques will become very rusty[1307].

<Champions the king's cause against the parliament.>

[1308]Vide Mr. Hobbes considered, p. 4: printed London 1662 (since reprinted, 1680, by William Crooke):—

1640: 'when the parliament sate that began in April 1640 and was dissolved in May following, and in which many pointes of the regall power, which were necessary for the peace of the kingdome and safety of his majestye's person, were disputed[1309] and denyed, Mr. Hobbes wrote a little treatise in English, wherin he did sett-forth and demonstrate, that the sayd power and rights were inseperably annexed to the soveraignty, which soveraignty they did not then deny to be in the king; but it seemes understood not, or would not understand, that inseperability. Of this treatise, though not printed, many gentlemen had copies, which occasioned much talke of the author; and had not his majestie dissolved the parliament, it had brought him in danger of his life.'

[1310]Vide Mr. Hobbes considered, if more may not be inserted, scilicet as to the politiques. Sed cave—

Horatius ad Asin. Pollionem, ode 1, lib. 2.

Memorandum the parliament was then sitting and runne violently against the king's prerogative.

[1311]Memorandum he told me that bp. Manwaring[1312] (of St. David's) preach'd his doctrine; for which, among others, he was sent prisoner to the Tower. Then thought Mr. Hobbes, 'tis time now for me to shift for my selfe, and so withdrew[1313] into France, and resided[1314] at Paris. As I remember, there were others[1315] likewise did preach his doctrine. This little MS. treatise grew to be[1316] his book De Cive[1317], and at last grew there to be the so formidable and ... Leviathan; the manner of writing of which booke (he told me) was thus. He walked much and contemplated, and he had in the head of his staffe[1318] a pen and inke-horne, carried alwayes a note-booke in his pocket, and as soon as a thought[1319] darted, he presently entred it into his booke, or otherwise he might[1320] perhaps have lost it. He had drawne the designe of the booke into chapters, etc. so he knew whereabout it would come in. Thus that booke was made.

'He wrote and published the Leviathan far from the intention either of disadvantage to his majestie, or to flatter Oliver (who was not made Protector till three or four yeares after) on purpose to facilitate his returne; for there is scarce a page in it that he does not upbraid him.'—Mr. Hobbes considered, p. 8.

[1321]''Twas written in the behalfe of the faithfull subjects of his majestie, that had taken his part in the war, or otherwise donne their utmost endeavour to defend his majestie's right and person against the rebells: wherby, having no other meanes of protection, nor (for the most part) of subsistence, were forced to compound with your masters, and to promise obedience for the saving of their lives and fortunes, which, in his booke he hath affirmed, they might lawfully doe, and consequently not bear arms against the victors. They had done their utmost endeavour to performe their obligation to the king, had done all they could be obliged unto; and were consequently at liberty to seeke the safety of their lives and livelihood wheresoever, and without treachery.'—<ibid.> p. 20.

'His majestie was displeased with him' (at Paris) 'for a while, but not very long, by means of some's complayning of and misconstruing his writing. But his majestie had a good opinion of him, and sayd openly that he thought Mr. Hobbes never meant him hurt.'—p. 28.

'Before his booke De Homine came forth, nothing of the optiques writt intelligibly. As for the Optiques of Vitellio[1322], and several others, he accounts them rather geometry than optiques.'—p. 54. [Will not this p. 54 more aptly come in in another place?]

'So also of all other arts; not every one that brings from beyond seas a new gin, or other janty devise, is therfore a philosopher. For if you reckon that way, not only apothecaries and gardiners, but many other sorts of workmen will put-in for, and get the prize—

'Then,[1323] when I see the gentlemen of Gresham Colledge apply themselves to the doctrine of motion (as Mr. Hobbes has done, and will be ready to helpe them in it, if they please, and so long as they use him civilly), I will looke to know some causes of naturall events from them, and their register, and not before; for nature does nothing but by motion.

'The reason given by him, why the drop of glasse so much wondred at shivers into so many pieces by breaking only one small part of it, is approved for probable by the Royall Societie and registred in their colledge:[CV.] but he has no reason to take it for a favour, because hereafter the invention may be taken, by that means, not for his, but theirs.'—p. 55.

'As for his selfe-prayse[CVI.], they can have very little skill in morality, that cannot see the justice of commending a man's selfe, as well as of any thing else, in his own defence.'—p. 57.

'Then for his morosity and peevishnesse, with which some asperse him, all that know him familiarly, know the contrary. 'Tis true that when vain and ignorant young scholars, unknowne to him before, come to him on purpose to argue with him, and fall into undiscreet and uncivill expressions, and he then appeare not well contented, 'twas not his morosity, but their vanity, which should be blamed.'—<Mr. Hobbes considered> p. 59.

<Residence in Paris.>

[1324]During his stay at Paris he went through a course of chymistry with Dr. ... Davison; and he there also studied Vesalius's Anatomie. This I am sure was before 1648; for that Sir William Petty (then Dr. Petty, physitian) studyed and dissected with him. Vide pag. 18b. A. W.[1325]

<Return to England.>

[1326]Anno 165-[CVII.], he returned into England, and lived most part[CVIII.] in London, in Fetter lane, where he writt, or finished, his booke De Corpore, ...[1327], in Latin and then in English; and writt his lessons against the two Savillian professors at Oxon[1328], etc.; vide the anno Domini when printed. (Puto 1655 or 56.)

<Kindness to his nephew.>

[1329]1655 or 1656: about this time he setled the piece of land (aforesayd), given to him by his uncle, upon his nephew Francis[CIX.] for life, the remaynder to his nephew's eldest son, Thomas Hobbes. He also not long after[1330] dischardged a mortgage (to my knowledge[CX.], to Richard Thorne, an attorney) of two hundred pounds, besides the interest thereof, with which his nephew Francis (a careles[1331] husband) had incumbred his estate.

<Residence in London.>

He was much in London till the restauration of his majesty, having here convenience not only of bookes, but of learned conversation, as Mr. John Selden, Dr. William Harvey, John Vaughan, etc., wherof anon in the catalogue of his acquaintance.

I have heard him say, that at his lord's house in the countrey[1333] there was a good library, and bookes enough for him, and that his lordship stored the library with what bookes he thought fitt to be bought; but he sayd, the want of learned[1334] conversation[CXI.] was a very great inconvenience[1335], and that though he conceived[1336] he could order his thinking as well perhaps as another man, yet he found a great defect[1337].

<Acquaintance and studies.>

Amongst other of his acquaintance I must not forget our common friend, Mr. Samuel Cowper, the prince of limners of this last age, who drew his picture[CXII.] as like as art could afford, and one of the best pieces that ever he did: which his majesty, at his returne, bought of him, and conserves as one of his great rarities in his closet at Whitehall.

[1339]1659. In 1659 his lord was—and some yeares before—at Little Salisbury-house (now turned to the Middle-Exchange), where he wrot, among other things, a poeme, in Latin hexameter and pentameter, of the encroachment of the clergie (both Roman and reformed) on the civil power[FS]. I remember I saw then 500 + verses, for he numbred every tenth as he wrote. I remember he did read Cluverius's Historia Universalis, and made-up his poeme from thence. His amanuensis remembers this poeme, for he wrote them out, but knows <not what became of it>.

His place of meditation was then in the portico in the garden.

His manner[1340] of thinking:—he sayd that he sometimes would sett his thoughts upon researching[1341] and contemplating, always with this rule[1342] that he very much and deeply considered one thing at a time (scilicet, a weeke or sometimes a fortnight).

There was a report[CXIII.] (and surely true) that in parliament, not long after the king was setled, some of the bishops made a motion to have the good old gentleman burn't for a heretique. Which he hearing, feared that his papers might be search't by their order, and he told me he had burn't part of them.—I have received word[1343] from his amanuensis and executor that he 'remembers there were such verses[1344] for he wrote them out, but knowes not what became of them, unlesse he presented them to Judge Vaughan[1345], or burned them as I did seeme to intimate.' ☞ But I understand since by W. Crooke, that he can retrive a good[1346] many of them.

<Secures the protection of Charles II.>

[1348]1660. The[1349] winter-time of 1659 he spent in Derbyshire. In[FT]March following was the dawning of the coming in of our gracious soveraigne, and in April the Aurora.

[1350]I then sent a letter to him in the countrey to advertise him of the Advent[1351] of his master the king and desired him by all meanes to be in London before his arrivall; and knowing[1352] his majestie was a great lover of good painting I must needs presume he could not but suddenly see Mr. Cowper's curious pieces, of whose fame he had so much heard abroad and seene some of his worke, and likewise that he would sitt to him for his picture, at which place and time he would have the best convenience[1353] of renewing his majestie's graces to him.[1354]He returned me thankes for my friendly intimation and came to London in May following.

It happened, about two or three dayes after his majestie's happy returne, that, as he was passing in his coach through the Strand, Mr. Hobbes was standing at Little Salisbury-house gate (where his lord then lived). The king espied him, putt of his hatt very kindly to him, and asked him how he did. About a weeke after he had[1355] orall conference with his majesty at[1356] Mr. S. Cowper's, where, as he sate for his picture, he was diverted[1357] by Mr. Hobbes's pleasant discourse[1358]. Here his majestie's favours were redintegrated to him, and order was given that he should have free accesse to his majesty, who was always much delighted in his witt and smart repartees.

The witts at Court were wont to bayte him. But he feared none of them[1359], and would make his part good. The king would call him the beare[CXIV.]: 'Here comes the beare to be bayted!'

Repartees. He was marvellous happy and ready in his replies, and that without rancor (except provoked)—but now[1360] I speake of his readinesse in replies as to witt and drollery. He would say that he did not care to give, neither was he adroit[1361] at, a present answer to a serious quaere: he had as lieve they should have expected an[1362] extemporary solution to an arithmeticall probleme, for he turned and winded and compounded in philosophy, politiques, etc., as if he had been at analyticall[1363] worke. He alwayes avoided, as much as he could, to conclude hastily (Humane Nature, p. 2). Vide[1364] p. 15 b.

<Re-enters the household of the earl of Devonshire.>

[1365]Memorandum—from 1660 till the time[CXV.] he[1366] last went into Derbyshire, he spent most of his time in London at his lord's (viz. at Little Salisbury-howse; then, Queen Street; lastly, Newport-house), following his contemplation and study. ☞ He contemplated and invented (set downe a hint with a pencill or so) in the morning, but compiled[1367] in the afternoon.

<His treatise De Legibus.>

1664. In[1370] 1664 I sayd to him 'Me thinkes 'tis pitty that you that have such a cleare reason and working[1371] head did never take into consideration the learning of the lawes'; and I endeavoured to perswade him to it. But he answered that[1372] he was not like to have life enough left to goe through with such a long and difficult taske. I then presented him the lord chancellor Bacon's Elements of the Lawe (a thin quarto), in order therunto and to drawe him on; which he was pleased to accept, and perused; and the next time I came to him he shewed me therin two cleare paralogismes in the 2nd page (one, I well remember, was in page 2), which I am heartily sory are now out of my remembrance.[1373] I desponded, for his reasons, that he should make any tentamen[1374] towards this designe; but afterwards, it seemes, in the countrey he writt his treatise De Legibus[FU] (unprinted) of which Sir John Vaughan, Lord Chiefe Justice of the Common Pleas, had a transcript, and I doe affirme that he much admired it.

[1375]Insert here part of his lettre to me about it.

'Tis thus, viz., in a letter to me[1376], dated Aug. 18, 1679, among severall other things, he writes[1377]:—

'I have been told that my booke of the Civill Warr is come abroad and am heartily sorry for it, especially because I could not get his majestie to license it, not because it is ill printed or hath a foolish title set to it, for I beleeve that any ingeniose man may understand the wickednes of that time, notwithstanding the errors of the presse[CXVI.].

'The treatise De Legibus (at the end of it) is imperfect. I desire Mr. Horne[1379] to pardon me that I cannot consent to his motion; nor shall Mr. Crooke himselfe get my consent to print it.

'I pray you present my humble thankes to Mr. Sam. Butler.

'The privilege of stationers is, in my opinion, a very great hinderance to the advancement of all humane learning[1380].

'I am, sir, your very humble servant, 'Th. Hobbes.'

<Proposed foundation at Malmsbury.>

[1381]1665. This yeare he told me that he was willing to doe some good to the towne where he was borne; that his majestie loved him well, and if I could find out something in our countrey that was in his guift, he did beleeve he could beg it of his majestie, and seeing[1382] he was bred a scholar, he thought it most proper to endowe[1383] a free-schoole there; which is wanting now[CXVII.] (for, before the reformation, all monasteries had great schooles appendant to them; e.g. Magdalen schoole and New College schoole). After[1384] enquiry I found out a piece of land in Bradon-forest (of about 25 li. per annum value) that was in his majesties guift[1385], which he designed[1386] to have obtained of his majestie for a salary for a schoolmaster; but[CXVIII.] the queen's priests[1387] smelling-out the designe and being[1388] his enemies, hindred[1389] this publique and charitable intention.

<Controversy with Dr. John Fell.>

[1674[1390]. Anno[1391] Domini 1674 Mr. Anthony à Wood sett forth an elaborate worke of eleven[1392] yeares study, intituled the History and Antiquities of the University of Oxford, wherin, in every respective Colledge and Hall, he mentions the writers there educated and what bookes they wrote. The deane of Christ Church having plenipotentiary[1393] power of the presse there], perused every sheet before 'twas to be sent to the presse[1394]; and maugre the author and to his[1395] sore displeasure did expunge and inserted what he pleased. Among other authors[CXIX.], he made divers alterations in Mr. Wood's copie in the account he gives of Mr. T. Hobbes of Malmesbury's life, in pag. 444, 445[1396], Lib. II—

'Vir sane de quo (inter tot prosperae et adversae famae qui de eo sparguntur hominum sermones) hoc verissime pronuntiare fas est, animum ipsi obtigisse, uti omnis scientiae capacissimum et infertum, ita divitiarum, saeculi, et invidiae negligentissimum; erga cognatos et alios pium et beneficum; inter eos quibuscum vixit, hilarem et apertum, et sermone libero; apud exteros in summa semper veneratione habitum,' &c.; this and much more was quite dashed out of the author's copie by the sayd deane.

[1397]These[CXX.] additions and expunctions being made by the sayd deane of Christ Church, without[1398] the knowledge or advice of the authour and quite contrary to his mind, he told him it was fitt Mr. Hobbes should know it[1399], because that his name being set to the booke and all people knowing it to be his, he should be liable to an answer, and so consequently be in perpetuall controversie. To this the deane replied, 'Yea, in God's name; and great reason it was that he should know what he had done, and what he had donne he would answer for,' etc.

1674. Hereupon[1401], the author acquaints[1402]J. A., Mr. Hobbes's correspondent, with all that had passed; J. A. acquaints Mr. Hobbes. Mr. Hobbes takeing it ill, was resolved to vindicate himselfe in an Epistle to the Author. Accordingly an epistle, dated Apr. 20, 1674, was sent to the author in MS., with an intention to publish it when the History of Oxford was to be published. Upon the reciept of Mr. Hobbes's Epistle by Anthony à Wood, he forthwith repaired, very honestly and without any guile, to the dean of Christ Church to communicate it to him[1403]. The deane read it over carelesly, and not without scorne, and when he had donne, bid Mr. Wood tell Mr. Hobbes, 'that he was an old man, had one foote in the grave, that he should mind his latter end, and not trouble the world any more with his papers,' etc., or to that effect.

In the meane time Mr. Hobbes meetes with the king in the Pall-mall, in St. James's parke; tells him how he had been served by the deane of Christ Church, in a booke then in the presse (scilicet the 'History' aforesayd), intituled the History and Antiquities of the Universitie of Oxon, and withall desires his majestie to be pleased to give him leave to vindicate himselfe. The king seeming to be troubled at the dealing of the deane, gave Mr. Hobbes leave, conditionally that he touch no-body but him who had abused him, neither that he should reflect upon the Universitie.

Mr. Hobbes understanding that this History would be published at the common Act at Oxon, about 11 July, the said yeare 1674, prints his Epistle[1404] at London, and sends downe divers copies to Oxon, which being dispersed at coffee-houses and stationers' shops, a copie forthwith came to the deane's hands, who upon the reading of it fretted and fumed[1405], sent[1406] for the author of the History and chid him, telling withall that he had corresponded with his enemie (Hobbes). The author replied that surely he had forgot what he had donne, for he had communicated to him before what Mr. Hobbes had sayd and written; wherupon the deane recollecting himselfe, told him that Hobbes should suddenly heare more of him[1407]; so that the last sheete[1408] of paper being then in the presse and one leafe thereof being left vacant, the deane supplied it with this answer. Both the epistle and answer I here exhibite.

[1409]Here insert the Epistle[1410] and Answer[1411].

To this angry[1412] answer the old gentleman never[1413] made any reply, but slighted[1414] the Dr's passion and forgave it. But 'tis supposed it might be the cause why Mr. Hobbes was not afterwards so indulgent, or spared the lesse to speake his opinion, concerning the Universities and how much their doctrine and method had contributed to the late troubles [e.g. in his History of the Civill Warre].

<Withdraws to Derbyshire.>

1675, mense ..., he left London cum animo nunquam revertendi, and spent the remaynder of his dayes in Derbyshire with the earl of Devonshire at Chatsworth and Hardwyck, in contemplation and study. He wrote there[1415] ... (vide vitam).

<His death and burial.>

[1416]Then[1417], <insert an account of> his sicknesse, death, buriall and place, and epitaph, which send for[1418].

[1419]Extracted out of the executor's lettre (January 16, 1679) to me:—

'To his highly honoured friend, Jo. Aubrey, esq., these.'—

(His sicknesse) 'Worthy sir—he fell sick about the middle of October last,' etc.[1420]—

[1421]☞ 'He dyed worth neer 1000 li., which (considering his charity) was more then I expected: vide his verses[1422] in the last page.—From W. Crooke, from Mr. Jackson who had 500 li. of his in his hands.—

<Personal characteristics.>

[1423]Describe face, eyes, forehead, nose, mouth, eyebrows, figure of the face, complexion; stature of body; shape (slender, large, neat, or otherwise); figure of head and magnitude of head; shoulders (large, round, etc.); arms, legs, how?—

[1424]Mr. Hobbes's person, etc.:—hazel, quick eie, which continued to his last. He was a tall man, higher then I am by about halfe a head (scil.... feet), i.e. I could putt my hand between my head and his hatt.—When young he loved musique and practised on the lute. In his old age he used to sing prick-song every night (when all were gonne and sure nobody could heare him) for his health, which he did beleeve would make him live two or three yeares longer.

[1425]In his youth unhealthy; of an ill yellowish complexion: wett in his feet, and trod both his shoes the same way.

[1426]His complexion. In his youth he was unhealthy, and of an ill complexion (yellowish).

His[CXXI.] lord, who was a waster, sent him up and downe to borrow money, and to gett gentlemen to be bound for him, being ashamed to speake him selfe: he tooke colds, being wett in his feet (then were no hackney coaches to stand in the streetes), and trod both his shoes aside the same way. Notwithstanding he was well-beloved: they lov'd his company for his pleasant facetiousnes and good-nature[1427].

From forty, or better, he grew healthier, and then he had a fresh, ruddy, complexion. He was sanguineo-melancholicus; which the physiologers say is the most ingeniose complexion. He would say that 'there might be good witts of all complexions; but good-natured, impossible.'

Head. In his old age he was very bald[1428] (which claymed a veneration); yet within dore, he used to study, and sitt, bare-headed, and sayd he never tooke cold in his head, but that the greatest trouble was to keepe-off the flies from pitching on the baldnes. His head was ... inches in compasse (I have the measure), and of a mallet-forme (approved by the physiologers).

[1429]Skin. His skin was soft and of that kind which my Lord Chancellor Bacon in his History of Life and Death calles a goose-skin, i.e. of a wide texture:—

Crassa cutis, crassum cerebrum, crassum ingenium.

Face not very great; ample forehead; whiskers yellowish-redish, which naturally turned up—which is a signe of a brisque witt, e.g. James Howell, Henry Jacob of Merton College.

<Beard.> Belowe he was shaved close, except a little tip under his lip. Not but that nature[1430] could have afforded a venerable beard (Sapientem pascere barbam—Horat. Satyr. lib. 2), but being naturally of a cheerfull and pleasant humour[1431], he affected not at all austerity and gravity and to looke severe. [Vide[1432] page 47 of Mr. Hobbes considered—'Gravity and heavinesse of countenance are not so good marks of assurance of God's favour, as a chearfull, charitable, and upright behaviour, which are better signes of religion than the zealous maintaining of controverted doctrines.'] He desired not[1433] the reputation of his wisdome to be taken[1434] from the cutt of his beard, but from his reason—

Barba non facit philosophum. 'Il consiste tout en la pointe de sa barbe et en ses deux moustaches; et, par consequence, pour le diffaire il ne faut que trois coups de ciseau.'—Balzac, Lettres, tom. 2, p. 242.

[1435]Eie. He had a good eie, and that of a hazell colour, which was full of life and spirit, even to the last. When he was earnest in discourse, there shone (as it were) a bright live-coale within it.[1436]He had two kind of looks:—when he laugh't, was witty, and in a merry humour, one could scarce see his eies; by and by, when he was serious and positive[1437], he open'd his eies round (i.e. his eie-lids). He had midling eies, not very big, nor very little (from Sir W<illiam> P<etty>).

[1438]Stature. He was six foote high, and something better (quaere James Wh<eldon>), and went indifferently erect, or rather, considering his great age, very erect.

Sight; witt. His sight and witt continued to the last. He had a curious sharp sight, as he had a sharpe witt, which was also so sure and steady (and contrary to that men call bro<a>dwittednes) that I have heard him oftentimes say that in[1439]multiplying and dividing he[1440] never mistooke a figure: and so in other things.

<Habits of body and mind.>

He thought much and with excellent method and stedinesse, which made him seldome make a false step.

His bookes, vide page[1441] 22. [1442]☞ He had very few bookes. I never sawe (nor Sir William Petty) above halfe a dozen about him in his chamber. Homer and Virgil were commonly on his table; sometimes Xenophon, or some probable historie, and Greek Testament, or so.

[1443]Reading. He had read much, if one considers his long life; but[1444] his contemplation was much more then his reading. He was wont to say that if he had read as much as other men, he[1445] should have knowne no more then other men.

[1446]His physique. He seldome used any physique (quaere Sir W<illiam> P<etty>). What 'twas I have forgot, but will enquire of Mr. Shelbrooke his apothecary at the Black Spread-eagle in the Strand.

Memorandum—Mr. Hobbes was very sick and like to dye at Bristoll-house in Queen Street, about 1668.

[1447]He had a sicknes, anno....

He was wont to say that he had rather have the advice, or take physique from an experienced old woman, that had been at many sick people's bed-sides, then from the learnedst but unexperienced physitian.

[1448]'Tis[1449] not consistent with an harmonicall soule to be a woman-hater, neither had he an abhorrescence to good wine but ...—this only inter nos.

[1450]Temperance and diet. He was, even in his youth, (generally) temperate, both as to wine and women, (et tamen haec omnia mediocriter)—

Homo sum, humani nihil a me alienum puto.

I have heard him say that he did beleeve he had been in excesse[1451] in his life, a hundred times; which, considering his great[1452] age, did not amount to above once a yeare. When he did drinke, he would drinke to excesse to have the benefitt of vomiting, which he did easily; by which benefit neither his witt was disturbt longer then he was spuing nor his stomach oppressed; but he never was, nor could not endure to be, habitually a good fellow, i.e. to drinke every day wine with company, which, though not to drunkennesse, spoiles the braine.

For his last 30+ yeares, his dyet, etc., was very moderate and regular. After sixty he dranke no wine, his stomach grew weak, and he did eate most fish, especially whitings, for he sayd he digested fish better then flesh. He rose about seaven, had[1453] his breakefast of bread and butter; and tooke his walke, meditating till ten; then he did putt downe the minutes of his thoughts, which he penned in the afternoon.

[1454]He had an inch thick board about 16 inches square, whereon paper was pasted. On this board he drew his lines (schemes). When a line came into his head, he would, as he was walking, take a rude memorandum of it, to preserve it in his memory till he came to his chamber. ☞ He was never idle; his thoughts were always working.

[1455]His dinner was provided for him exactly by eleaven, for he could not now stay till his lord's howre—scil. about two: that his stomach could not beare.

After dinner he tooke a pipe of tobacco, and then threw himselfe immediately on his bed, with his band off, and slept (tooke a nap of about halfe an howre).

In the afternoon he penned his morning thoughts.

Exercises. Besides his dayly walking, he did twice or thrice a yeare play at tennis[CXXII.] (at about 75 he did it); then went to bed there and was well rubbed[CXXIII.]. This he did believe would make him live two or three yeares the longer.

[1456]In the countrey, for want of a tennis-court, he would walke up-hill and downe-hill in the parke, till he was in a great sweat, and then give the servant some money to rubbe him.

[1457]Prudence. He gave to his amanuensis, James Wheldon (the earle of Devon's baker; who writes a delicate hand), his pention at Leicester, yearly, to wayte on him, and take a care of him, which he did performe to him living and dying, with great respect and diligence: for which consideration he made him his executor.

Habit. In cold weather he commonly wore a black velvet coate, lined with furre; if not, some other coate so lined. But all the yeare he wore a kind of bootes[1458] of Spanish leather, laced or tyed along the sides with black ribons.

Singing. He had alwayes bookes of prick-song lyeing on his table:—e.g. of H. Lawes' etc. Songs—which at night, when he was abed, and the dores made fast, and was sure nobody heard him, he sang aloud (not that he had a very good voice) but[1459] for his health's sake: he did beleeve it did his lunges good, and conduced much to prolong his life.

[1460]Shaking palsey. He had the shaking palsey in his handes; which began in France before the yeare 1650, and haz growne upon him by degrees, ever since, so that he haz not been able to write very legibly since 1665 or 1666, as I find by some of his letters[1461] to me.

<His readiness to help with advice and money.>

[1462]His goodnes of nature and willingnes to instruct any one that was willing to be informed and modestly desired it, which I am a witnesse of as to my owne part and also to others.

[1463]Charity. His brotherly love to his kinred hath already been spoken of. He was very charitable (pro suo modulo) to those that were true objects of his bounty[1464]. One time, I remember, goeing in the Strand, a poor and infirme old man craved[1465] his almes. He, beholding him with eies of pitty and compassion, putt his hand in his pocket, and gave him 6d. Sayd[1466] a divine (scil. Dr. Jaspar Mayne) that stood by—'Would you have donne this, if it had not been Christ's command?'—'Yea,' sayd he.—'Why?' quoth the other.—'Because,' sayd he, 'I was in paine to consider[1467] the miserable condition of the old man; and now my almes, giving him some reliefe, doth also ease me.'

<Slanders concerning him.>

Aspersions and envy. His work was attended with envy, which threw severall aspersions and false reports on him. For instance, one (common) was that he was afrayd to lye alone at night in his chamber, [I have often heard him say that he was not afrayd of of sprights, but afrayd of being knockt on the head[1468] for five or ten pounds, which rogues might thinke he had[1469] in his chamber]; and severall other tales, as untrue.

I have heard some positively affirme that he had a yearly pension from the king of France,—possibly for having asserted such a monarchie as the king of France exercises, but for what other grounds I know not, unles it be for that the present[1470] king of France is reputed an encourager of choice and able men in all faculties who can contribute to his greatnes. I never heard him speake of any such thing; and, since his death, I have inquired of his most intimate friends in Derbyshire, who write to me they never heard of any such thing. Had it been so, he, nor they, ought to have been ashamed of it, and it had been becoming the munificence of so great a prince to have donne it.

Atheisme[1471]. Testimonie[1472]. For his being branded with atheisme, his writings and vertuous life testifie[1473] against it. No man hath written better of ..., perhaps not so well. To prevent such false and malicious reports, I thought fit to insert and affirme as abovesayd.[1474]And that he was a Christian 'tis cleare, for he recieved the sacrament of Dr. <John> Pierson, and in his confession to Dr. John Cosins, at ..., on his (as he thought) death-bed, declared that he liked the religion of the church of England best of all other.

He would have the worship of God performed with musique (ad me[1475]).

<Addenda.>

[1476]Though he left his native countrey[1477] at 14, and lived so long, yet sometimes one might find a little touch of our pronunciation.—Old Sir Thomas Malette[1478], one of the judges of the King's Bench, knew Sir Walter Ralegh, and sayd that, notwithstanding his great travells, conversation, learning, etc., yet he spake broade Devonshire to his dyeing day.

[1479]Memorandum—'twas he (as he him selfe haz told me) that <invented> the method of the oeconomie of the earle of Devon's family and way of stating or keeping of the accounts.

<Portraits of Hobbes.>

<i.>[1480]Desire Sir Christopher Wren or Mr. Thomas Henshawe to speake to the king for his picture[1481] of Mr. Hobbes for Mr. <David> Loggan to engrave it.

<ii.>[1482]He did, anno 16.. (vide the date[1483], which is on the backside) doe me the honour to sitt for his picture to Jo. Baptist Caspars, an excellent painter, and 'tis a good piece, which I presented to the <Royall> Societie 12 yeares since (but will it not be improper for me to mention my owne guift?).

[1484]Hanc Thomae Hobbes Malmesburiensis effigiem ad vivum depictam (1663) Regiae Societati Londinensi D.D.D. Johannes Aubrey de Easton-Piers ejusdem Soc. S. 1670.

Gett a brasse wyer to hang it[1485] by.

<iii.>[1486]Mr. Hobbes's motto upon his owne picture at Sir Charles Scarborough's:—

(Sir Charles Scarborough confessed to me that he made this distich.)

<iv.>[1487]Memorandum—there was a good painter at the earl of Devonshire's in Derbyshire not long before Mr. Hobbes dyed, who drew him with the great decayes of old age. Mr. William Ball hath a good copie of it.

<v.>[1488]His motto about his picture:—

En quam modicè habitat philosophia.

<His seal.>

[1489]This—

..., a bend engrailed between 6 martletts ..., was the seale[FV] he commonly sealed his letters with, but 'twas not his coate.

Quare whose coate it may be—if Hobbes?

Quaere James Wheldon the executor if this be his coate of armes—for 'tis some seale—and what the colours are.—Respondet that the heralds did offer him a coat of armes but he refused it.

<He was 'plebeius homo.'>

[1490]Sir William Dugdale (Clarenceux), and Sir Edward Bisshe, the heralds, had an esteeme and respect for him, in so much that they would have graunted him a coate of armes; but he refused it—which methinkes he neede[1491] not have donne.

Vide Alexander Broome's poemes:—

[1492]Vide Ben Jonson's Underwoods—that 'the most worthy men have been rock't in meane cradles.'

<His sayings.>

[1493]'Tis of custome in the lives of wise men to putt downe their sayings. Now if trueth (uncommon) delivered clearly and wittily may goe[1494] for a saying, his common discourse was full of them, and which for the most part were sharpe and significant.

Here insert the two printed papers of his sayings.

[1495]Quaere Mr. Ben. Tuke at the Ship in Paule's Church-yard for the paper of his sayings, which Dr. Francis Bernard and his brother Charles, etc.—a club—made.

[1496]The sheet[1497] of old Mr. Hobbes sayings was not published by his executor, as is there printed. 'Twas (indeed) donne by Mr. ... Blunt, Sir Henry Blunt's sonne, and 'tis well donne.

[1498]I sayd, somewhere before, that (though he was ready and happy in repartying in drollery) he did not care[1499] to give a present answer to a question, unless he had thoroughly considered it before: for he was against 'too hasty concluding,' which he did endeavour as much as he could to avoid.—This is in p. 12[1500].

[1501]Thomas Hobbs <said> that if it were not for the gallowes, some men are of so cruell a nature as to take a delight[1502] in killing men[FW] more than I should to kill a bird.—Entred[1503] in idea.

[1504]When Spinoza's Tractatus Theologico-Politicus first came out <1670>, Mr. Edmund Waller sent it to my lord of Devonshire and desired him to send him word what Mr. Hobbes said of it. Mr. H. told his lordship:—

Ne judicate ne judicemini[1505].

He told me he had cut thorough him a barre's length, for he durst not write so boldly.

[1506]I have heard him inveigh much against the crueltie of Moyses for putting so many thousands to the sword for bowing to[1507] ... vide text.

I have heard him say that Aristotle was the worst teacher that ever was, the worst polititian and ethick—a countrey-fellow that could live in the world <would be> as good: but his rhetorique and discourse of animals was rare.

[1508]T. H.'s saying:—rather use an old woman[1509] that had many yeares been at sick people's bedsides, then the learnedst young unpractised physitian.

[1510]☞ I remember he was wont to say that 'old men were drowned inwardly, by their owne moysture; e.g. first, the feet swell; then, the legges; then, the belly; etc.'—This saying may be brought in, perhaps, as to the paragraph of his sicknesse and death.

<From> Elizabeth, viscountesse Purbec. When Mr. T. Hobbes was sick in France, the divines came to him, and tormented him (both Roman Catholic, Church of England, and Geneva). Sayd he to them 'Let me alone, or els I will detect all your cheates from Aaron to yourselves.' I thinke I have heard him speake something to this purpose.

Mr. Edmund Waller sayd to me, when I desired him to write some verses in praise of him, that he was afrayd of the churchmen: he quoted Horace—

that, what was chiefly to be taken notice of in his elogie was that he, being but one, and a private person, pulled-downe all the churches, dispelled the mists of ignorance, and layd-open their priest-craft.

<His writings.>

<Aubrey several times notes his intention of drawing up a list of Hobbes' writings. In MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 53^v, is a memorandum 'An exact Catalogue of all the bookes he wrote,' with a mark showing that it was to be brought in before the notice of Hobbes's death, supra, p. 346. MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 22, is headed 'Catalogus librorum ab autore scriptorum,' and is left blank for their insertion.

In MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 18^v, is James Wheldon's answer to the inquiry suggested (ut supra) on fol. 53^v:—viz.>

[1511]A Catalogue of his bookes.

His Latine poem of the wonders of the Peake.

His translation of Thucidides out of Greek into English.

His Humane nature, and De corpore politico in English.

His Leviathan in English.

{De corpore } His philosophy in three parts {De homine } in Latine. {De cive }

His dialogue of the Civill Warr, in English, printed lately against his will.

Of his disputations with Dr. Wallis and what he has written in philosophy and mathematicks Mr. <William> Crook can best give you the titles with the order and times of their edition, some Latine, some English; as also of

His translation of the Odysses and Iliads of Homer.

There is also a small peece in English called A Breefe of Aristotle's Rhetorick printed by Andrew Crooke, which was his, though his name be not to it.

There is a little booke called Mr. Hobbes considered, wherein there is some passages relating to his life.

<In MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 54^v, Aubrey notes the omission of a list of Hobbes's writings, and on fol. 55 he adds a transcript (with some notes of his own) of a list by William Crooke, Hobbes' publisher, supplementary to that given in Anthony Wood's Hist. et Antiq. Univ. Oxon. ii. 377.>

[1512]I have no time now (in this transcript) to write the catalogue of his bookes, and I thought to have sent your paper[1513] (which I keepe safe) but Dr. Blackburne desires the perusall of it.—This catalogue here I received last night from William Crooke.

[1514]A supplement to Mr. A.[1515] Wood's catalogue (in his 'History') of Mr. Hobbes his workes: viz.—

The travells of Ulysses, being the translation of the 9, 10, and 11 bookes of Homer's Odysses into English; London, printed 1674.

Epistola ad D. Ant. à Wood, Latin, 1675[1516].

A translation of the 24 bookes of Homer's Iliads and the 24 bookes of his Odysses.

Also, his preface about the vertues of heroique poesie, in English, printed 1675, and 1677.

A letter to the duke of Newcastle about liberty and necessity, printed 1676, and 1677. [I have this somewhere among my bookes, printed about 30 yeares since. It was edited first by John Davys of Kidwelly; and there is a preface to it with S. W., i.e. Seth Ward, who then had a high esteeme of him.]

De Mirabilibus Pecci[1517]—English and Latin, 1678—a New-year's guift to his lord, who gave him 5 li., about 1627.

Decameron Physiologicum, or ten dialogues of naturall philosophy, to which is added the proportion of straight line to halfe the arc of quadrant, English, 1678[1518].

Considerations upon the reputation, loyalty, manners, and religion of Thomas Hobbes, written by himselfe, printed 1680, with part of severall of his letters to W. Crooke.—[This[1519] was first printed by Andrew Crooke 1662, ἀνονυμῶς.]

Vita Thomae Hobbes, 4to, printed 1680; in Latin verse; quarto.

Idem, in English, translated by ...; 1680, folio.

An historicall narration concerning heresie and the punishment thereof, English, 1680.

[Where[1520] is the book against Dr. Wallis in 4to that came out in Jan. 1679/80?].

[1521]He haz omitted here Aristotel's Rhetorique, printed long since by Andrew Crooke, but without his name; but Dr. Blackburne, W. Crooke, and I will lay our heads together and sett these things right.

☞ It ought not to be forgotten that there is before Sir William Davenant's heroique poem called Gondibert, a learned epistle of Mr. Hobbes's concerning poetrie, in answer to Sir William's.

And there is also a shorter letter of Mr. Hobbes's, which the Honourable ... Howard has printed before his heroique poem, 8vo, called I thinke Bonduca, about 1668 or 9.

Mr. Hobbes wrote a letter to ... (a colonell, as I remember) concerning Dr. Scargill's recantation sermon, preached at Cambridge, about 1670, which he putt into Sir John Birkenhead's hands to be licensed, which he refused (to collogue and flatter the bishops), and would not returne it nor give a copie. Mr. Hobbes kept no copie, for which he was sorry. He told me he liked it well himselfe.—[1522]Dr.[1523] Birket, my old acquaintance, hath the ordering of Sir John Birkenhead's bookes and papers. He hath not found it yet but hath found a letter of Mr. Hobbes to him about it, and hath promised me if he finds it to let me have it. ☞ Memorandum—Sir Charles Scarborough told me that he haz a copie of it, but I could not obtaine it of him; but I will try again, if Dr. Birket cannot find it.

<Notes about his writings.>

<There are several scattered notes about Hobbes' writings dispersed throughout MS. Aubr. 9, which may be most conveniently brought together here.>

His Latin Leviathan is altered in many particulars, e.g. the doctrine of the Trinity, etc., and enlarged with many considerable particulars.—MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 42^v.

The Leviathan is translated into Dutch.—MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 7^v.

Quaere Ph. Laurence what volume the Dutch Leviathan printed and what volumine.—MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 7.

Humane Nature, London, by Thomas Newcombe, 1650, 12mo.—Anno 1684/5 is printed by Mr. Crooke Humane Nature, and Libertie and Necessity, in 8vo, which they call his 'Tripos.'—MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 7^v.

Before Thucydides, he spent two yeares in reading romances and playes, which he haz often repented and sayd that these two yeares were lost of him—wherin perhaps he was mistaken too. For it might furnish him with copie of words.—MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 42^v.

Thucydides, London, imprinted for Richard Mynne in Little Brittain at the signe of St. Paul, MDCXXXIV.—MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 7^v.

Mr. Henry Birchit of the Middle Temple promised to gett for me Mr. Hobbes' letter to ... of Mr. Scargill's recantation, which he left with Sir John Birkenhead.—MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 54^v.

T. Hobbes—quaere Mr. H. Birchet de letter of Scargill's recantation which Sir John Birkenhead would not licence.—MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 8.

<In MS. Aubr. 9 at the end are some of the printed tracts issued by Hobbes in his controversy with Dr. John Wallis, viz.:—

(1) A folio sheet[1524], headed

'To the right honorable and others the learned members of the Royal Society for the Advancement of the Sciences, presenteth to your consideration your most humble servant Thomas Hobbes (who hath spent much time upon the same subject) two propositions, whereof the one is lately published by Dr. Wallis, a member of your society....

Dr. Wallis: de motu, cap. 5. prop. 1. | Thomas Hobbes, Roset. prop. 5.'

(2) A quarto sheet[1525], headed:

'To the right honourable and others the learned members of the Royal Society for the Advancement of the Sciences, presenteth to your consideration your most humble servant Thomas Hobbes a confutation of a theoreme which hath a long time passed for truth.'

(3) A quarto tract[1526] (the 'Propositions' occupy 3 pages, the 'Considerations,' 4 pages), entitled:—

'Three papers presented to the Royal Society against Dr. Wallis, together with considerations on Dr. Wallis his answers to them, by Thomas Hobbes of Malmsbury; London, printed for the author and are to be had at the Green Dragon without Temple Bar: 1671.'>

With Mr. Hobbes's small tracts inscribed to the Royal Society came a letter offering that some of the small pieces of his might be published in the Transactions; which was not donne, through Mr. Oldenburgh's default.—MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 47^v.

<At the end of MS. Aubr. 9 is a quarto tract of 14 pages, entitled:—

'Thomae Hobbesii Malmesburiensis vita, authore seipso[1527], Londini, typis, anno MDCLXXIX.'

The last two lines of it are:—

On these Aubrey notes (MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 68^v)—

'These two last verses Dr. Blackburne altered (because of qu[=a] in quatuor, long) in the copie printed with Mr. Hobbes's life in Latine, and some other alterations he made, but me thinkes the sense is not so brisque.'>

What did he write since he left London? Quaere <his> executor.—MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 22^v.

His executor acquaints William Crooke (the author's printer[1528]) and me, in a lettre[1529] under his hand January 16, 1679, that neither Mr. Halleley (Mr. Hobbes's intimate friend and confident) nor him selfe have any thing in either of their hands of Mr. Hobbes's, the very little of that kind that he left behind him being disposed of 'according to his own order' before he removed from Chatsworth. Quaere what was that order?—MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 22^v.

Mr. Thomas Hobbes <has left> in MSS.

----A dialogue concerning the common lawes.

----An epitome of the Civil Warres of England from 1640 to 1660.

----Answer to The Catching of the Leviathan by Dr. Bramhall.

----A historical narration concerning heresy and the punishment thereof.—MS. Aubr. 9, a slip at fol. 27^v.

Translation of 1, 9, 10, 11 and 1<2> bookes of Homer's Odysses in English verse.

Ecclesiastica Historia in Latin verse, Amsterdam.—MS. Aubr. 9, a slip pasted on to fol. 27^v.

Quaere Dr. Blackbourn and Mr. Crooke to know where lies or what is become of Mr. Hobbes' Historia Ecclesiastica Romana? Resp.—Dr. Blackbourne haz it; gett copie of it.—MS. Aubr. 7, a slip at fol. 8^v.

In May 1688, his Ecclesiastica Historia carmine elegiaco conscripta, in Latin verse, was printed at Augusta Trinobantum, scil. London. The preface was writt by Mr. Thomas Rymer, of Graie's Inne, but ἀνονυμῶς.—MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 54^v.

Memorandum.—Mr. Hobbes told me he would write, in three columnes, his doctrine, the objections, and his answers, and deposit[1530] it in the earle of Devon's library at ... in Derbyshire. Dr. <Thomas> Bayly, principall of New-Innhall in Oxon, tells me he hath seen it there.—MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 2.

<MS. Aubr. 28 is a copy of the tract (63 pages).

'Mr. Hobbes considered in his loyalty, religion, reputation, and manners, by way of letter to Dr. Wallis'; London, printed for Andrew Crooke, 1662.

On the title-page Aubrey has the note:—

'This letter was writt (indeed) by Mr. Thomas Hobbes himselfe—Jo. Aubrey de Easton-Pierse':

and at the end

'The second impression[1531] of this booke was from this very booke of mine.—'Twas not to be bought.'>

<Verses by him.>

[1532]Insert the love verses he made not long before his death:—

[1533]1.

2.

3.

[1534]Catalogue[1535] of his learned familiar friends and acquaintances, besides those already mentioned, that I remember him to have spoken of.

Mr. Benjamin Johnson, Poet-Laureat, was his loving and familiar friend and acquaintance.

<Sir Robert> Aiton, Scoto-Britannus, a good poet and critique and good scholar. He was neerly related to his lord's lady (Bruce). And he desired Ben: Johnson, and this gentleman, to give their judgement on his style of his translation of Thucydides.[1536]He lyes buryd in Westminster Abbey, and hath there an elegant monument and inscription[1537], which I will insert here or so much as may be pertinent.

Memorandum next after ... Ayton should in order be named Sydney Godolphin, esq., who left him, in his will, a legacy of an hundred poundes: and Mr. Hobbes hath left him an eternall[1538] monument in lib.... pag.... of his Leviathan.

Lucius Carey, lord Falkland was his great friend and admirer, and so was Sir William Petty; both which I have here enrolled amongst those friends I have heard him speake of, but Dr. Blackburne left 'em both out[1539] (to my admiration). I askt him why he had donne so? He answered because they were both ignote to foreigners.

Mr. Henry Gellibrand, Astronomy professor at Gresham Colledge.

[1540]James Harrington, esq., who wrote against him in his Oceana.

Henry Stubbes[1541].

Mr. Charles Cavendish[1542], brother to the duke of Newcastle, a learned gentleman and great mathematician.

Mr. Laurence Rooke, Geometry and Astronomy professor.

Mr. ... Hallely, his intimate friend, an old gent.

[1543]When he was at Florence (16..; vide vitam) he contracted a friendship with the famous Galileo Galileo, ...[1544], whom he extremely venerated and magnified; and not only as he was a prodigious witt, but for his sweetnes of nature and manners. They[1545] pretty well resembled one another as to their countenances, as by their pictures doeth[1546] appeare; were both cheerfull and melancholique-sanguine; and had both a consimilitie of fate, to be hated and persecuted by the ecclesiastiques.

16..[1547], Petrus Gassendus[1548], S. Th. Doctor et Regius Professor Parisiis,—vide his titles—whom he never mentions but with great honour and respect[CXXIV.], 'doctissimus, humanissimus'; and they loved each other entirely.

As also the like love and friendship was betwixt him and

Marinus ... Mersennus;

Monsr. Renatus Des Cartes[1549];

as also—

<Johan. Franc.> Niceron;

Samuel Sorbier, M. D.—vide his epistle and Gassendus's before his De Cive.

... Verdusius, to whom he dedicates his ... Dialogi ([1550]vide my Dialogi for his Christian name—'tis dedicated to him).

[1551]T. H. would say that Gassendus was the sweetest-natured man in the world.

Des Cartes and he were acquainted and mutually respected one another. He would say that had he kept himself to Geometry he had been the best geometer in the world but that his head did not lye for philosophy.

[1552]Mr. Hobbes was wont to say that had M^ieur Des Cartes (for whom he had a high respect) kept himselfe to geometrie, he had been the best geometer in the world; but he could not pardon him for his writing in defence of transubstantiation, which he knew was absolutely against his opinion[1553] and donne meerly to putt a compliment[1554] <on> the Jesuites.

[1555]I have heard Mr. Oates say that the Jesuites doe much glorie that he <Des Cartes> had his education under[1556] them. 'Tis not unlikely that the Jesuites putt him upon that treatise.

Edmund Waller[1557], esq., poet.

[1558]Sir Kenelm Digby, amicus T. H.

[1559](1648 or 49[1560], at Paris.) Sir William Petty (of Ireland[1561]), Regiae Societatis Socius, a person[1562] of a stupendous invention[1563] and of as great prudence and humanity, had an high[1564] esteeme of him. His acquaintance began at Paris, 1648 or 1649, at which time Mr. Hobbes studied Vesalius' Anatomy, and Sir William with him. He then assisted Mr. Hobbes in draweing his schemes[1565]for his booke of optiques, for he had a very fine hand in those dayes for draweing[1566], which draughts Mr. Hobbes did[1567] much commend. His facultie[1568] in this kind conciliated them the sooner to the familiarity[1569] of our common friend.

Mr. S. Cowper aforesayd[1570], at whose house they often mett.—He drew his picture twice: the first the king haz, the other is yet in the custody of his widowe; but he gave it, indeed, to me (and I promised I would give it to the archives at Oxon,[1571] with a short inscription on the back side, as a monument of his friendship to me and ours to Mr. Hobbes—sed haec omnia inter nos)[1572]but I, like a foole, did not take possession of it, for something of the garment was not quite finished, and he dyed, I being then in the countrey—sed hoc non ad rem.

[1573]<Sir William Petty.> I have a very fine letter from Mr. Hobbes to me where he gives him thanks and for his booke of Duplicate Proportion I sent him, which letter I will insert (so much as concerns it). Sir William Petty would keepe the originall honoris ergo and gave me a copie of it, which I have not leisure to looke out.

[1574](At Paris.) Mr. Abraham Cowley, the poet, who hath bestowed on him an immortal pindarique ode, which is in his poems.

(1651 or 52.) William Harvey, Dr. of Physique and Chirurgery, inventor of the circulation of the bloud, who left him in his will ten poundes, as his brother told me at his funerall. Obiit anno 1657, aetat. 80, sepult. at Hempsted in Essex, in their[1575] vault.

Mr. Edmund Waller of Beconsfield was his great friend, and acquainted at Paris—I believe before.

When his Leviathan came out, he sent by his stationer's (Andrew Crooke) man a copie of it, well-bound, to Mr. John Selden in Aedibus Carmeliticis. Mr. Selden told the servant, he did not know Mr. Hobbes, but had heard much of his worth, and that he should be very glad to be acquainted with him. Wherupon Mr. Hobbes wayted on him. From which time there was a strict friendship between <them> to his dyeing day. He left by his will to Mr. Hobbes a legacy of ten poundes.

Sir John Vaughan, Lord Chiefe Justice of the Common Pleas, was his great acquaintance, to whom he made visitts three times or more in a weeke—out of terme in the morning; in terme-time, in the afternoon.

Sir Charles Scarborough, M.D. (physitian to his royal highnesse the duke of Yorke), who hath a very good and like picture (drawne about 1655)[1576]of him, under which is this distich (they say of Mr. Hobbes's making[CXXV.]),

and much loved his conversation.

Sir Jonas Moore, mathematicus, surveyor of his majestie's ordinance, who had a great veneration for Mr. Hobbes, and was wont much to lament[CXXVI.] he fell to the study of the mathematiques so late.

Mr. Richard White, who writt Hemispherium Dissectum.[1578] I have heard Mr. Thomas Hobbes commend Richard White for a solid mathematician and preferred him much before his brother Thomas de Albiis[1579] for it.

Sir Charles Cavendish[1580].

Edward, lord Herbert of Cherbery and Castle Island.

Sir William Davenant, Poet Laureat after B. Johnson, and generall of the ordinance to the duke of Newcastle—at Paris[1581] (e.g. epistle); perhaps before.

William Chillingworth, D.D.—he would commend this doctor for a very great witt; 'But by G——' said he, 'he is like some lusty fighters that will give a damnable back-blow now and then on their owne party.'

George Eglionby, D.D. and deane of Canterbury, was also his great acquaintance. He died at Oxford[1582], 1643, of the epidemique disease then rageing.

[1583]Jasper Mayne, Doctor of Divinity (chaplain to William, marquesse of Newcastle), an old acquaintance of his.

Mr. Francis Osburne, author of 'Advice[1584] to a son' and severall other treatises, was his great acquaintance.

John Pell, Dr. of Divinity, mathematicus, quondam professor ...[1585] at Breda, who quotes him in his ... contra Longomontanum de Quadratura circuli, for one of his jury (of 12).

Sir George Ent, M.D.—In a letter to Mr. J<ohn> A<ubrey> from Mr. Thomas Hobbes:—

'Worthy Sir,

I have receaved from Mr. Crooke the booke of Sir George Ent of the Use of Respiration. It is a very learned and ingeniose booke full of true and deepe philosophy. I pray you to present unto him my most humble service. Though I recieved it but three dayes since, yet, drawen-on by the easinesse of the style and elegancy of the language, I have read it all over, and I give you most humble thankes for sending it to me. I pray you present my service to Mr. Hooke[1586].

I am, Sir, your most obliged and humble servant, Tho: Hobbes. Chatsworth, March 25, 1679.'

Ralph Bathurst, S.T.D., now deane of Welles, who hath writt verses before his booke of Humane Nature[1587].

Mr. Henry Stubbes, physitian, whom he much esteemed for his great learning and parts, but at latter end Mr. Hobbs differ'd with him for that he wrote against the lord chancellor Bacon, and the Royall Societie. He wrote in Mr. Hobbes' defence—vide librum[1588].

Walter Charleton, M.D., physitian to his majestie, and one of the Colledge of Physitians in London, a high admirer of him.

Mr. Samuel Butler, the author of Hudibras.

In his ... Dialogi (vide librum) he haz a noble elogie of Sir Christopher Wren, then a young scholar in Oxon, which quote; but I thinke they were not acquainted.

Mr. <Robert> Hooke loved him, but was never but once in his company.

<Sidney Godolphin[1589].>

[1590]To conclude, he had a high esteeme for the Royall Societie, having sayd (vide Behemoth pag. 242, part ...) that 'Naturall Philosophy was removed from the Universities to Gresham Colledge,' meaning the Royall Societie that meetes there; and the Royall Societie (generally) had the like for him: and he would long since have been ascribed a member there, but for the sake of one[CXXVII.] or two persons, whom he tooke to be his enemies. In their meeting at Gresham Colledge is his picture, drawen by the life, 166-(quaere date[1591]), by a good hand, which they much esteeme, and severall copies have been taken of it.

[1593]Memorandum:—Dr. Isaac Barrow hath mentioned Mr. T. Hobbes in his mathematicall lectures, printed and unprinted.

[1594]Edmund Waller, esq., of Beconsfield:—'but what he was most to <be> commended for was that he being a private person threw downe the strongholds (ὀχυρώματα) of the Church, and lett in light.'

Robert Stevens, serjeant at Lawe, was wont to say of him, and that truly, that 'no man had so much, so deeply, seriously, and profoundly[1595] considered humane nature as he.'

[1596]Mr. John Dreyden, Poet Laureat, is his great admirer, and oftentimes makes use of his doctrine in his playes—from Mr. Dreyden himselfe.

[1597]Memorandum he hath no countryman living hath knowne him so long (1633[1598]) as myselfe, or <any> of his friends, &c. <who> doth know so much <about him.> When he had printed his translation of Thucydides <1676: edit. 2>, his life is writt by him selfe (at my request) in the third person, a copie wherof I have by me, [to[1599] publish after his death if it please God I survive him.]

<Opponents and critics.>

[1600]Now as he had these ingeniose and learned friends, and many more (no question) that I know not or now escape my memory; so he had many enemies (though undeserved; for he would not provoke, but if provoked, he was sharp and bitter): and as a prophet is not esteemed in his owne countrey, so he was more esteemed by foreigners then by his countreymen.

His chiefe antagonists were

—[Dr.[1601] John] Bramhall, bishop of [Londonderry], afterwards [archbishop of Armagh and] primate of Ireland.

—Seth Ward, D.D., now bishop of Sarum, who wrote against him in his Vindiciae Academiarum[1602] ἀνονυμῶς, and in.... With whom though formerly he had some contest, for which he was sorry, yet Mr. Hobbes had a great veneration for his[1603] worth, learning and goodnes.

—John Wallis, D.D., a great mathematician, and that hath deserved exceedingly of the commonwealth of learning for the great paines etc...., was his great antagonist in the Mathematiques. 'Twas pitty, as is said before, that Mr. Hobbs began so late, els he would <not> have layn so open.

'Theophilus Pike' (<i.e.> [William[1604]] Lucy, bishop of St. David's) who wrote ['Observations, censures, and confutations of notorious errours' in his Leviathan, 1664; they are but weak ones.]

Mr. [Richard] Baxter, who wrote....

[Edward[1605] Hyde, earl of Clarendon, who wrot against the politicall part of his Leviathan: I have mentioned this in some letter, but you have forgot it.]

[1606]Samuelis Siremesii; Praxiologia apodictica, seu Philosophia moralis demonstrativa, pythanologiae Hobbianae opposita: Francofurti, 1677, 4to.

[1607](In 16mo)—Liberty and Necessity asserted by Thomas Hobbes and opposed by Philip Tandy, register-accomptant, formerly minister and now established so again, Lond. 1656.

<Apologists and supporters.>

<A few scattered notes in MS. Aubr. 9 may be conveniently brought together here.>

[1608]Meditationes Politicae iisdem continuandis et illustrandis addita Politica parallela XXV dissertationibus Academicis antehac exposuit Johannes Christopherus Becmanus, LL.D., editio 3ª, Francofurti MDCLXXIX, vide pag. 417 ubi magnopere laudat T. Hobbium—which transcribe.

[1609]In 8vo:—Meditationes Politicae iisdemque continuandis et illustrandis addita Politica Parallela XXIV dissertationibus academicis antehac exposuit Johannes Christopherus Becmanus, D. et Hist. prof. publ. ord. in Acad. Francofurtanâ; additae sunt dissertationes de lege regia et de quarta monarchia: editio tertia: Francofurti ad Oderam, anno MDCLXXIX:—pag. 417, 418:—

'In Hobbesii libris eorum quae de cive et civitate agunt (nam reliqua nobis neutiquam curatio est) scopus generalis est e primis principiis naturae rationalis ac vitae socialis res politicas eruere (quo quidem nomine prae caeteris laudandus est cum nemo politicorum ante illum id ausus fuerit), specialis est dirigere principia sua ad monarchiam (qui si genium gentis spectes in qua vixit non minori laude dignus est, licebitque aliis eadem principia ad statum aristocraticum et democraticum applicare, modo sciat istos potius quam monarchiam reipublicae suae congruere).

In aliis scriptis quae publicavit itidem eo nomine laudandus est quod e primis principiis moralibus, licet haud perinde vulgò notis, res suas eruere conetur: sed rursus etiam culpandus quod sacra ad conceptus suos trahat cum hos ad sacra pertrahere indeque perficere debuisset. Profani tamen qui videntur apud eum occurrere loquendi modi non possunt plenum atheismum inferre, nunquam enim qui rebus moralibus mediocriter incumbit atheus esse potest, tanto minus Hobbesius qui ad prima usque principia moralium progredi conatur. Quod vero maxime sapere videtur, id vel securitatem dixeris vel neutralismum quendam, ut Deum quidem colat sed modum colendi a sacro codice derivandum esse non necessarium agnoscat; esseque hunc animum ejus ex eo patet quod superius diximus, ipsum sacra ad conceptus suos morales trahere cum e contrario moralia quae habemus aut invenire etiam possumus e sacris peti debeant quippe quae clarius semper rem exprimunt quam sine eis exprimi potest. Acciditque hic[1610] ipsi quod chymicorum multis aliisque rerum naturalium scrutatoribus qui, dum in causis secundis indagandis nimii sunt, eis ita alligantur ut ulterius eoque ad Deum usque pergere non opus esse judicent, unde similiter in neutralismum incidunt. Brevius—Hobbesius principia vitae socialis vere explicat sed male applicat; unde omnis illa in doctrina ejus perversitas quam tamen Christiano vitandam esse merito cum piis probisque omnibus pronunciamus. Concludimus cum judicio autoris Gallici in Itiner. Angl.[CXXVIII.] pag. (edit. Germ.) 411, 412:—

[1611]Es[FX] werden sehr wenig gefunden welche die Sachen genauer durchsehen denn Er und die der Natürlichen Wissen-schafft eine so lange Erfahrung beygebracht hätten. Ja Er ist ein überbliebenes von dem Bacon, unter welchem Er in seiner Jugend geschrieben und an allem was ich von Ihm gehöret und was ich in seiner Art zu sc<h>reiben mercke sehe ich wol, dasz Er viel davon behalten. Er hat durch das Studieren seine Weise die Dinge zu wenden und greiffet gerne in die Gleichnüssen. Aber Er hat natürlich viele von seiner schönen und guten Eigenschafft ja auch von seiner feinen Leibes Gestalt. Er hat der Priester-schafft seines Landes, den Mathematisten zu Oxfurt und ihren Anhänge<r>n eine Furcht eingejaget, darumb Ihre Majestät mir Ihn einem Bähren[1612] ver<g>l<e>ichen, wider welche Er die doggen, umb sie zu üben anreitzet; sonder Zweiffel hat Er die gekrönte Häupter in den Gründen seiner Welt Klugheit höchlich verbunden, und wenn Er die Lehren der Religionen nicht berühret, oder sich begnüget hätte d<i>e Presbyterianer und genannte Bischöffe seines Landes anzugreiffen, find ich nichts darin zu tadeln.'

[1613]Casparis Zeigleri de juribus majestatis tractatus Academicus; Wittenbergae, 1681. Vide pag. 112 § IV ubi honoris gratiâ citat Hobbium de differentiis inter pactum et legem ex element. philosoph. de Cive, cap. 14.

[1614](In 12mo)—Epistolica dissertatio de principiis justi et decori continens Apologiam pro tractatu clarissimi Hobbaei de Cive ἀνονυμῶς Amstelodami apud Ludovicum Elzevirium, MDCLI.

James Harrington, esquire: Oceana, vide.

[1615]... Zeigler, a German jurisconsultus, quotes him with great respect, as also some other German civilians, of which enquire farther.

[1616]Samuelis Pufendorf: Elementa Jurisprudentiae Universalis[1617], 1672: in praefatione—

'Nec parum debere nos profitemur Thomae Hobbes, cujus hypothesis in libro de Cive, etsi quid profani sapiat, pleraque tamen caetera satis arguta ac sana.

Quos heic velut in universum allegasse voluimus, in ipso autem opere quoties eorundem expressa fuit sententia ipsos numerare supersedimus, quia, praeter taedia crebrae citationis, rationes eorum potius quam autoritatem secuti sumus. Nam quando ab iisdem atque aliis veritatis studium dissentire nos subegit, nomina eorundem ideo dissimulavimus ne magnorum virorum naevos vellicando gloriolam captare velle videremur. Et stultum semper judicavimus, cum ipse te hominem noris ab erroribus haudquidquam immunem, aspera in alios censura reliquos ad paria tibi reponenda irritare.'

[1618]Samuel Pufendorfius, professor in jure naturae apud regem Sueciae: in praefatione sui libri De Jure Naturae et Gentium, Amstelodam, 1688:

'Sic et Thomas Hobbius in operibus suis ad civilem scientiam spectantibus plurima habet quantivis pretii et nemo cui rerum ejusmodi est intellectus negaverit tam profunde ipsum societatis humanae et civilis compagem rimatum fuisse ut pauci priorum cum ipso heic comparari queant. Et qua a vero aberrat, occasionem tamen ad talia meditanda suggerit quae fortasse aliàs nemini in mentem venissent. Sed quod et hic in religione peculiaria sibi et horrida dogmata finxerit, hoc ipso apud multos non citra rationem sui aversationem excitavit. Quanquam et illud non raro contingere videas ut ab illis maximo cum supercilio condemnetur abs quibus minime lectus fuit aut intellectus.'

<Conclusion.>

[1619]I would have, just before FINIS,

Ovid. Eleg.[1620]

[1621]Last of all insert the pindarique ode on Mr. Hobbes made by Mr. Abraham Cowley; and after that, in the next page, the verses made by Dr. Ralph Bathurst of Trinity College in Oxon, which are before Mr. Hobbes's Humane Nature.

<Copies of letters by, or about, Thomas Hobbes.>

i. Thomas Hobbes to Josias Pullen.

[1622]For my much honored friend Mr. Josias Pullen, Vice-principall of Magdalen Hall in Oxon.

Honour'd Sir,

I understand by a letter from Mr. Aubry that you desire to have the bookes I have published to put them into the library of Magdalen Hall. I have here sent them you, and very willingly, as being glad of the occasion, for I assure you that I owe so much honour and respect to that society that I would have sent them, and desired to have them accepted, long agoe, if I could have donne it as decently as now that you have assured me that your selfe and some others of your house have a good opinion of them so that though the house refuse them they are not lost. You know how much they have been decryed by Dr. Wallis and others of the greatest sway in the University, and therfore to offer them to any Colledge or Hall had been a greater signe of humility than I have yet attained to.

For your owne civility in approving them, I give you many thanks; and remain

Sir, Your most humble servant, Tho. Hobbes. 1672[1623], London, Febr. 1^st.

ii. Thomas Hobbes to John Aubrey.

[1624]Noble Sir,

I am very glad to hear you are well and continue your favours towards me.

'Tis a long time since I have been able to write my selfe, and am now so weake that it is a paine to me to dictate.

But yet I cannot choose but thanke you for this letter of Jan. 25^th which I receaved not till the last of ffebruary. I was assured a good while since that Dr. Wallis his learning is no where esteemed but in the Universities by such as have engaged themselves in the defence of his geometry and are now ashamed to recant it. And I wonder not if Dr. Wallis, or any other, that have studyed mathematicks onely to gaine preferment, when his ignorance is discovered, convert his study to jugling and to the gaining of a reputation of conjuring, decyphering, and such arts[1625] as are in the booke[1626] you sent me.

As for the matter it selfe, I meane the teaching of a man borne deafe and dumbe to speake, I thinke it impossible. But I doe not count him deafe and indocible that can heare a word spoken as loud as is possible at the very entrance to his eare, for of this I am assured that a man borne absolutely deafe must of necessity be made to heare before he can be made to speake, much lesse to understand. And he that could make him heare (being a great and common good) would well deserve both to be honoured and to be enriched. He that could make him speake a few words onely deserved nothing. But he that brags of this and cannot doe it, deserves to be whipt.

Sir, I am most heartily Your most faithfull and most humble servant, Thomas Hobbes. Hardwick, March the 5^th, 1677[1627].

[1628]To my most honored frend Mr. John Awbry, esqre, to be left for him at Mr. Crooke's, a bookseller, at the Green Dragon without Temple barre, London.

iii. Thomas Hobbes to William Crooke, with an enclosure to John Aubrey.

<Hobbes' letter to Crooke is found as fol. 11 of MS. Aubr. 9: the enclosure to Aubrey, as foll. 12, 13. Both are in James Wheldon's handwriting.

It appears by the post-stamps on the backs of these letters that the charge for a letter was 3d., with 3d. for each enclosure. Thus the letters of Aug. 18, 1679, March 5, 1679/80, Sept. 7, 1680, are all marked as costing 3d. postage (MS. Aubr. 9, foll. 15^v, 10^v, 21^v); while this letter to Crooke, with its enclosure, cost 6d. (ibid., fol. 11^v); and the letter of Jan. 16, 1679/80, with its two enclosures, cost 9d. (ibid. fol. 17^v).>

[1629]Sir,

I have receaved Sir George Ent's booke and Mr. Aubrey's letter, to which I have written an answer, but I cannot tell how to send it to him without your helpe, and therefore I have sent it to you here inclosed, for I believe he comes now and then to your shop, and I pray you doe me the favour to deliver it to him.

I rest, your humble servant Tho. Hobbes. Chatsworth, March the 25^th 1679. [1630]For Mr. William Crooke, Bookeseller, At the Green Dragon without Temple barr London.

[1631]Worthy Sir,

I have receaved from Will: Crooke the booke of Sir George Ent of the use of respiration. It is a very learned and ingenious booke, full of true and deepe philosophy, and I pray you to present unto him my most humble service. Though I receaved it but three days since, yet drawn on by the easinesse of the style and elegance of the language I have read it all over. And I give you most hearty thankes for sending of it to me, and to Mr. Ent[1632] who was pleased to bestow it upon me, and I am very glad to hear that Sir George him selfe is alive and in good health, though I believe he is very near as old as I am.

I knew not how to addresse my letter to you, but at all adventure I sent it inclosed in a letter to Mr. Crooke at whose shop I suppose you sometimes looke in as you passe the street.

I pray you present my service to Mr. Hooke and thanke him for the honour of his salutation.

I am, Sir, your most obliged and humble servant,

Thomas Hobbes. Chatsworth, March the 25^th, 1679. [1633]To my most honoured frend, Mr. John Aubrey.

iv. Thomas Hobbes to John Aubrey.

[1634]Honored Sir,

I thanke you for your letter of Aug. 2^d, and I pray you present my humble thanks to Sir George Ent that he accepteth of my judgment upon his booke. I fear it is rather his good nature then my merit. I am sorry for the news you write of his son.

I have been told that my booke of the Civill Warr is come abroad, and am sorry for it, especially because I could not get his majestye to license it, not because it is ill printed or has a foolish title set to it, for I believe that any ingenious man may understand the wickednesse of that time, notwithstanding the errors of the presse.