← Table of contents
Brief Lives, Vol. 1

THE 'LIVES' (continued 7)

Reading edition

The treatise De Legibus, at the end of it, is imperfect. I desire Mr. Horne to pardon me that I consent not to his motion, nor shall Mr. Crooke himselfe get my consent to print it.

I pray you present my humble service to Mr. Butler[1635].

The priviledge of stationers is (in my opinion) a very great hinderance to the advancement of all humane learning.

I am, Sir, your very humble servant, Tho. Hobbes. Chatsworth, Aug. the 18th, 1679.

[1636]To my much honoured frend Mr. John Aubrey, at Mr. Hooke's lodging in Gresham College, London.

v. James Wheldon to William Crooke, with enclosure to John Aubrey, and a copy of Hobbes' will.

<Wheldon's letter to Crooke is found as foll. 16 and 17 of MS. Aubr. 9; the enclosure to Aubrey, as foll. 18, 19.>

[1637]Hardwick, January the 16th, 1679[1638]. Sir,

Three days since I receaved your letter of the 9th instant together with one from Mr. Aubrey, and because they containe both the same particulars I thinke it unnecessary to repeat to you what I have written back to that gentleman.

All that I can add is onely this, that neither Mr. Halleley nor I have anything in either of our hands of Mr. Hobbes's writing, the very little of that kind that he left behind him being disposed of according to his own order before he removed from Chatsworth.

According to Mr. Aubrey's direction I have here inclosed my letter to him, which I pray you present to him with my humble service as soon as you shall see him.

I am, Sir, your most humble servant, James Wheldon. [1639]To my much respected frend Mr. William Crooke at the Green Dragon without Templebarr In London[1640].

[1641]Hardwick, January the 16th, 1679[1642]. Worthy Sir,

Having been abroad about businesse for some days, I receaved, at my coming home, your letter of the third of this month, which evidences the great esteeme you have for Mr. Hobbes, for which I returne you my humble thanks, and particularly for the paines you have been pleased to take in the large account of what you your selfe, Mr. Anthony a Wood, and Sir George Ent designe for Mr. Hobbes his honour.

I am glad Mr. Crooke has receaved his Life in Prose, which was the onely thing Mr. Halleley got possession of, and sent it to him[1643] by my hand. Mr. Halleley tells me now, that Mr. Hobbes (in the time of his sicknesse) told him he had promised it to Mr. Crooke, but said he was unwilling it should ever be published as written by himselfe; and I beleeve it was some such motive, which made him burne those Latine verses Mr. Crooke sent him about that time.

For those Latine verses you mention about Ecclesiasticall Power, I remember them, for I writ them out, but know not what became of them, unlesse he presented them to judge Vaughan, or burned them, as you seem to intimate.

He fell sick about the middle[1644] October last. His disease was the strangury, and the physitians judged it incurable by reason of his great age and naturall decay. About the 20th of November, my Lord being to remove from Chatsworth to Hardwick, Mr. Hobbes would not be left behind; and therefore with a fether bed laid into the coach, upon which he lay warme clad, he was conveyed safely, and was in appearance as well after that little journey as before it. But seven or eight days after, his whole right side was taken with the dead palsy, and at the same time he was made speechlesse. He lived after this seven days, taking very little nourishment, slept well, and by intervalls endeavoured to speake, but could not. In the whole time of his sicknesse he was free from fever. He seemed therefore to dye rather for want of the fuell of life (which was spent in him) and meer weaknesse and decay, then by the power of his disease, which was thought to be onely an effect of his age and weaknesse. He was born the 5th of Aprill, in the year 1588, and died the 4th of December, 1679. He was put into a woollen shroud and coffin, which was covered with a white sheet, and upon that a black herse cloth, and so carryed upon men's shoulders, a little mile to[1645] church. The company, consisting of the family and neighbours that came to his funerall, and attended him to his grave, were very handsomely entertained with wine, burned and raw, cake, biscuit, etc. He was buried in the parish church of Hault Hucknall, close adjoining to the raile of the monument of the grandmother of the present earle of Devonshire, with the service of the Church of England by the minister of the parish. It is intended to cover his grave with a stone of black marble as soon as it can be got ready, with a plain inscription of his name, the place of his birth, and the time of that and of his death.

As to his will, it is sent up to London to be proved there, and by the copy of it, which I here send you, I beleeve you will judge it fitt to make no mention of it in[1646]what you designe to get written by way of Commentary on his life.

As for the palsey in his hands, it began in ffrance, before the year 1650, and has grown upon him by degrees ever since; but Mr. Halleley remembers not how long it has disabled him to write legibly.

Mr. Halleley never heard of a pension from the ffrench king and beleeves there was no such thing ever intended. He desires you to accept of his thanks for your favourable remembrance of him, and of the returne of his respects to you by me. And if hereafter you should want any thing which we know, that might contribute[1647] to the honour of Mr. Hobbes's memory, upon the least notice, shall readily be imparted to you.

In the mean time, with much respect, I rest,

Sir, your much obliged and humble servant, James Wheldon.

[1648]To my highly honoured frend, John Aubrey, esq., this humbly present.

[1649]A true copy of Mr. Hobbes's will.

The 25th day of September in the 29th year of the raigne of our Soveraigne Lord, King Charles the Second, and in the yeare of our Lord God, 1677.

I, Thomas Hobbes, of Malmesbury, in the county of Wilts, gent. make this my last Will and Testament.

First, I bequeath to Mary Tirell, daughter of my deceased brother, Edmund Hobbes, forty pounds. Item, I bequeath to Elenor Harding, daughter also of my deceased brother, Edmund Hobbes, forty pounds. Item, I bequeath to Elizabeth Alaby, the daughter of Thomas Alaby, two hundred pounds, and because she is an orphan, and committed by me to the tuition of my executor, my will is, that she should be maintained decently by my executor, till she be 16 yeares of age, and that then the said two hundred pounds be delivered into her hands, being intended for her furtherance in marriage, but let her dispose of it as she please; and if it happen that the said Elizabeth Alaby die before she come to the age of 16 yeares, then my will is, that the said 200 li. be divided equally between the said Mary Tirell and Elenor Harding.

Item, whereas it hath pleased my good lord, the earle of Devonshire, to bid me oftentimes heretofore, and now at the making of this my last will, to dispose therein of one hundred pounds, to be paid by his lordship, for which I give him most humble thanks; I doe give and dispose of the same in this manner: There be five grand-children of my brother, Edmund Hobbes, to the eldest whereof, whose name is Thomas Hobbes, I have heretofore given a peece of land, which may and doth, I think, content him, and therefore to the other four that are younger, I dispose of the same 100 li. the gift of my lord of Devonshire, to be divided equally amongst them, as a furtherance to bind them apprentices.

And I make and ordaine James Wheldon, servant to the earle of Devonshire, my executor, to whom I give the residue of my money and goods whatsoever; and because I would have him in some sort contented for the great service he hath done me, I would pray his majestie to what I left him to add the arreare of my pension, or as much of it as it pleases his majestie.

(His name and seale.) Sealed, signed and published in the presence of John Ashton, Willm. Barker.

Item I give unto Mary Dell the sum of ten pounds.

I pray[1650] you keep his will private to your selfe and Mr. Hobbes's frends onely.

vi. James Wheldon to John Aubrey.

[1651]Chatsworth, Sept. the 7th, 1680. Honoured Sir,

Although for these three weekes, since I receaved your letter, I have made all the enquiry I can, yet all that I hear of the death and buriall of Sir Charles Cavendish is that he was interred at Bolsover in the vault belonging to the family of the duke of Newcastle about the year 1652 or 1653. I will continue to make further inquiry, and if I can learne the day and the month of his death or buriall will give you notice of it.

I have sent you underwritten Mr. Hobbes's epitaph written by himselfe, which is but lately come to my hand from a person that copyed it from the originall.

With much respect, I rest, Sir, Your most humble and obliged servant, James Wheldon.

My lord of Devonshire has paid the hundred pounds to Mr. Hobbes's kinred, which he bid Mr. Hobbes dispose of in his will.

Condita hic sunt ossa Thomae Hobbes Qui per multos annos servivit duobus comitibus Devoniae (patri et filio). Vir probus, et fama eruditionis. Domi forisque bene cognitus Obiit Anno Domini 1679, mensis Decis die 4º, Aetatis suae 91.

[1652]To my much honoured frend John Aubrey, esq.

To[1653] be left at Mr. William Crooke's at the Green Dragon without Temple barr, London.

vii. William Aubrey to John Aubrey.

[1654]Kington, June 5th, 1680. Deare brother,

I sopose I shall be here more then a week longer as ... I know not whether Mr. John Stokes or Sir John Knight have the key of the study.

Jo. Tay ... buried 16 of July 1580.

Nicholas Fauckener, vicar, buried 20 July 1612.

Richard Hine[1655]....

I shall e<n>devour to set the family of the Powers to rights. It was honest parson P<ower's> grandmoth<er I> think and Jonath. Deekes grandmother was Thomas Lyte's sisters. Alderman Lyte's grandm. was a P<ower> of Stanton ..., which James Power, Mr. J. G. nephew might purchase againe with a wife, with 1500 li., but which formerly was worth 360 li. per annum, but he's goeing to creep into one of Jon. Deeks' woolpacks, viz. his daughter.

I was at Malmesbury but did see <neither> the church nor register but desired Mr. Binnion the parson to doe against I come againe; but Francis Hobbes' widow's good memory did give me much satisfaction. The register at Westport is not 80 yeares old (not more): the paving[1656] is all new[1657].

The old vicar Hobs was a good fellow and had been at cards all Saturday night, and at church in his sleep he cries out 'Trafells is troumps[1658]' (viz. clubs). Then quoth the clark, 'Then, master, he tha<t> have ace doe rub.'

He <was> a collirice[1659] man, and a parson (which I thinke succeeded him at Westport) provoked him (a purpose) at the church doore, soe Hobs stroke him and was forcd to fly for it and ... in obscurity beyound London; died there, was about 80 yeares since.

Mr. William Hobs, a great clothier (old Graye's predisessor in the same house). He had at Cleverton 60 li. or 80 li. per annum, and was first or 2 cousin to the philosipher. But his line is extinct. He was parson Stump's godfather, and brake in his trade. He had 1000 li. left and was 1000 li. in debt; and at London challenged one to throw with him one throw on the dye for 1000 li., and wonn, payd his debt, and afterwards flourished in his trade, and if there be any inscriptions of H<obbes>, it must be for him, in the abbye.

[1660]Mr. William Gale of Chipnam was buried yesterday. I was at Dracot, Wensday last; Sir J. and his lady was writing to you. They are in mourning for the earl of Marleborow. He died to-morrow will be three week[1661]. Sir J<ames> L<ong> is quartring his coat of arms.

To be left at Mr. Hooks lodgings in Gresham Colledge in Bishopsgate Street, London[1662].

<The lower part of this letter gave the following pedigree, but a piece has been torn off and is now MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 2.>

<Pedigree of Hobbes.>

... Hobbes | +----------------------+----------------------+ | | 1. Francis Hobbes m. Katherine, daughter 2. Thomas m. ... Midleton. (This Francis lived of ... Phillips, a Hobbes, | in Burnevall at phisition at vicar. | Malmsbury, and Malmsbury. She | died about 40 yeares afterwards maried Mr. | since, sine prole). Potluck of Cirencester. | +---------------------------------+--------------+ | | | 1. Edmund m. Frances Ludlow, 2. Thomas, Anne Hobs m. Thomas Hobbes | of Shipton, com. 'of Malmsbury.' (see infra). Laurence. | Glocester. +-----+-------------+---------------------------+ | | | 1. Mary m. Roger Elinor m. John Harding, Francis Hobs m. Sarah Hobbes | Tirell, Hobbes | of Sadlewood (see infra). Alexander. | of Westport. | in Glouster. | +--------------------------------+ +--+------+----------+------------+---------+ | | | | | | | 1. Roger. 2. Isaac 1. Alce[1663]. 2. Sarah. 3. Mary. | (25 years +---------+-+--------+ old). | | | 1. Roger, 2. James, Mary. aged 28, 23. Aprill last. Anne Hobs (supra: the m. Thomas Laurence. philosopher's sister) | +------------+--------+-------+--+-------+-----------+-----------+ | | | | | | | 1. Thomas, 2. William. Henry, John. 1. Frances, 2. Mary 3. Anne sine prole. | sine | m. Richard maried Laurence | prole. | Dicks, a William maried +------+------+ | souldier of Povey, of Richard Gay | | | | the garison, Malmsbury. of Kington. 1. William. | | | and now not | | 2. Thomas. | | heard off. | | 3. Francis. Thomas. (One daughter.) | +----------+----------+-------+--+ | | | | 1. Thomas. 2. Robert, 3. Richard. 4. John. (R. Wiseman's godson). Francis Hobs (supra: the m. Sarah Alexander, of philosopher's nephew). Obiit | Malmsbury. May 6, 12 yeares agoe: his | estate 80 li. per annum, | and more. | +--------------------------+----+-------+-----------+-----------+ | | | | | 1. Thomas m. Anne 2. Edmund, 3. William. 1. Sarah, 2. Francis Hobbes, a | Player, aetat. 19, m. James <i.e. tanner at | of Nov. last. Tyley, Nan Frances>. Malmsbury, | Malmsbury. Exon<'s> son aetat. 27, | of the Priory December last. | of Kington. His estate, 30 | li. per | annum. | +----------+----------+ | | \--------------------------------------------------/ These are the only heires males of the Hobbes.

It is uncertaine whether Anne Gay have any brother or sister living, but it is pitty the poor woman should have somthing if it be but 5 shillings. If you know the executor speak for her.

I was saying to Francis Hobbes's widow (who remembers her service to you) that her son should get one of Mr. Thomas Hobbes's printed pictures.

In hast, Your very affectionat brother, William Aubrey. Keep a copie of Rogers' pedegree[1664].[1665] These to my honoured freind, Mr. John Awbrey present.

viii. Hon. Charles Hatton to William Crooke.

<MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 26. The letter is written by a secretary, the signature C. Hatton being in a different hand. Crooke has endorsed it (fol. 27v) 'Mr. Hatton's letter about Mr. Hobs': to which Aubrey has added 'scil. the lord Hatton's son.' On fol. 27 is a note, probably by Crooke, of the 'tracts' referred to, viz. 'Life[1666], Rheto<ric>[1667], Considerations[1668], Natural Philosophy[1669].'>

[1670]Mr. Crooke,

I thanke you for the perusall of Mr. Hobbs his tracts which wase a civility I did not expect or desire, for I wou'd not have you at any time deliver any booke to any person who comes in my name unless he then payes you for it. I did desire only to know exactly the particular price of each tract bound apart in marble'd leather, guilt on the backe and ribbed, which pray send me by the bearer by whom I returne you your booke.

I have cursorily looked over Mr. Hobbs his life in Latine which I beleeve will be a very vendible booke both here and beyond sea, for ther is noe lover of learning but will have the curiosity to be particularly informed of the life of soe eminent a person. And truly the reading of it wase very satisfactory to me, for in my apprehension it is very well writ, but I cou'd have wish'd the author had more dilated upon some particulars; and because you intimate a designe to publish it in English I shall hint to you that the author of the life in Latine hath either not taken notice of at all, or too slightingly, some things very remarkeable relating to the temper of Mr. Hobbs his mind or to the infirmity of his body, as his extraordinary timorousnes which he himself in his Latine poem doth very ingeniously confess and attributes it to the influence of his mother's dread of the Spanish invasion in 88, she being then with child of him. And I have been informed, I think by your self, that Mr. Hobbs wase for severall yeares before he died soe paralyticall that he wase scarce able to write his name, and that in the absence of his amanuensis not being able to write anything he made scrawls on a piece of paper to remind him of the conceptions of his mind he design'd to have committed to writing. But the author[1671] of his life in Latine only sa<i>th that about 60 yeares of age he wase taken with a trembling in his hands, the forerunner of the palsy; which in my apprehension deserves to be enlarg'd upon, for it is very prodigious that neither the timorousness of his nature from his infancy, nor the decay of his vital heat in the extremity of old age, accompagnied with the palsy to that violence, shou'd not have chill'd the briske fervour and vigour of his mind, which did wonderfully continue to him to his last; which is a subject fit to be discours'd on by a genious equally philosophicall with Mr. Hobbs, wase that now to be hoped for. It is soe considerable to me that I cou'd not refrayne acquainting you that in my apprehension it wase convenient you tooke notice therof in his life you are setting forth in English.

I am, your assured freind, C. Hatton. [1672]Mr. Crooke, at the Green Dragon, nere Temple-bar.

Notes.

Note that, on fol. 42v of MS. Aubr. 9, is a note 'to the earl of Devon, then in Great Queen Street,' with a mark referring it to the opposite page. The then opposite page is, in the present foliation, fol. 48, but has now nothing to which the note can be attached. There are traces, however, which show that a slip has been torn off it.

Thomas Hobbes' life, by himself.

<Aubrey's preface.>

[1681]This was the draught that Mr. Hobbs first did leave in my hands, which he sent for about two yeares before he died, and wrote that which is printed in his Life in Latin by Dr. Richard Blackburn which I lent to him and he was carelesse and not remaunded it from the printer and so 'twas made wast paper of.

<Hobbes' autobiography.>

[1682]Thomas Hobbes, natus Apr. 5, 1588, Malmesburiae agri Wiltoniensis, literis Latinis et Graecis initiatus, annum agens decimum quartum missus est Oxonium: ubi per quinquennium mansit, operam impendens studio Logicae et Physicae Aristotelicae.

Cum annum ageret vicesimum commendatus ab amicis, Oxonio relicto, recepit se in domum domini Gulielmi Cavendish, baronis de Hardwick et (paulo post) comitis Devoniae: ubi filio ejus primogenito, adolescenti sibi fere coaetaneo, servivit, placuitque tum filio tum patri, temperans, sedulus, hilaris.

Anno sequente cum domino suo in urbe perpetuo fere degens, quod didicerat linguae Graecae et Latinae magna ex parte amiserat.

Deinde per Italiam et Galliam peregrinantem dominum sequutus, gentium illarum linguas eousque didicit ut intelligere eas mediocriter potuerit. Interea Graecam et Latinam paulatim perire sibi sentiens, Philosophiam autem Logicamque (in quibus praeclare profecisse se arbitrabatur) viris prudentibus derisui esse videns, abjecta Logica et Philosophia illa vana, quantum temporis habebat vacui impendere decrevit linguis Graecae et Latinae.

Itaque cum in Angliam reversus esset, Historias et Poetas (adhibitis grammaticorum celebrium commentariis) versavit diligenter, non ut floride sed ut Latine posset scribere, et vim verborum cogitatis congruentem invenire, itaque verba disponere ut lectio perspicua et facilis esset. Inter Historias Graecas, Thucididem prae caeteris dilexit et vacuis horis in sermonem Anglicum paulatim conversum cum nonnullâ laude circa annum Christi 1628 in publicum edidit, eo fine ut ineptiae democraticorum Atheniensium concivibus suis patefierent.

Eo anno comes Devoniae, cui jam servierat viginti annos, diem obiit, patre ejus biennio ante defuncto.

Anno sequente, qui erat Christi 1629, cum attigisset annum quadragesimum, rogatus a nobilissimo viro domino Gervasio Clinton ut vellet filium adolescentem suum comitari in Galliam, accepit conditionem. In peregrinatione illa inspicere coepit in elementa Euclidis; et delectatus methodo illius non tam ob theoremata illa quam ob artem rationandi diligentissime perlegit.

Anno Christi 1631 revocatus est in familiam comitissae Devoniae ut filium suum comitem Devoniae, natum annos 13, in literis instrueret; quem etiam circiter triennium post comitatus est in Galliam et Italiam, studiorum ejus et itinerum rector.

Dum moraretur Parisiis, principia scientiae naturalis investigare coepit. Quae cum in natura et varietate motuum contineri sciret, quaesivit inprimis qualis motus is esse posset qui efficit sensionem, intellectum, phantasmata, aliasque proprietates animalium, cogitatis suis cum reverendo patre Marino Mersenno, ordinis Minimorum, in omni genere philosophiae versatissimo viroque optimo, quotidie communicatis.

Anno Christi 1637 cum patrono suo in Angliam rediit et apud illum mansit; unde de rebus naturalibus commercia cum Mersenno per literas continuavit.

Interea Scoti, depulsis episcopis, sumpserunt arma contra regem, faventibus etiam ministris Anglis illis qui vocari solent Presbyteriani. Itaque convocatum est in Anglia Parlamentum illud notissimum quod inceptum est Nov. 3, 1640. Ex iis quae in illo Parlamento tribus quatuorve diebus primis consulta viderat, Bellum Civile ingruere et tantum non adesse sentiens, retulit se rursus in Galliam, scientiarum studio Parisiis tutius vacaturus cum Mersenno, Gassendo, aliisque viris propter eruditionem et vim in rationando celeberrimis—non enim dico philosophis, quia nomen illud, a plurimis nebulonibus jamdiu gestatum, tritum, inquinatum, nunc infame est.

Cum jam Parisiis ageret, libellum scripsit De Cive, quem edidit anno 1646, quo tempore, praevalentibus Parlamentariis, multi eorum qui partes regis sequuti erant, et in illis princeps Walliae (qui nunc est rex Angliae), Parisiis confluxerunt. Statuerat circa idem tempus,[1683]hortatu amici cujusdam nobilis Languedociani, migrare in Languedociam, et praemiserat jam quae sibi necessaria erant, sed commendatus principi ut elementa Mathematicae illi praelegeret, substit<it> Parisiis.

Quod ab hoc munere temporis habuit vacui consumpsit in scribendo librum qui nunc non solum in Anglia sed in vicinis gentibus notissimus est, nomine Leviathan; quem etiam in Anglia edendum curavit, ipse manens adhuc Parisiis, anno 1651, annum agens 63m. In eo opere jus regium tum spirituale tum temporale ita demonstravit tum rationibus tum authoritate scripturae sacrae, ut perspicuum fecerit pacem in orbe Christiano nusquam diuturnam esse posse nisi vel doctrina illa sua recepta fuerit vel satis magnus exercitus cives ad concordiam compulerit: opus ut ille sperabat concivibus suis, praesertim vero illis qui ab episcopis steterant, non ingratum. Quanquam enim unicuique, illo tempore, scribere et edere theologica quae vellet liberum erat, quia regimen ecclesiae (potestate declarandi quae doctrinae essent haereses, ipsius regis authoritate sublata, episcopis exutis, rege ipso trucidato) tum nullum erat, diligenter tamen cavit ne quid scriberet non modo contra sensum scripturae sacrae sed etiam contra doctrinam ecclesiae Anglicanae qualis ante bellum ortum authoritate regia constituta fuerat. Nam et ipse regimen ecclesiae per episcopos prae caeteris formis omnibus semper approbaverat, atque hoc duobus signis manifestum fecit. Primo, cum in oppido Sti. Germani prope Parisios morbo gravissimo lecto affixus esset, venit ad eum Mersennus, rogatus a quodam amico communi ne amicum suum extra ecclesiam Romanam mori pateretur. Is lecto assidens (post exordium consolatorium) de potestate ecclesiae Romanae peccata remittendi aliquantisper disseruit, cui ille 'Mi pater,' inquit. 'haec omnia jamdudum mecum disputavi, eadem disputare nunc molestum erit: habes quod dicas amoeniora,—quando vidisti Gassendum?' Quibus auditis, Mersennus sermonem ad alia transtulit. Paucis post diebus accessit ad illum Dr. Johannes Cosenus, episcopus (post) Dunelmensis, obtulitque se illi comprecatorem ad Deum. Cui ille cum gratias reddidisset, 'Ita,' inquit, 'si precibus praeiveris juxta ritum ecclesiae nostrae.' Magnum hoc erga disciplinam episcopalem signum erat reverentiae.

Anno 1651 exemplaria aliquot illius libri, Londini recens editi, in Galliam transmissa sunt, ubi theologi quidam Angli doctrinas quasdam in illo libro contentas, tum ut haereticas tum ut partibus regiis adversas, criminati sunt; et valuere quidem aliquamdiu calumniae illae in tantum ut domo regia prohibitus fuerit. Quo factum est ut, protectione regia destitutus, metuensque ne a clericis Romanis, quos praecipue laeserat, male tractaretur, in Angliam conatus sit refugere.

Rediens in Angliam concionantes quidem invenit in ecclesiis sed seditiosos; etiam preces extemporarias, et illas audaces et nonnunquam blasphemas; symbolum autem fidei nullum, decalogum nullum; adeo ut per tres primos menses non invenerit quibuscum in sacris communicare potuerit. Tandem ab amico ductus ad ecclesiam a suo hospitio[1684] plusquam mille passus distantem ubi pastor erat vir bonus et doctus, qui et coenam Domini ritu ecclesiastico administravit, cum illo in sacris communicavit. Alterum hoc signum erat non modo hominis partium episcopalium sed etiam Christiani sinceri; nam illo tempore ad ecclesiam quamcunque legibus aut metu cogebatur nemo. Quae igitur episcopo cuiquam cum illo causa irae esse potuit, nisi ei qui neminem a se dissentire pati per superbiam posset?

Interea doctrinam ejus academici et ecclesiastici condemnabant fere omnes; laudabant nobiles, et viri docti, ex laicis. Refellebat nemo: conati refellere, confirmabant. Scripsit enim non ex auditione et lectione ut scholaris, sed ex judicio proprio cognita et pensitata omnia, sermone puro et perspicuo, non rhetorico. Stantem inter amicos et inimicos quasi in aequilibrio, fecerunt illi ne ob doctrinam opprimeretur, hi, ne augeretur. Itaque fortuna tenui, fama doctrinae ingenti, in patroni sui, comitis Devoniae, hospitio per caeterum vitae tempus perpetuo delituit, studio vacans geometriae et philosophiae naturalis; ediditque jam senex librum quendam quem inscripsit De Corpore, continentem Logicae, Geometriae, Physicae (tum sublunaris, tum coelestis) fundamenta, deducens Logicam quidem a significatione nominum, Geometriam autem et Physicam ex figurarum et effectuum naturalium generationibus.

Hominis ergo neque genere neque opibus neque negotiis belli aut pacis assueti vitam scribo et in publicum emitto, sed in omni genere scientiae excellentis et fere singularis. Cujus ingenium ut cognoscerent, partim etiam ut sua ostentarent, convenerunt <ad> eum viri innumeri tum nostrates tum exteri, et inter illos nonnulli legati principum aliique viri nobilissimi; adeo ut conjectura inde facta de voluntate hominum eruditorum qui posthac erunt, non ingratum fore posteritati existimavi si quem vidisse voluerunt illius vitam literis posteritati tradiderim, praecipue quidem ut quae scientiis ille primus addidit, deinde etiam caetera vitae ejus quae a lectoribus desiderari posse videbuntur cognoscerent.

Quae scripsit de jure naturali, de constitutione civitatum, de jure eorum qui summam habent potestatem, et de officiis civium, in libris Leviathan et De Cive (quia domi forisque nota et maxime celebrata sunt) praetereunda censeo.

In Physicis causam sensuum, praecipue visus, una cum doctrina omni optica et natura lucis, refractionis reflectionisque causas naturales, ignotas ante, primus demonstravit, in libro De Homine. Item causas qualitatum sensibilium nimirum colorum, soni, caloris, et frigoris. Somnia autem et phantasmata quae antea pro spiritibus et mortuorum animis habebantur et rudi vulgo terriculamenta erant, omnia profligavit. Causam autem aestuum marinorum et descensionis gravium, a motu quodam telluris praecipue derivavit. Nam phaenomena illa omnia ad motum refert, non ad rerum ipsarum potentias intrinsecas neque ad qualitates occultas, ut ante illum omnes physici. De motu autem in libro De Corpore satis fuse scripsit et profundissime. In Ethicis ante illum nihil scriptum est praeter sententias vulgares. At ille mores hominum ab humana natura, virtutes et vitia a lege naturali, et bonitatem[1685] maliciamque actionum a legibus civitatum, derivavit. In Mathematicis principia geometriae nonnulla correxit; problemata aliquot difficillima, a summis geometris (ab ipsis geometriae incunabulis) summo studio frustra quaesita, invenit, nimirum haec—

1º. arcui circuli lineam rectam, areae circuli quadratum aequale, exhibere, idque variis methodis—in diversis libris.

2º. datum angulum dividere in data ratione;

3º. cubi ad sphaeram rationem invenire—in Problematibus Geometricis.

4º. inter duas rectas datas medias continue proportionales invenire quotcunque—in Problematibus Geometricis.

5º. polygonum regulare describere quotcunque laterum—in Roseto.

6º. centrum gravitatis invenire quadrantis circuli et bilinei quod continetur arcu quadrantis et subtenta ejus—in Roseto.

7º. centra gravitatis invenire paraboli-formium omnium, in libra De Corpore.

Haec omnia primus construxit et demonstravit, et praeterea alia multa quae (quia legentibus occurrent et minoris sunt) praetereo.

Facient opinor haec ut vita ejus non indigna videatur quae tum ad exteros tum ad posteros scientiarum studiosos transmittatur, praesertim hoc tempore, cum scribuntur vulgo vitae obscurorum hominum nulla virtute insignium, desiderante nemine.

Scripsit praeterea, circa annum aetatis suae octagesimum, historiam belli civilis Anglicani inter regem Carolum primum et parlamentum ejus, anno ...; item ortum et incrementa potestatis pontificiae, carmine Latino, versuum duûm millium, sed non sinebant tempora ut publicarentur.

Silentibus tandem adversariis, annum agens octagesimum, <pri>mum, Homeri Odyssea edidit a se conversum in versus Anglicanos, ...; deinde, proximo, etiam Iliada; denique Cyclometriam, annum agens <...>gessimum primum, integram nondum editam.

Quod ad formam attinet, vultu erat non specioso sed cum loqueretur non ingrato. Effigies ejus ad vivum a pictore excellente descripta, qualis erat anno aetatis suae septuagesimo, in conclavi regis Caroli secundi conservatur. Extant etiam ejusdem imagines ab aliis pictoribus diversis temporibus factae rogatu amicorum in Anglia non paucae et in Gallia aliquot.

Natura sua et primis annis ferebatur ad lectionem historiarum et poetarum; et ipse quoque carmen tentavit, nec (ut plurimi judicabant) infoeliciter. Postea autem cum in congressu quodam virorum doctorum, mentione facta de causa sensionis, quaerentem unum quasi per contemptum 'quid esset sensus?' nec quemquam audivisset respondentem, mirabatur quî fieri potuerit ut qui sapientiae titulo homines caeteros tanto fastu despicerent suos ipsorum sensus quid essent ignorarent. Ex eo tempore de causa sentiendi saepe cogitanti, forte fortunâ mentem subiit quod si res corporeae et earum partes omnes conquiescerent aut motu simili semper moverentur[1686]sublatum iri omnium rerum discrimen et (per consequens) omnem sentionem, et propterea causam omnium rerum quaerendam esse in diversitate motuum: atque hoc principio usus est primo. Deinde, ut cognosceret varietates et rationes motuum, ad geometriam cogebatur, et a principiis suis ingenio suo theoremata illa quae supra commemoravi foeliciter demonstravit. Tantum interest inter illos qui proprio genio et illos qui in archivis veterum aut ad quaestum docentium scientiarum veritatem quaerunt.

In colloquiis familiaribus jucundus erat, praeterquam illorum qui ad illum venerant disputandi causa contra ea quae jam ediderat (nec revocari poterant) de jure summarum potestatum civili aut ecclesiastico; nam cum his vehementius aliquando disputabat quam erat necessarium.

Naturaliter apertus erat, et inter adversarios qui multi potentesque erant innocentia magis quam consilio tutus.

Justiciae erat cum scientissimus, tum tenacissimus. Nec mirum, cum esset pecuniae neglegentissimus, et pro tenuitate fortunarum suarum ultra modum beneficus. Sed beneficio patronorum suorum et regis optimi dulcissimique Caroli secundi satis copiose senex vixit.

William Holder (1616-1697/8).

[1687]William Holder[FY], D.D., the ...d son[1688] of ... Holder; his mother's mayden name was Brudenell. He was borne the ... in Nottinghamshire; went to schoole at ...; went to Pembroke-hall[1689] in Cambridge, where he had a Greeke-scholar's place. Anno <1636/7>, Artium Baccalaureus; anno <1640> Artium Magister.

About 1640, he maried ... the ... daughter of <Christopher> Wren, deane of Windsore and rector of Knowyll in Wiltshire.

Anno Domini 1642, had his institution and induction for the rectorie of Bletchington in com. Oxon.

In the troublesome times he was with his father-in-lawe Wren at the garrison of Bristowe. After the surrender of it to the Parliament, he lived ... year at Knowyll with him.

Anno about 1646[1690], he went to Bletchington to his parsonage, where his hospitality and learning, mixt with great courtesie, easily conciliated the love of all his neighbours to him. The deane came with him thither, and dyed and is buryed there.

He was very helpfull in the education of his brother-in-law, Mr. Christopher Wren (now knighted), a youth of a prodigious inventive witt, and of whom he was as tender as if he had been his owne child, who[1691] gave him his first instructions in geometrie and arithmetique, and when he was a young scholar at the University of Oxford, was a very necessary and kind friend.

The parsonage-house at Bletchington was Mr. Christopher Wren's home, and retiring-place; here he contemplated, and studied, and found-out a great many curious things in mathematiques. About this house[1692] he made severall curious dialls, with his owne handes, which are still there to be seen. ☞ Which see, as well worthy to be seen.

But to returne to this honest worthy gentleman—he is a good poet. I have some very good verses (about 100) in Latin on St. Vincent's-rocks and the hott-well, neere Bristowe. He is very musicall, both theorically and practically, and he had a sweet voyce. He hath writt an excellent treatise of musique, in English, which is writt both doctis et indoctis, and readie for the presse. He is extremely well qualified for his[1693]place, of Sub-Deane of the King's Chapell, to which he was preferred[1694] anno 167<4>, as likewise of the Sub-Almoner, being a person abhorring covetousnes, and full of pitty[1695].

Anno 16—(vide his ...) ... Popham (the only son of ... Popham, admirall for the Parliament), being borne deafe and dumbe[1696], was sent to him to learne to speake, which he taught him to doe: by what method, and how soon, you may see in the Appendix concerning it to his Elements of Speech, 8vo, London, printed <1669>. It is a most ingeniose and curious discourse, and untouched by any other; he was beholding to no author; did only consult with nature. This booke I sent to Mr. Anthony Lucas, at Liege, who very much admires it and I have desired him to translate it into French. Dr. John Wallis unjustly arrogates the glory of teaching the sayd young gentleman to speake, in the Philosophical Transactions, and in Dr. Robert Plott's History of Oxfordshire; which occasioned Dr. Holder to write a ... against him, a pamphlet in 4to, 167-.

He has good judgement in painting and drawing.

In anno <1652> he was made a prebendary of Ely. Anno <1663> had the parsonage of <Northwold> in Norfolk.

He is a handsome, gracefull person, and of a delicate constitution, and of an even and smooth temper; so that, if one would goe about to describe a perfect good man, would drawe this Doctor's character. Of a just stature; grey eie; tall and well-sett; sanguine; thin skin; roundish face; gracefull elocution; his discourse so gent. and obligeing; cleer reason.

They say that morum similitudo conci<li>at amicitiam; then it will not be found strange that there should be such a conjunct friendship between this worthy gentleman and the right reverend father in God, Seth Ward, lord bishop of Sarum, his coetanean in Cambridge.

It ought not to be forgott the great and exemplary love between this Doctor and his vertuose wife, who is not lesse to be admired, in her sex and station, then her brother Sir Christopher; and (which is rare to be found in a woman) her excellences doe not inflate her. Amongst many other guifts she haz a strange sagacity as to curing of wounds, which she does not doe so much by presedents and reciept bookes, as by her owne excogitancy, considering the causes, effects, and circumstances. His majestie king Charles II, 167-, had hurt his ... hand, which he intrusted his chirurgians to make well; but they ordered him so that they made it much worse, so that it swoll, and pained him up to his shoulder; and pained him so extremely that he could not sleep, and began to be feaverish. ... told the king what a rare shee-surgeon he had in his house; she was presently sent for at eleven clock at night. She presently made ready a pultisse, and applyed it, and gave his majestie sudden ease, and he slept well; next day she dressed him, and in ... perfectly cured him, to the great griefe of all the surgeons, who envy and hate her.

Non Illo melior quisquam, nec amantior aequi Vir fuit: aut Illâ reverentior ulla Deorum.

Ovid. Metam. lib. i.

Note.

Hugh Holland (15— -1633).

[1697]From Sir John Penrudock:—Hugh Holland, poeta: he was descended of the family of the earles of Kent, etc., and was a Roman Catholique. The lady Elizabeth Hatton (mother to the lady Purb<ec>) was his great patronesse (vide B. Jonson's masque of the Gipsies for these two beauties).

Sir J<ohn> P<enrudock> asked him his advice as he was dyeing, (or he then gave it) that, the best rule for him to governe his life was to reade St. Hierome's Epistles.

He was buried in Westminster Abbey[1698], in the south crosse aisle neer the dore of St. Benet's Chapell, i.e. where the earl of Middlesex monument is, but there is no monument or inscription for him. He was buryed July 23, 1633.

He was of a Lancashire family.

Tho. Holland, earl of Kent (his sonnes, dukes of Surrey), tempore Rich. 2.

Philemon Holland (1551-1637).

[1699]Philêmon Holland was schoole-master of the free-schoole at Coventrey, and that for many yeares. He made a great many good scholars. He translated T. Livius, anno 15—, with one and the same pen, which the lady ... (vide at the end of his translation of Suetonius) embellished with silver, and kept amongst her rare κειμηλια[1700]. He wrote a good hand, but a rare Greeke character; witnesse the MS. of Euclid's Harmoniques in the library belonging to the schoole. He translated severall Latin authors,—e.g. Tit. Livius, Plinii Hist. Natur., Suetonius Tranquillus: quaere +.

One made this epigram on him:—

'Philêmon with 's translations doeth so fill us, He will not let Suetonius be Tranquillus.'

Wenceslaus Hollar (1607-1677).

[1701]Winceslaus Hollar, natus Pragae 23 Julii, st<ilo> v<etere>, 1607, about 8 A.M.

[1702]Winceslaus Hollar, Bohemus, was borne at Prague.

His father was a Knight of the Empire: which is by lettres patent under the imperiall seale (as our baronets). I have seen it[1703]: the seale is bigger then the broad seale of England: in the middle is the imperiall coate; and round about it are the coates of the Princes Electors. His father was a Protestant, and either for keeping a conventicle, or being taken at one, forfeited his estate, and was ruined by the Roman Catholiques.

He told me that when he was a schoole-boy he tooke a delight in draweing of mapps; which draughts he kept, and they were pretty. He was designed by his father to have been a lawyer, and was putt to that profession[1704], when his father's troubles, together with the warres, forced him to leave his countrey. So that what he did for his delight and recreation only when a boy, proved to be his livelyhood when a man.

I thinke he stayd sometime in Lowe Germany, then he came into England, wher he was very kindly entertained by that great patron of painters and draughts-men <Thomas Howard> Lord High Marshall, earl of Arundell and Surrey, where he spent his time in draweing and copying rarities, which he did etch (i.e. eate with aqua fortis in copper plates). When the Lord Marshall went ambassador to the Emperor of Germany to Vienna, he travelld with much grandeur; and among others, Mr. Hollar went with him (very well clad) to take viewes, landskapes, buildings, etc. remarqueable in their journey, which wee see now at the print shopps.

He hath donne the most in that way that ever any one did, insomuch that I have heard Mr. John Evelyn, R.S.S., say that at sixpence a print his labour would come to ... li. (quaere J<ohn> E<velyn>). He was very short-sighted (μυοψ[1705]), and did worke so curiously that the curiosity of his worke is not to be judged without a magnifying-glasse. When he tooke his landskaps, he, then, had a glasse to helpe his sight.

At Arundel-house he maried with my ladle's wayting woman, Mrs. ... Tracy, by whom he haz a daughter, that was one of the greatest beauties I have seen; his son by her dyed in the plague, an ingeniose youth, drew delicately.

When the civil warres brake-out, the Lord Marshall had leave to goe beyond sea[CXXXI.]. Mr. Hollar went into the Lowe-Countries, where he stayed till about 1649.

I remember he told me that when he first came into England, (which was a serene time of peace) that the people, both poore and rich, did looke cheerfully, but at his returne, he found the countenances of the people all changed, melancholy, spightfull, as if bewitched.

I have sayd before that his father was ruined upon the account of the Protestant religion. Winceslaus dyed a Catholique, of which religion, I suppose, he might be ever since he came to Arundel-howse.

He was a very friendly good-natured man as could be, but shiftlesse as to the world, and dyed not rich[1707]. He maried a second wife, 1665, by whom he has severall children. He dyed on our Ladie-day (25 Martii), 1677, and is buried in St. Margaret's church-yard at Westminster neer the north west corner of the tower. Had he lived till the 13th of July following, he had been just 70 yeares old.

John Holywood (11— -1256).

[1708]Jo. de Sacro Bosco:—Dr. <John> Pell is positive that his name was Holybushe.

Thomas Hoode.

[1709]... Hood, M.D.—he practised Physick at Worcester, and printed a booke in 4to called The Geodeticall Staffe[1710].

Robert Hooke (1635-1703).

[1711]Mr. Robert Hooke, curator of the Royall Societie at London, was borne at Freshwater in the Isle of Wight, A.D. <1635>; his father was minister there, and of the family of the Hookes of Hooke in Hants.

[1712]July 19th, 1635, baptized Robert Hooke, the son of Mr. John Hooke.

[1713]Mr. Robert Hooke[FZ], M.A.:—his father, Mr. John Hooke,[1714]had two or three brothers all ministers: quaere Dr. <William> Holder. He was of the family of Hooke of Hooke in Hampshire, in the road from London to Saram, a very ancient family and in that place for many (3 or more) hundred yeares.

[1715]His father was minister of Freshwater in the Isle of Wight. He maried ... ..., by whom he had two sonnes, viz. ... of Newport, grocer (quaere capt. Lee) and had been mayer there, and Robert, second son, who was borne[1716] at Freshwater aforesayd the nineteenth day of July, Anno Domini 1635—vide register, et obiit patris.

At ... yeares old, John Hoskyns, the painter, being at Freshwater, to drawe pictures for ... esqre, Mr. Hooke observed what he did, and, thought he, 'why cannot I doe so too?' So he getts him chalke, and ruddle, and coale, and grinds them, and putts them on a trencher, gott a pencill, and to worke he went, and made a picture: then he copied[1717] (as they hung up in the parlour) the pictures there, which he made like. Also, being a boy there, at Freshwater, he made an ... diall on a round trencher; never having had any instruction. His father was not mathematicall at all.

When his father dyed, his son Robert was but ... old, to whom he left one hundred pounds, which was sent up to London with him, with an intention to have bound him apprentice to Mr. Lilly[1718], the paynter, with whom he was a little while upon tryall; who liked him very well, but Mr. Hooke quickly perceived[1719] what was to be donne, so, thought he, 'why cannot I doe this by my selfe and keepe my hundred pounds?' He also had some instruction in draweing from Mr. Samuel Cowper (prince of limners of this age); but whether from him before or after Mr. Lilly quaere?

☞ Quaere when he went to Mr. Busby's, the schoolemaster of Westminster, at whose howse he was; and he made very much of him. With him he lodged his C li.[1720] There he learnd to[1721] play 20 lessons on the organ. He there in one weeke's time made himselfe master of the first VI bookes of Euclid, to the admiration of Mr. Busby (now S.T.D.), who introduced him. At schoole here he was very mechanicall, and (amongst other things) he invented thirty severall wayes of flying, which I have not only heard him say, but Dr. Wilkins (at Wadham College at that time), who gave him his Mathematicall Magique which did him a great kindnes. He was never a King's Scholar, and I have heard Sir Richard Knight (who was his school-fellow) say that he seldome sawe him in the schoole.

Anno Domini <1658> (vide A. Wood's Antiq. Oxon.) he was sent to Christ Church in Oxford, where he had a chorister's place (in those dayes when the church musique was putt-downe[1722]), which was a pretty good maintenance. He was there assistant to Dr. Thomas Willis in his chymistry; who afterwards recommended him to the honble Robert Boyle, esqre, to be usefull to him in his chymicall operations. Mr. Hooke then read to him (R. B., esqre) Euclid's Elements, and made him understand[1723] Des Cartes' Philosophy. He was Master of Arts anno Domini....

Anno Domini 166<2> Mr. Robert Boyle recommended Mr. Robert Hooke to be Curator of the Experiments of the Royall Society, wherin he did an admirable good worke to the Common-wealth of Learning, in recommending the fittest person in the world to them. Anno <1664> he was chosen Geometry[1724] Professour at Gresham College[GA]. Anno Domini 166- Sir John Cutler, knight, gave a Mechanicall lecture, ... pounds per annum, which he read.

Anno Domini 166<6> the great conflagration of London happened, and then he was chosen one of the two surveyors[CXXXII.] of the citie of London; by which he hath gott a great estate. He built Bedlam, the Physitians' College, Montague-house, the Piller on Fish-street-hill, and Theatre there; and he is much made use of in designing buildings.

He is but of midling stature, something crooked, pale faced, and his face but little belowe, but his head is lardge; his eie full and popping, and not quick; a grey eie. He haz a delicate head of haire, browne, and of an excellent moist curle. He is and ever was very temperate, and moderate in dyet, etc.

As he is of prodigious inventive head, so is a person of great vertue and goodnes. Now when I have sayd his inventive faculty is so great, you cannot imagine his memory to be excellent, for they are like two bucketts, as one goes up, the other goes downe. He is certainly the greatest mechanick this day in the world. His head lies much more to Geometry then to Arithmetique. He is (1680) a batchelour, and, I beleeve, will never marie. His elder brother left one faire daughter[GB], which is his heire. In fine (which crownes all) he is a person of great suavity and goodnesse.

Scripsit.

... ...

'Twas Mr. Robert Hooke that invented the Pendulum-Watches, so much more usefull than the other watches.

He hath invented an engine for the speedie working of division, etc., or for the speedie and immediate finding out the divisor.

An instrument for the Emperor of Germany, 1692/3.

[1725]The first thing he published was—An attempt for the explication of the phaenomena observeable in the XXXV experiment of the honourable Robert Boyle, esq., touching the aire: printed for Sam. Thomson at the Bishop's head in Paule's churchyard, 1661, 8vo: not now to be bought, and, though no bigger then an almanack, is a most ingeniose piece.

The next moneth he published another little 4to pamphlet,—Discourse of a new instrument he haz invented to make more accurate observations in astronomy then ever was[1726] yet made, or could be made by any instruments hitherto invented, and this instrument (10 or 12 li. price) performes more, and more exact, then all the chargeable apparatus of the noble Tycho Brache or the present Hevelius of Dantzick.

<In MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 30, 31, is this letter from Aubrey to Anthony Wood, enclosing a communication from Hooke.>

September 15, 1689. Mr. Wood!

Mr. Robert Hooke, R.S.S. did in anno 1670, write a discourse, called, 'An Attempt to prove the motion of the Earth,' which he then read to the Royal Society; but printed it in the beginning of the yeare 1674, a strena[1727] to Sir John Cutler to whom it is dedicated, wherein he haz delivered the theorie of explaining the coelestial motions mechanically; his words are these, pag. 27, 28. viz.:—

['In[1728]the Attempt to prove the motion of the earth, etc., printed 1674, but read to the Royall Society, 1671: pag. 27, line 31—

'I shall only for the present hint that I have in some of my foregoing observations discovered some new motions even in the Earth it self, which perhaps were not dreamt of before, which I shall hereafter more at large describe, when further tryalls have more fully confirmed and compleated these beginnings. At which time also I shall explaine a systeme of the world, differing in many particulars from any yet known, answering in all things to the common rules of mechanicall motions. This depends upon 3 suppositions; first, that all coelestiall bodys whatsoever have an attractive or gravitating power towards their own centers, whereby they attract not only their own parts, and keep them from flying from them, as we may observe the Earth to doe, but that they doe also attract all the other coelestial bodys that are within the sphere of their activity, and consequently that not only the Sun and the Moon have an influence upon the body and motion of the Earth, and the Earth upon them, but that Mercury also, Venus, Mars, Saturne, and Jupiter, by their attractive powers have a considerable influence upon its motion, as, in the same manner, the corresponding attractive power of the Earth hath a considerable influence upon every one of their motions also. The second supposition is this, that all bodys whatsoever, that are putt into direct and simple motion will soe continue to move forwards in a straight line, till they are by some other effectuall powers deflected and bent into a motion describing a circle, ellipsis, or some other uncompounded curve line. The third supposition is, that these attractive powers are soe much the more powerfull in operating, by how much nearer the body wrought upon is to their own centers. Now what these severall degrees are, I have not yet experimentally verified.'—But these degrees and proportions of the power of attraction in the celestiall bodys and motions, were communicated to Mr. Newton by R. Hooke, in the yeare 1678, by letters, as will plainely appear both by the coppys of the said letters, and the letters of Mr. Newton in answer to them, which are both in the custody of the said R. H., both which also were read before the Royall Society at their publique meeting, as appears by the Journall book of the said Society.—'But it is a notion which if fully prosecuted, as it ought to be, will mightily assist the astronomer to reduce all the coelestiall motions to a certaine rule, which I doubt will never be done true without it. He that understands the natures of the circular pendulum and circular motion, will easily understand the whole ground of this principle, and will know where to find direction in nature for the true stating thereof. This I only hint at present to such as have ability and opportunity of prosecuting this inquiry, and are not wanting of industry for observing and calculating, wishing heartily such may be found, having my self many other things in hand, which I will first compleat, and therefore cannot soe well attend (to) it. But this I durst promise the undertaker; that he will find all the great motions of the world to be influenced by this principle, and that the true understanding thereof will be the true perfection of Astronomy.']

About 9 or 10 years ago, Mr. Hooke writt to Mr. Isaac Newton, of Trinity College, Cambridge, to make[CXXXIII.] a demonstration of this theory, not telling him, at first, the proportion of the gravity to the distance, nor what was the curv'd line that was thereby made. Mr. Newton, in his answer to the letter, did expresse that he had not known[1729] of it; and in his first attempt about it, he calculated the curve by supposing the attraction to be the same at all distances: upon which, Mr. Hooke sent, in his next letter, the whole of his hypothesis, scil. that the gravitation was reciprocall to the square of the distance, ['which[1730] would make the motion in an ellipsis, in one of whose foci the sun being placed, the aphelion and perihelion of the planet would be opposite to each other in the same line, which is the whole coelestiall theory, concerning which Mr. Newton hath a demonstration,'] not at all owning he receiv'd the first intimation of it from Mr. Hooke. Likewise Mr. Newton haz in the same booke printed some other theories and experiments of Mr. Hooke's, as that about the oval figure of the earth and sea: without acknowledgeing from whom he had them, ['though1730[1730] he had not sent it up with the other parts of his booke till near a month after the theory was read to the Society by Mr. Hooke, when it served to help to answer Dr. Wallis his arguments produced in the Royal Society against it.']

Mr. Wood! This is the greatest discovery in nature that ever was since the world's creation. It never was so much as hinted by any man before. I know you will doe him right. I hope you may read his hand. I wish he had writt plainer, and afforded a little more paper.

Tuus, J. Aubrey.

Before I leave this towne, I will gett of him a catalogue of what he hath wrote; and as much of his inventions as I can. But they are many hundreds; he believes not fewer than a thousand. 'Tis such a hard matter to get people to doe themselves right.

Notes.

Charles Hoskyns (1584-1609).

[1732]Charles Hoskyns was brother to the Serjeant and the Doctor; a very ingeniose man, who would not have been inferior to either but killed himself with hard study.

Note.

Charles Hoskins, of 'Lenwarne' parish, Hereford, was admitted probationer July 26, 1604, and fellow of New College in 1606; took B.A. April 13, 1608; and died in 1609.

John Hoskyns (1566-1638).

[1733]John Hoskyns[GC], serjeant-at-lawe, was borne at Mounckton in the parish of <Llanwarne> in the com. of Hereford, Aº Dni <1566> [on[1734] St. Mark's day].

Mounckton belonged to the priory of Llantony juxta Glocester, where his ancestors had the office of cupbearer (or 'pocillator') to the prior. I have heard there was a windowe given by one Hoskyns there, as by the inscription did appeare.

Whither the serjeant were the eldest brother[1735] or no, I have forgott; but he had a brother, John[GD], D.D., a learned man, rector of Ledbury and canon of Hereford, who, I thinke, was eldest, who was designed to be a scholar, but this John (the serjeant) would not be quiet, but he must be a scholar too. In those dayes boyes were seldome taught to read that were not to be of some learned profession. So, upon his instant importunity, being then ten yeares of age, he learned to reade, and, at the yeare's end, entred into his Greeke grammar. This I have heard his sonne, Sir Benet Hoskyns, knight and baronett, severall times say.

He was of a strong constitution, and had a prodigious memorie. At ... yeares old, he went to Winton schole, where he was the flower of his time. I remember I have heard that one time he had not made his exercise (verse) and spake to one of his forme to shew him his, which he sawe. The schoolmaster presently calles for the exercises, and Hoskyns told him that he had writ it out but lost it, but he could repeate it, and repeated the other boye's exercise (I think 12 or 16 verses) only at once reading over. When the boy who really had made them shewed the master the same, and could not repeate them, he was whipped for stealing Hoskyns' exercise. I thinke John Owen[GE] and he were schoole-fellowes. There were many pretty stories of him when a schooleboy, which I have forgott. I have heard his son say that he was a yeare at Westminster; and not speeding there, he was sent to Winton.

The Latin verses in the quadrangle at Winton Colledge[GF], at the cocks where the boyes wash their hands, were of his making, where there is the picture[1736] of a good servant, with hind's feet, ... head, a padlock on his lippes, ... The Latin verses describe the properties of a good servant.

When he came to New College, he was Terrae filius; but he was so bitterly satyricall that he was expelled and putt to his shifts.

He went into Somersetshire and taught a schole for about a yeare at Ilchester. He compiled there a Greeke lexicon as far as M, which I have seen. He maried (neer there) a rich widowe, [of Mr. Bourne]; she was a Moyle of Kent; by whome he had only one sonne and one daughter.

[After[1737] his mariage] he admitted himselfe at the Middle Temple, London. He wore good cloathes, and kept good company. His excellent witt gave him letters of commendacion to all ingeniose persons. At his[1738]first comeing to London he gott acquainted with the under-secretaries at court, where he was often usefull to them in writing their Latin letters.

His great witt quickly made him be taken notice of.

Ben: Johnson called him father. Sir Benet (bishop Benet[1739] of Hereford was his godfather) told me that one time desiring Mr. Johnson to adopt him for his sonne, 'No,' said he, 'I dare not; 'tis honour enough for me to be your brother: I was your father's sonne, and 'twas he that polished me.' In shorte, his acquaintance were all the witts then about the towne; e.g. Sir Walter Raleigh, who was his fellow-prisoner in the Tower, where he was Sir Walter's Aristarchus to reviewe and polish Sir Walter's stile; John Donne, D.D.; John Owen, (vide Epigr. 1—

Hic liber est mundus; homines sunt, Hoskine, versus: Invenies paucos hîc ut in orbe bonos;)

<Richard> Martyn, recorder of London; Sir Benjamin Ruddyer, with whom it was once his fortune to have a quarrell and fought a duell with him and hurt him in the knee, but they were afterwards friends again; Sir Henry Wotton, provost of Eaton College; cum multis aliis.

His conversation was exceedingly pleasant, and on the roade he would make any one good company to him. He was a great master of the Latin and Greke languages; a great divine. He understood the lawe well, but worst at that.

He was admitted at the Middle Temple anno ...; called to be a serjeant at lawe anno <1623> (vide <Sir William Dugdale's> Origines Juridiciales).

His verses on the fart in the Parliament house are printed in some of the Drolleries. He had a booke of poemes, neatly written by one of his clerkes, bigger then Dr. Donne's poemes, which his sonn Benet lent to he knowes not who, about 1653, and could never heare of it since. Mr. Thomas Henshawe haz an excellent Latin copie in rhythme in the prayse of ale of his.

He was a very strong man and active. He did the pomado in the saddle of the third horse in his armour (which Sir John Hoskins haz still) before William, earle of Pembroke. He was about my heighth.

He had a very readie witt, and would make verses on the roade, where he was the best company in the world. In Sir H. Wotton's Remaynes are verses (dialogue) made on the roade by him and Sir Henry. He made an antheme (gett it) in English to be sung at Hereford Minster at the assizes; but Sir Robert Harley (a great Puritan) was much offended at it. He made the epitaph on <Peter> Woodgate in New College cloysters. He made the best Latin epitaphs of his time; amongst many others an excellent one on <Sir Moyle> Finch, this earl of Winchelsey's grandfather, who haz a noble monument at Eastwell in Kent.

I will now describe his seate at Morhampton (Hereff.), which he bought of....

[1740]At the gate-house is the picture of the old fellowe that made the fires, with a block on his back, boytle and wedges and hatchet. By him, this distich:—

Gratus ades quisquis descendis, amicus et hospes: Non decet hos humiles mensa superba Lares.

By the porch of the howse, on the wall, is the picture in the margent:—

Illustration from Brief Lives, Vol. 1

Noverint universi

et douch et gallante

ꝑroviso semꝓ

hec est finalis concordia

Above it are these verses:—

Stat coelum, fateor, Copernice; terra movetur; Et mutant dominos tecta rotata suos.

In the chapelle, over the altar, are these two Hebrewe words[1741], viz.:—

וְשָֽׁמַעְתָּ֖ וְסָלָֽחְתָּ

and underneath this distich (1 Reg. 8. 30):—

Hac quicunque orat supplex exoret in aede, Nec pereant servis irrita vota tuis.

Here is an organ that was queen Elizabeth's.

In the gallery <is> the picture of his brother (<the> Doctor) in the pulpit, <of the> serjeant in his robes, the howse, parke, etc.; and underneath are these verses:—

Est casa, sunt colles, lateres[1742], vivaria[1743], lymphae, Pascua, sylva, Ceres[1744]: si placet, adde preces[1745].

In the garden, the picture of the gardiner, on the wall of the howse, with his rake, spade, and water-pott in his left hand. By it, this distich:—

Pascitur et pascit locus hic, ornatur et ornat: Istud opus nondum lapsus amaret Adam.

In the first leafe of his fee-booke he drew the picture of a purse as in the margent, and wrote

Illustration from Brief Lives, Vol. 1

καὶ δῶμεν ὁσκινδω.

underneath, out of Theocritus.

On his picture in the low gallery are writt on his deske these verses, viz.:—

Undecies senos exegi strenuus annos, Jam veniet nullo mors inopina die; Quae dixi, scripsi, gessive negotia, lusus, Obruat aeterno pax taciturna sinu. Si quid jure petunt homines, respondeat haeres, Dissipet ut cineres nulla querela meos.[1746] Quodque Deo, decoctor iniquus, debeo, solve, Quaeso, Fidejussor, {sanguine}, Christe, {tuo}. { nomine } {meo}

These verses with a little alteration are sett on his monument.

Under severall venerable and shady oakes in the parke, he had seates made; and where was a fine purling spring, he did curbe it with stone.

This putts me in mind of Fr. Petrarch's villa in Italie, which is not long since printed, where were such devises—vide Tomasini Petrarcha redivivus, Lat., Amsterdam, 12mo.

Besides his excellent naturall memorie, he acquired the artificiall way of memorie.

He wrote his owne life (which his grandsonne Sir John Hoskyns, knight and baronet, haz), which was to shew that wheras Plutarch, ..., ..., etc., had wrote the lives of many generalles, etc., grandees, that he, or an active man might, from a private fortune by his witt and industrie attained to the dignity of a serjeant-at-lawe—but he should have said that they must have parts like his too.—This life I cannot borrowe.

He wrote severall treatises. Amongst others:—

a booke of style;

a method of the lawe (imperfect).

His familiar letters were admirable.

He was a close prisoner in the Tower, tempore regis Jacobi, for speaking too boldly in the Parliament house of the king's profuse liberality to the Scotts. He made a comparison of a conduit, whereinto water came, and ran-out afarre-off. 'Now,' said he, 'this pipe reaches as far as Edinborough.' He was kept a 'close prisoner' there, i.e., his windowes were boarded up. Through a small chinke he sawe once a crowe, and another time, a kite; the sight whereof, he sayd, was a great pleasure to him. He, with much adoe, obtained at length the favour to have his little son Bennet to be with him; and he then made this distich, viz.:—

Parvule dum puer es, nee scis incommoda linguae, Vincula da linguae, vel tibi vincla dabit.

Thus Englished by him:—

My little Ben, whil'st thou art young, And know'st not how to rule thy tongue, Make it thy slave whil'st thou art free, Least it, as mine, imprison thee.

[1747]I have heard that when he came out of the Tower, his crest (before expressed) was graunted him, viz., 'a lyon's head couped or, breathing fire.' The serjeant would say jocosely that it was the only lyon's head in England that tooke tobacco.

Not many moneths before his death (being at the assises or sessions at Hereford) a massive countrey fellowe trod on his toe, which caused a gangrene which was the cause of his death. One Mr. Dighton[CXXXIV.] of Glocester (an experienced chirurgian who had formerly been chirurgian in the warres in Ireland) was sent for to cure him; but his skill and care could not save him. His toes were first cutt-off. The minister of his parish had a clubbe-foote or feete (I think his name was Hugh). Said he, 'Sir Hugh'—after his toes were cutt off—'I must be acquainted with your shoemaker.'

Sir Robert Pye, attorney of the court of wardes, was his neighbour, but there was no great goodwill between them—Sir Robert was haughty. He happened to dye on Christmas day: the newes being brought to the serjeant, said he 'The devill haz a Christmas pye.'

He was a very strong man, and valiant, and an early riser in the morning (scil., at four in the morning). He was black-eyed and had black hayre.

He lies buried under an altar monument on the north side of the choire of Dowr abbey in Herefordshire.

(In this abbey church of Dowre are two frustum's or remaynders of mayled and crosse-legged monuments, one sayd to be of a lord Chandois, th' other, the lord of Ewyas-lacy. A little before I sawe them a mower had taken one of the armes to whett his syth.)

On his monument is this inscription:—

Hoc tegitur tumulo totus quem non tegit orbis, Hoskinus, humani prodigium ingenii, Usque adeo excoluit duo pugnacissima rerum Et quae non subeunt numina[1748] pectus idem, Pieridum Legumque potens, jucundus honesto Mixtus, Liticulans Musa, forense melos, Orando causas pariter pariterque canendo, Captavit merito clarus utrumque sophos. Sic dum jura tenens Solymorum et gentis Idumae, Narratur cytharâ percrepuisse David; [1749]Talem Thebanas[1750] struxisse Amphiona turres, Sic indefessa personuisse chely, Sic populos traxisse truces et agrestibus antris Exutos homines consociasse lyrâ; Sic magni pectus divinum arsisse Platonis, Tum, cum deplorans Astera, jura daret; Talem credibile est vixisse Solona poëtam Et queiscunque datum est et sapere et furere[1751]. Sed tu, magne, peris, dum lis certatur utrinque, Te Astraea suum vultque Thalia suum. Haec habitat coelis, sed et haec terrestribus oris, Ipse tui judex poneris ante Deos; Scilicet in partes se dividit Hoskinus ambo, Haec coelo potitur particula, illa solo. { Canoro cineri jurisprudentissimi { Parentis pii, memoriae ergo, Obiit Aug. 27 { hunc posuit cippum conscriptum marmoreum 1638 { flens Benettus, sequiturque Patrem { non passibus aequis.

This epitaph was made by Thomas Bonham, of Essex, esquier.

The serjeant's epitaph on his wife at Bowe church, Heriff.:—

Hic Benedicta jacet, de qua maledicere nemo Cui genus aut virtus vel pia lingua potest: Bournii et Hoskinii conjux et prolis utrique Mater erat, Moyli filia, serva Dei.

On Mr. Bourne, his sonne-in-lawe[1752], by him:—

Nobilis innocuos transegit Bournius annos Multa legens, callens plurima, pauca loquens. Juridicus causis neque se ditavit[1753] agendis Non in habendo locans sed moriendo lucrum.

[1754]Serjeant Hoskins:—Serviens ad legem; quaere, if <he was> a knight. His crest (I believe) granted for his bold spirit, and (I suppose) contrived by himselfe.

Amici <included> Egremund Thynne. Hic jacet Egremundus Rarus, Tuendis paradoxis clarus. Mortuus est, ut hic apparet: At si loqui posset, hoc negaret.

Was wont to say that all those that came to London were either carrion or crowes.

[1755]<Memorandum>:—Hoskyns—to collect his nonsense discourse, which is very good.

Notes.

Sir John Hoskyns (1634-1705).

[1756]Sir John Hoskyns, knight, one of the Masters of the Chancery, borne at Morehampton in the countie of Hereford, A.D....

Aug. 3rd, 1671, the native maryed.

Aug. 20, 1667, the native broke his thigh; Oct. 1671, the native had another fall which was no lesse dangerous then the former.

Sir John Hoskyns' eldest son John[GG], borne at ..., 14 die Novembr. 1673, 4h 48´ A.M. Obiit ... 1684.

Mris Jane Hoskyns, daughter of Sir John Hoskyns of Morhamton, Hereff., borne at Harwood in com. praedict. March the 2nd, about 6 a clock in the morning, A.D. 1677/8.

[1757]Gazette de Londres:—Jean Hoskins, esq., honoré du titre de chevalerie et l'un de maîtres ordinaires de la cancellerie 30 Janvier 1675.

Note.

Charles Howard (16— -16—).

[1758]Charles Howard, eldest son of the honourable Charles Howard of Norfolke, borne 1664 (old style) on a Thursday between 3 and 4 of the clocke in the morning, the last day of March, London. Obiit May 5th 1677, of the small pox.

Henry Howard, second son, borne 1668, between 8 and 9 in the morning, being Sunday 18 of Oct., St. Luke's day.

Thomas Howard, 3rd son, born 12 of July, between one and 2 in the morning, 1670, being Thursday. Obiit, All Saints (day), twelvemonth after his birth.

Elizabeth Teresa Howard borne the 6 of April, being Easter Eve, 22 minutes after 9 of the clock in the evening. Obiit August 12-moneth after her birth.

Robert Hues (1553-1632).

[1759]My cosen Whitney, a parson, quondam Aeneinas., told me that Hues de Globis was of that house[1760]; which I put downe in the margent of the Oxford book[1761].

[1762]Mr. Ashmole thinkes that Robert Hues was of Christ Church. Perhaps he might be of St. Mary Hall too—for so my old cosin Whitney told me by tradition.

[1763]Hues de Globis:—I have heard my old cosen parson Whitney say—an old fellow of Brasennose (dyed 12 yeares since, aetat. 78 or 9)—(that) he was of St. Mary Hall.

Edward Hyde, earl of Clarendon (1608/9-1674).

[1764]Edward Hyde, earl of Clarendon, Lord Chancellor of England, was borne at Dinton in com. Wilts., anno Domini 1608, Febr. 16, as this[1765] earle thinkes. He told me he has his father's life written by himselfe, but 'tis not fitt so soon to publish it.

[1766]I thinke I told you that this earl of Clarendon told me his father was writing the history of our late times. He beginns with king Charles 1st and brought it to the restauration of king Charles II, when, as he was writing, the penne fell out of his hand: he took it up again to write: it fell out again. So then he percieved he was attacqued by death, scilicet, the dead palsey.—They say 'tis very well donne: but his sonne will not print it.

[1767]I advertised you, in my last, of a booke printed newly by ... Royston, viz. 'A vindication of Dr. Stillingfleet against Dr. Cressy, writt by a person of honour.' Mr. Royston assures me the earl of Clarendon is the author.

[1768]The place of the Lord Chancellor Hyde's birth is Dinton, four miles from Chalke.

Laurence Hyde,

of Hatch (a hamlet), Wilts.; came out of Cheshire; the third son of Robert Hyde, prout per inscription at Tisbury Church. | +--------------+--------------+--+-------------------------+ | | | | ... Hyde, Sir Laurence 3. Sir Nicholas 4. ... (I thinke, Robert) Hyde of of Hatch. Hyde, of Hyde, Lord Chief Purton neer Highworth: he then | Hele, Wilts. Justice of the rented this estate at Dinton of ... | King's Bench. his brother Sir Laurence. | | | Edward. | Lord Chancellor Hyde. | | | +-------+--+-------------+-------------+---------+-----------+ | | | | | | | | 1. ...; 2. Sir Robert 3. <Alexander 4. ..., 5. ..., 6. <James | sine Hyde, Lord Hyde>, LL. Dr.; consul; Hyde>, M.D., | prole. Chief Justice bishop of sine beheaded; principal of | of the King's Sarum. prole. sine Magdalen No sonn: Bench; sine | prole. Hall. a daughter prole. Robert. | and heire. | +---+---+ No child living. | |

Notes in this chapter

Note 1 · i.e. Ralph Sheldon's (Anthony Wood's friend): Aubrey was there in 1678, Clark's Wood's Life and Times, iii. 420.Note 2 · Dupl. with 'a little.'Note 3 · One word I cannot decipher.Note 4 · Two words I cannot decipher.Note 5 · See infra, p. 52.Note 6 · Vere Bertie, Baron of the Exchequer, 1675-78.Note 7 · Seth Ward.Note 8 · 'At Malmsbury' is scored out, and the following substituted:—'In a private schoole at Westport, next to the smyth's shop as is (now, 1666) oNote 9 · i.e. at Leigh-de-la-mere.Note 10 · Anthony Ettrick, 'of Berford, co. Dorset': matric. at Trinity College in 1640, and was afterwards called at the Middle Temple.Note 11 · William Hawes, of Byssam, Berks, aged 16, was elected Scholar of Trinity College, Oxford, June 5, (Trinity Monday) 1640; President in 1658.Note 12 · Of Uxmore, Oxon, aged 15, elected Scholar of Trinity, June 4, 1640.Note 13 · Of Hoothorpe, Northants., elected Scholar of Trinity, June 5, 1637; Fellow, June 4, 1640; President, 1664.Note 14 · It should be 'azure.'Note 15 · Subst. for 'illorum.'Note 16 · For choosing a grave in the churchyard, and not, as was usual with persons of substance, in the church.Note 17 · No doubt Edmund Waller, supra; and Thomas Gale, infra.Note 18 · The number was doubtful, see supra, p. 175.Note 19 · Subst. for 'Robert was vicar of West Kington, chaplain to bishop Davenant.'Note 20 · Subst. for 'then almost forgot.'Note 21 · Subst. for 'Paschalius.'Note 22 · Subst. for 'most guilty of it.'Note 23 · i.e. 1638/9.Note 24 · i.e. if Anthony Wood wants to know which of the suggestions is correct, Aubrey can find out.Note 25 · i.e. the coat given in note 1 from MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 29v.Note 26 · i.e. step-mother.Note 27 · See infra, p. 388.Note 28 · (P. 328.) Aubrey's Collection of Genitures is now MS. Aubr. 23. The place Aubrey here refers to is fol. 52v in that MS., viz.:— 'Mr. Thomas Note 29 · The chronology is here difficult. William Cavendish, second earl of Devonshire, died 20 June, 1628; and it is he whom Hobbes regarded as hisNote 30 · Subst. for 'He would now and then use an emphaticall oath.'Note 31 · In MS. Aubr. 3, fol. 28, Aubrey says that Thomas Hobbes gave it to 'his elder brother, named Edmund Hobbes.'Note 32 · Dupl. with 'designe.'Note 33 · MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 7—'quaere bishop Sarum when he was motioned to be burnt.' Ibid., fol. 7v, 'Quaere bp. Sarum <Seth Ward> who and when (annuNote 34 · The two sentences in square brackets are added by Anthony Wood.Note 35 · Infra, p. 346.Note 36 · Dupl. with 'together.'Note 37 · Note on fol. 43v of MS. Aubr. 9. 'Page 15' in Aubrey's numbering is now fol. 45 of the MS.Note 245 · Wood adds 'and that he would have the printer called to account for printing such a notorious libell.'Note 38 · 'Page 7,' i.e. fol. 36v; supra, p. 333.Note 39 · Aubrey uses the astronomical symbol for the planet.Note 40 · Author of Hudibras.Note 41 · MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 15v.Note 42 · MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 16.Note 43 · 1679/80.Note 44 · MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 17v.Note 45 · Readdressed in another (? William Crooke's) hand:—'at Mr. Moore, in Hammond Alley'; see p. 44.Note 46 · MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 18.Note 47 · 1679/80.Note 48 · Subst. for 'Mr. Crooke.'Note 49 · Subst. for 'beginning.'Note 50 · Subst. for 'to the parish church.'Note 51 · MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 18v.Note 52 · 'Anything' followed: scored out.Note 53 · MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 19v.Note 54 · MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 19.Note 55 · Request added by Wheldon, at the end of the transcript of the will.Note 56 · MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 20.Note 57 · MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 21v.Note 58 · This part of the address is scored out, and there is substituted, 'for Dr. Blackborn at Jonathan's Coffee.'Note 59 · MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 3. The letter is sealed with the Aubrey coat:—'a chevron between 3 eagles' heads erased,' an annulet (?) for difference; aNote 60 · Or Hynd: p. 154.Note 61 · Of the church at Westport.Note 62 · So that if there were any old gravestones in the church, they have been destroyed.Note 63 · Broad Wiltshire for 'trumps'; see supra, p. 324.Note 64 · Choleric.Note 65 · MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 3v.Note 66 · Admon. of William Ley, last earl of Marlborough of that family, was granted 9 June, 1680.Note 67 · A jotting on the back of the letter is:—'Malmesbury:—where the steeple is was a church dedicated to St. Paul.'Note 68 · Then a common spelling for 'Alice.'Note 69 · This pedigree of Rogers in William Aubrey's hand is found in MS. Aubr. 3, fol. 123.Note 70 · The address on MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 2v.Note 71 · Published 1681.Note 72 · Republished 1682.Note 73 · Republ. 1680.Note 74 · Publ. 1682.Note 75 · MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 26. The date of the letter is circ. 1681-2.Note 76 · MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 26v.Note 77 · The address: on MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 27v.Note 78 · Or 'a nave and two aisles': supra, p. 326.Note 79 · i.e. at sunrise.Note 80 · ] Who being a bachelor (not above 19) taught him and two or three more ingeniose laddes after supper till 9.Note 81 · Now lost: Clark's Wood's Life and Times, iv. 192: see supra, p. 65.Note 82 · Dupl. with 'parke.'Note 83 · Dupl. with 'banquetting-houses.'Note 84 · Dupl. with 'good.'Note 85 · Anthony Wood, in a note here, approves of this suggestion to add the account of Gorhambury to Aubrey's life of Bacon (supra, p. 77):—''Tis fNote 86 · Aubrey notes, fol. 40v, 'Bring this in elswhere.'Note 87 · MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 25v.Note 88 · MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 23.Note 89 · MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 23v.Note 90 · MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 24.Note 91 · MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 24v.Note 92 · MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 25.Note 93 · MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 87v.Note 94 · Aubrey gives the coat, 'sable, a chevron between 3 anchors argent.' Anthony Wood adds the reference 'vide pag. 65 a,' i.e. fol. 95, of MS. ANote 95 · i.e. 2nd (or 3rd) son.Note 96 · 'hall,' subst. for 'Colledge.'Note 97 · Subst. for '1647.'Note 98 · Subst. for 'whom he instructed first in.'Note 99 · Subst. for 'Here.'Note 100 · MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 88.Note 101 · Anthony Wood notes here—'upon ... Jones his death.'Note 102 · Dupl. with 'bowells.'Note 103 · See p. 378.Note 104 · MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 10. Aubrey gives the coat, 'azure, semée of fleur-de-lys, a lion rampant argent [Holland].'Note 105 · The words followed 'I thinke; quaere de hoc of A. Wood'; scored out.Note 106 · MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 20v.Note 107 · κειμελια in MS.Note 108 · MS. Aubr. 23, fol. 121v.Note 109 · MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 26.Note 110 · i.e. Hollar's father's patent.Note 111 · Subst. for 'was bred up to it.'Note 112 · for μύωψ.Note 113 · ] Italie[1706].Note 114 · Thomas Howard, earl of Arundel, Surrey, and Norfolk, died at Padua, 1646.Note 115 · Subst. for 'dyed but poor.'Note 116 · MS. Aubr. 7, fol. 5v.Note 117 · MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 77v.Note 118 · The use of the Jacob's Staffe. Lond. 1590.Note 119 · MS. Aubr. 23, fol. 56v: as also in MS. Wood F. 39, fol. 270v.Note 120 · MS. Aubr. 8, a slip at fol. 99.Note 121 · MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 32.Note 122 · Aubrey gives in trick the coat: 'quarterly, argent and sable a cross between 4 escallops all counterchanged [Hooke].'Note 123 · MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 29v.Note 124 · MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 32.Note 125 · Corrected by Anthony Wood to 'baptized.'Note 126 · Dupl. with 'drew.'Note 127 · ? Sir Peter Lely.Note 128 · Subst. for 'learnd.'Note 129 · i.e. £100.Note 130 · Probably 'to play, <in> 20 lessons, on.'Note 131 · See Clark's Wood's Life and Times, i. 162, 163.Note 132 · Dupl. with 'and taught him.'Note 133 · MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 32v.Note 134 · Aubrey used Hooke's rooms in Gresham College as the place to which he had his letters addressed. E.g. MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 55, is an envelope aNote 135 · ] <John> Oliver, the glasse-painter, was the other.Note 136 · 'Mris. Grace Hooke, borne at Newport in the Isle of Wight 2do Maii, at 8h P.M.; she is 15 next May, scil. 1676.... Her father died by suspenNote 137 · Aubrey, in MS. Wood F. 39, fol. 270v: May 26, 1674.Note 138 · Ibid., fol. 271.Note 139 · i.e. New Year's gift.Note 140 · The paragraph enclosed in square brackets is Hooke's autograph.Note 141 · ] To[1731] make a demonstration of it, telling him the proportion of the gravity to the distance and the curv'd line that was thereby made, Note 142 · Dupl. with 'thought.'Note 143 · The words in square brackets are Hooke's autograph, added at the time he made the corrections above.Note 144 · The text embodies Hooke's corrections of Aubrey's draft. The original draft is given in the margin.Note 145 · Aubrey in MS. Wood F. 39, fol. 142: Oct. 27, 1671.Note 146 · Aubrey in MS. Rawl. D. 727, fol. 93.Note 147 · Aubrey gives in trick the coat:—'parted per pale gules and azure, a chevron between 3 lions rampant or [Hoskyns]: the crest is a lion's headNote 148 · Added by Anthony Wood, from a letter of Aubrey's (MS. Wood F. 39, fol. 135v).Note 149 · 'He was the eldest,' is added by Anthony Wood.Note 150 · John Hoskins, of 'Mownton' (Monnington on the Wye) in 'Lanwarne' parish, Hereford, was admitted probationer of New College June 22, 1584, anNote 151 · John Owen (the 'epigrammatist'), of Armon in Carnarvonshire, was admitted probationer of New College Oct. 20, 1582, and Fellow March 31, 158Note 152 · Aubrey, writing Oct. 27, 1671, in Wood MS. F. 39, fol. 142, says:— 'At Winton College is the picture of a servant with asses eares and hind'Note 153 · Dupl. with 'emblem.'Note 154 · Scored out.Note 155 · MS. Rawl. D. 727, fol. 93v.Note 156 · Robert Bennet, bishop of Hereford 1602-1617.Note 157 · MS. Rawl. D. 727, fol. 94.Note 158 · 'And when thou hearest, forgive.' 1 Kings viii. 30.Note 159 · Aubrey adds the interpretation:—'quarries.'Note 160 · 'Parke.'Note 161 · 'Harvest.'Note 162 · 'Chapelle.'Note 163 · MS. Rawl. D. 727, fol. 94v.Note 164 · MS. Rawl. D. 727, fol. 95.Note 165 · ] Mr. Dighton would oftentimes say that he generally observ'd in the Irish warres that those men that went to their wenches the day before tNote 166 · 'nomina' in MS.Note 167 · MS. Rawl. D. 727, fol. 95v.Note 168 · 'Thebanos' in MS.Note 169 · Subst. for 'vivere.'Note 170 · His step-son, more correctly.Note 171 · 'dicavit' in MS.Note 172 · MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 15v.Note 173 · MS. Aubr. 21, p. 15.Note 174 · MS. Aubr. 23, notes in foll. 65, 65v, 67, 67v.Note 175 · In MS. Aubr. 23, fol. 63, is a letter to Aubrey from Sir John Hoskyns, dated Nov. 15, 1673, announcing the birth of this son on Nov. 14, 4h Note 176 · MS. Aubr. 23, fol. 102.Note 177 · MS. Aubr. 23, slips at fol. 100v.Note 178 · Aubrey in MS. Wood F. 39, fol. 234: Nov. 15, 1673.Note 179 · Wood notes here, 'quaere': see the corrections in the next paragraphs.Note 180 · i.e. the Oxford 1663 edition of the De globis.Note 181 · Aubrey in MS. Wood F. 39, fol. 237: Nov. 30, 1673.Note 182 · Ibid., fol. 343v: Aug. 7, 1680.Note 183 · MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 2.Note 184 · Henry, 2nd earl.Note 185 · Aubrey in MS. Wood F. 39, fol. 366: June 24, 1682.Note 186 · Ibid., fol. 250: Jan. 1, 1673/4.Note 187 · Ibid., fol. 365: June 24, 1682.Note 188 · i.e. at that time the old stained windows were still extant.
Explore with AITake your curiosity a little further.

Reading settings