Book 5 — CHAPTER 10
Reading edition
Mahārāja Abhai Singh, A.D. 1724-50.
—The parricidal murder of Ajit is accounted the germ of destruction, which, taking root in the social edifice of Marwar, ultimately rent it asunder. Bitter has been the fruit of this crime, “even unto the third and fourth generation” of his unnatural sons, whose issue, but for this crime, would in all human probability have been the most potent princes in India, able single-handed to have stopped Mahratta aggrandisement.
“It was in 1781 (says the bard) Ajit went to heaven. With his own hand did the emperor Muhammad Shah put the tika on the forehead of Abhai Singh, girded him with the sword, bound the turah[1] on his head, placed a dagger set with gems [98] in his girdle, and with Chaunris, Naubats, and Nakkaras,[2] and many valuable gifts, invested the young prince in all the dignities of his father. Even Nagor was resumed from the son of Amra and included in his sanad. With these marks of royal favour, he took leave of the court, and returned to his paternal dominions. From village to village, as he journeyed homeward, the kalas was raised on the head.[3] When he reached Jodhpur, he distributed 1036gifts to all his chiefs, and to the Bardais (bards and Charans), and lands to the family priests (Purohits).”
A day at the court of the desert king, related in the phraseology of the chronicle, would be deemed interesting as a picture of manners. It would also make the reader more familiar with Karna, the most celebrated bard in the latter days of Rajput independence: but this must be reserved for an equally appropriate vehicle,[4] and we shall at present rest satisfied with a slight sketch of the historian of Maru.
Karan, the Bard.
—Karna-Kavya, or simply Karna, who traced his descent from the last household bard of the last emperor of Kanauj, was at once a politician, a warrior, and a scholar, and in each capacity has left ample proofs of his abilities. In the first he took a distinguished part in all the events of the civil wars; in the second, he was one of the few who survived a combat almost without parallel in the annals even of Rajput chivalry; and as a scholar, he has left us, in the introduction to his work,
the most instructive proof, not only of his inheriting the poetic mantle of his fathers, but of the course he pursued for the maintenance of its lustre. The bare enumeration of the works he had studied evinces that there was no royal road to Parnassus for the Rajput Kaviswar,
but that, on the contrary, it was beset with difficulties not a little appalling. The mere nomenclature of works on grammar and historical epics, which were to be mastered ere he could hope for fame, must have often made Kama exclaim, “How hard it is to climb the steeps” on which from afar he viewed her temple. Those who desire to see, under a new aspect, an imperfectly known but interesting family of the human race, will be made acquainted with the qualifications of our bardic historians, and the particular course of studies which [99] fitted
1037
Karna “to sit in the gate
of Jodhagir,” and add a new book to the chronicles of its kings.
These festivities of the new reign were not of long duration, and were succeeded by warlike preparations against Nagor, which, during the contentions between Ajit and the emperor, had been assigned to the descendant of the ancient princes of Mandor.
“When Ajmer was invested by the collective force of the empire,[8] Iradat Khan (Bangash), collector of the Jizya,[9] took the Indha by the arm, and seated him in Nagor.[10] But as soon as the Holi[11] was past, the ‘Avatars of Jawalamukhi’[12] were consecrated: goats were sacrificed, and the blood, with oil and vermilion, was sprinkled upon them. The tents were moved out. Hearing this, Rao Indra produced the imperial patent, with the personal guarantee of Jai Singh of Amber. Abhai heeded not, and invested Nagor; but Indra left his honour and his castle to the Fearless,[13] who bestowed it on Bakhta his brother. He received the congratulations of Mewar, Jaisalmer, Bikaner, and Amber, and returned to his capital amidst the rejoicings of his subjects. This was in S. 1781.
“In S. 1782 he was employed in restraining the turbulent Bhumias on the western frontiers of his dominions; when the 1038Sindhals, the Deoras, the Balas, the Boras, the Balechas, and the Sodhas were compelled to servitude.
Abhai Singh summoned to Delhi, A.D. 1726.
—“In S. 1783 a farman of summons arrived, calling the prince to attend the Presence at Delhi. He put it to his head, assembled all his chiefs, and on his passage to court made a tour of his dominions, examining his garrisons, redressing [100] wrongs, and adjusting whatever was in disorder. At Parbatsar
he was attacked by the small-pox: the nation called on Jagrani
to shield him from evil.
“In 1784 the prince reached Delhi. Khandauran, the chief noble of the empire, was deputed by the emperor to conduct him to the capital; and when he reached the Presence, his majesty called him close to his person, exclaiming, ‘Welcome, Khushbakht,[16] Maharaja Rajeswar,[17] it is long since we met; this day makes me happy; the splendour of the Ammkhass is redoubled.’ When he took leave, the king sent to his quarters, at Abhaipur, choice fruits of the north, fragrant oils, and rose-water.”
The prince of Maru was placed at the head of all the nobility. About the end of S. 1784, Sarbuland Khan’s rebellion broke out,[18] which gave ample scope for the valour of the Rathors and materials for the bard, who thus circumstantially relates it:
“The troubles in the Deccan increased. The Shahzada Jangali[19] rebelled, and forming an army of sixty thousand men, attacked the provincial governors of Malwa, Surat, and Ahmadpur, 1039slaying the king’s lieutenants, Girdhar Bahadur, Ibrahim Kuli,[20] Rustam Ali, and the Mogul Shujaat.
Rebellion of Sarbuland Khan. Scene at the Imperial Court.
—“Hearing this, the king appointed Sarbuland Khan to quash the rebellion. He marched at the head of fifty thousand men, having a crore of rupees for their subsistence; but his advanced army of ten thousand men being defeated in the first encounter, he entered into terms with the rebels, and agreed to a partition of the country.”
It was at this time the prince of Marwar begged permission to retire to his hereditary dominions. The bard’s description of the court, and of the emperor’s distress on this occasion, though prolix, deserves insertion:
“The king was seated on his throne, attended by the seventy-two grand Omras of the empire, when tidings reached him of the revolt of Sarbuland. There was the wazir Kamaru-din Khan, Itimadu-Daula, Khandauran, commander-in-chief [101] (Mir Bakhshi), Samsamu-d-daula, the Amiru-Umara, Mansur Ali, Roshanu-d-daula, Tura Baz Khan, the Lord Marcher (Sim ka Bakhshi); Rustam Jang, Afghan Khan, Khwaja Sayyidu-d-din, commandant of artillery (Mir Atish); Saadat Khan,[21] grand chamberlain (Darogha Khawass), Burhanu-l-Mulk, Abdul Samad Khan, Dalil Khan, Zafariyab Khan, governor of Lahore, Dalel Khan, Mir Jumla, Khankhanan; Zafar Jang, Iradat Khan, Murshid Kuli Khan, Ja’far Khan, Allahwirdi Khan,[22] Muzaffar Khan, governor of Ajmer. Such and many more were assembled in the Presence.
“It was read aloud that Sarbuland had reduced Gujarat, and proclaimed his own an; that he had ground the Kolis to dust; that he had vanquished the Mandalas, the Jhalas, the Chudasamas, the Baghels, and the Gohils, and had nearly exterminated the Balas; that Halar had agreed to pay tribute, and that such was the fire of this Yavan, that the Bhumias of themselves abandoned their strongholds to seek sanctuary with him 1040whom the ‘seventeen thousand’[23] now called sovereign; that he had set himself up a king in Ahmadabad, and made a league with the ‘Southron.’
“The emperor saw that if this defection was not quelled, all the viceroys would declare themselves independent. Already had Jagaria Khan in the north, Saadat Khan in the east, and the Mlechchha Nizamu-l-mulk in the south, shown the blackness of their designs. The tap (verve) of the empire had fled.
“The bira was placed on a golden salver, which the Mir Tajik bore in his extended arms, slowly passing in front of the nobles ranged on either side of the throne, mighty men, at the sight of whose faces the rustic would tremble: but in vain he passed both lines; no hand was stretched forth; some looked awry; some trembled; but none cast an eye upon the bira.
“The ‘almighty monarch’ (Parameswar Padshah), who could make the beggar an Omra of twelve thousand, and the noble of twelve thousand a beggar, was without resource. ‘Who,’ said one, ‘would grasp the forked lightning, let him engage Sarbuland!’ Another exclaimed, ‘Who would seize the vessel, and plunge with her in the whirlpool, he may contend with Sarbuland.’ And a third, ‘Whoever [102] dare seize the forked tongue of the serpent, let him engage Sarbuland.’ The king was troubled; he gave a sign to the Mir Tajik to return the bira to him.
“The Rathor prince saw the monarch’s distress, and as he was about to leave the Ammkhass, he stretched forth his hand, and placed the bira in his turban, as he said, ‘Be not cast down, O king of the world; I will pluck down this Sarbuland:[24] leafless shall be the boughs of his ambition, and his head (sar) the forfeit of his arrogant exaltation (buland).’
“When Abhai Singh grasped the bira, the breasts of the mighty were ready to burst with the fulness of envy, even like the ripe pomegranate, as the king placed the grant of Gujarat into the hands of the Rathor. The Shah’s heart was rejoiced, as he said, ‘Thus acted your ancestors in support of the throne; thus was quelled the revolt of Khurram and Bhim in the time of Jahangir; that of the Deccan settled; and in like manner do 1041I trust that by you the honour and the throne of Muhammad Shah will be upheld.’
“Rich gifts, including seven gems of great price, were bestowed upon the Rathor; the treasury was unlocked and thirty-one lakhs of coin were assigned for the troops. The guns were taken from the arsenals, and with the patent of the vice-royalties of Ahmadabad and Ajmer, in the month of Asarh (1786), Abhai took leave of the king.”[25]
Abhai Singh starts for Gujarat, A.D. 1730.
—The political arrondissement of Marwar dates from this period; for the rebellion of Sarbuland was the forerunner of the disintegration of the empire. It was in June
A.D.
1730 that the prince of Marwar left the court of Delhi. He had a double motive in proceeding direct to Ajmer, of which province he was viceroy; first, to take possession of his stronghold (the key not only of Marwar but of every State in Rajputana); and second, to consult with the prince of Amber on the affairs of that critical conjuncture. What was the cause of Jai Singh’s presence at Ajmer the chronicle says not; but from circumstances elsewhere related, it may be conjectured that it was for the purpose of celebrating “the rites of the Pitrideva” (manes of his ancestors) at Pushkar. The bard gives a most prolix account of the meeting, even to the
pagtar
, ‘or foot-clothes’ spread for “the kings of the Hindus” to walk on, “who feasted together, and together plotted the destruction of the [103] empire”: from which we perceive that Karna, the bard, had a peep behind the curtain.
Having installed his officers in Ajmer, Abhai Singh proceeded to Merta, when he was met by his brother, Bakhta Singh, on which occasion the grant of Nagor was bestowed upon the latter. The brothers continued their route to the capital, when all the chiefs were dismissed to their homes with injunctions to assemble their vassals for the ensuing campaign against Sarbuland. At the appointed time, the Kher (feudal array) of Marwar assembled under the walls of Jodhpur. The occasion is a delightful one to the bard, who revels in all “the pomp and circumstance of war”: from the initiatory ceremony, the moving out the tents, to the consecration of the ‘mighty tubes’ (balwannal), the ‘volcanos of the field,’ or, as he terms them, the ‘crocodile-mouths’ (magarmukhan), 1042‘emblems of Yama,’ which were sprinkled abundantly with the blood of goats slain under their muzzles. He describes each clan as it arrives, their steeds, and caparisons.
Abhai Singh attacks Sirohi.
—Instead, however, of proceeding direct to the main object of the war, Abhai Singh took advantage of the immense army thus placed under his command, as viceroy of Gujarat, to wreak his own vengeance upon his neighbour, the gallant prince of Sirohi, who, trusting to his native strength, had spurned every compromise which involved his independence. This resolution he maintained by his natural position, strengthened by alliances with the aboriginal races who hemmed his little State on all sides, excepting that towards Marwar.
These Minas, the mountaineers of the Aravalli, had given offence to Abhai Singh; for while the prince, between his arrival at Jodhpur and the assemblage of the Kher, gave himself up to indolence and opium, they carried off the whole cattle of the train to the mountains. When this was reported to Abhai Singh, he coolly said, “Let them go, they knew we were short of forage, and have only taken them to their own pastures in the mountains.” Strange to say, they did return them, and in excellent condition, as soon as he prepared to march. When he heard of this, he observed, “Did I not tell you these Minas were faithful subjects?”
The order to march was now given, when the bard enumerates the names and strength of the different Rajput princes, whose contingents formed this array, in which there were only two Muhammadan leaders of distinction: “The Haras of Kotah and Bundi; the Khichis of Gagraun; the Gaurs of Sheopur; the Kachhwahas of [104] Amber, and [even] the Sodhas of the desert, under their respective princes or chiefs, were under the command of the Marwar prince. His native retainers, the united clans of Marwar, formed the right wing of the whole army, headed by his brother Bakhta.
“On the 10th Chait (Sudi) S. 1786, Abhai marched from Jodhpur, by Bhadrajun and Malgarh, Siwana and Jalor. Rewara was assaulted; the swords of the enemy showered, and the Champawat fell amidst heaps of slain. The Deoras abandoned the hill and fled. The trees were levelled to the summit; a garrison was posted, and the array moved on to Pusalia. Then Abu shook with affright. Affliction seized Sirohi; its prince was 1043in despair when he heard Rewara and Pusalia were destroyed.[26] The Chauhan preferred decking his daughter in the bridal vestments to arraying his army to oppose Abhaimall.”
Submission of Sirohi to Abhai Singh.
—Rao Narayan Das, through the intervention of a Rajput chieftain, named Mayaram, of the Chawara tribe, made overtures to the Rathor, proposing his niece (daughter of Man Singh his predecessor) in marriage.
“In the midst of strife ‘the coco-nut,’ with eight choice steeds and the price of four elephants, were sent and accepted. The drum of battle ceased; the nuptials were solemnized, and in the tenth month Ram Singh was born at Jodhpur.” The bard, however, lets us into the secret, and shows that the Rajputs had ‘secret articles,’ as well as the more polished diplomacy of Europe; for besides the fair Chauhani, the Rao consented to pay Peshachchanni a ‘concealed tribute.’
The Deora chiefs united their contingents to the royal army, for the subjugation of Sarbuland, and the march recommenced by Palanpur and Siddhpur, or the Sarasvati. Here they halted, and “an envoy was dispatched to Sarbuland, summoning him to surrender the imperial equipments, cannons, and stores; to account for the revenues, and to withdraw his garrisons from Ahmadabad and all the strongholds of the province.” The reply was laconic and dignified; “that he himself was king, and his head was with Ahmadabad” [105].
A grand council of war was convened in the Rajput camp, 1044which is described con amore by the bard. The overture and its reception were communicated, and the debates and speeches which ensued thereon, as to the future course of proceeding, are detailed. The bard is, however, satisfied with recording the speeches of ‘the chiefs of the eight grades of Maru.’
“First spoke the chief of the children of Champa, Kusal, son of Harnath of Awa, whose seat is on the right of the throne. Then Kanairam of Asop, leader of the Kumpawats, whose place is on the left: ‘let us, like the Kilkila,[28] dive into the waters of battle.’ He was followed by Kesari, the Mertia Sarmor—then by the veteran who led the Udawats: old and brave, many a battle had he seen. Then the chief of Khanua, who led the clan of Jodha, protested he would be the first to claim the immortal garland from the hand of the Apsaras:[29] ‘Let us stain our garments with saffron, and our lances with crimson, and play at ball with this Sarbuland.’[30] Fateh the Jethawat, and Karnavat Abhaimall, re-echoed his words. All shouted ‘battle!’ ‘battle!’ while some put on the coloured garments, determined to conquer Bhanuloka. Kama, the Champawat, said aloud, ‘With sparkling cup the Apsaras will serve us in the mansion of the sun.’[31] Every clan, every chief, and every bard re-echoed ‘battle!’
1045“Then Bakhta stood up to claim the onset, to lead the van in battle against Sarbuland, while his brother and prince should await the result in his tents. A jar of saffron-water was placed before the prince, with which he sprinkled each chief, who shouted, ‘They would people Amarapur.’”[32]
The bard then describes the steeds of the Rajput chivalry, in which the Bhimthadi [106][33] of the Deccan takes precedence; he is followed by the horses of Dhat and Rardara in Marwar, and the Kathiawar of Saurashtra.
The Battle with Sarbuland.
—Sarbuland’s plans of defence are minutely detailed. At each gate he posted two thousand men and five guns, “manned by Europeans,” of whom he had a body of musketeers round his person. The cannonade had been kept up three days on both sides, in which the son of Sarbuland was killed. At length, Bakhta led the storm, when all the
ots
and
awats
performed prodigies of valour. The Champawat Kusal was the first to be carried to the “immortal abode”; but though “the sun stood still to see the deeds of the son of Harnath” we cannot particularize the bard’s catalogue of heroes transferred to Suryaloka
on this day, when the best blood of Rajputana was shed on the walls of Ahmadabad. Both the princely brothers had their share in “the play of swords,” and each slew more than one leader of note. Amra, who had so often defended Ajmer, slew five chiefs of the grades of two and three thousand horse.
“Eight gharis of the day remained, when Sarbuland fled; but Aliyar, the leader of his vanguard, made a desperate resistance, until he fell by the hand of Bakhta Singh. The drum of victory sounded. The Nawab left his pani in the Rankund.[35] The ‘would-be-king’ was wounded; his elephant showed the speed of the deer. Four thousand four hundred and ninety-three were 1046slain, of whom one hundred were Palkinishins, eight Hathinishins,[36] and three hundred entitled to the Tazim on entering the Diwan-i-amm.[37]
“One hundred and twenty of Abhai Singh’s chieftains of note, with five hundred horse, were slain, and seven hundred wounded.
“The next morning, Sarbuland surrendered with all his effects. He was escorted towards Agra, his wounded Moguls dying at every stage; but the soul of the ‘Fearless’ was sad at the loss of his kin.[38] Abhaimall ruled over the seventeen [107] thousand towns of Gujarat, and the nine thousand of Marwar, besides one thousand elsewhere. The princes of Idar, of Bhuj, of Parkar, of Sind, and of Sirohi, the Chalukya Ran of Fatehpur, Jhunjunu, Jaisalmer, Nagor, Dungarpur, Banswara, Lunawara, Halwad, every morning bowed the head to Abhaimall.
“Thus, in the enlightened half of the moon, on the victorious tenth[39] (S. 1787, A.D. 1731), the day on which Ramachandra captured Lanka, the war against Sarbuland, an Omrah (lord) of twelve thousand, was concluded.”[40]
1047Having left a garrison of seventeen thousand men for the duties of the capital and province, Abhai Singh returned to Jodhpur with the spoils of Gujarat, and there he deposited four crores of rupees, and one thousand four hundred guns of all calibres, besides military stores of every description. With these, in the declining state of the empire, the desert king strengthened his forts and garrisons, and determined, in the general scramble for dominion, not to neglect his own interests [108].