A. Medical Experiments (continued 16)

Before we tried the clinical use of the drug and had it probed, it was tested on human beings by thorough experiments as to its influence on the period of clotting and bleeding. The period of clotting was occasionally established in short intervals by 10 parallel definitions of free flowing venous blood according to the method of Buercker. The period of bleeding was measured by a stop watch after a wound at the ear had been inflicted by a “Frankeschen Schnepper.”

On the enclosed graphic chart (not reproduced) the curves of two experimental subjects are displayed (experimental subjects Nos. 200 and 207). The depth of decline and the duration of effect correspond to the average. It is to be mentioned with reference to the curves that various persons were always used for the experiments in order to avoid a possible accumulation of effect by the drug.

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT NO-656

PROSECUTION EXHIBIT 247

MEMORANDUM BY SS OBERSTURMBANNFUEHRER WOLFF, 8 MAY 1944; LETTERS FROM DR. KAHR TO RASCHER, 10 AND 16 DECEMBER 1943

[Handwritten] The Preparation of Polygal

Waischenfeld/Oberfranken 8 May 1944

No. 135 Telephone No. 2

Journal No. Wo/He.

The Reich Leader SS

Personal Staff

Office Ahnenerbe

SUMMARY

SS Hauptsturmfuehrer S. Rascher MD. was assigned the following research tasks by the Reich Research Council:

2. On 23 February 1944 Journal No. Rf 3717/44g Code word: “Polygal.” Research task for the development of production methods for the preparation of the hemostat polygal. Priority SS/44 Wehrmacht order number: SS 4118-0391/44 Rf 2829.

Point 11 as an addition to the task.

Procurement of supplies, etc., has a priority rating SS 4950 (Group I).

[Signature] Wolff

SS Obersturmfuehrer

Copy

Concentration Camp Dachau

The Camp Physician

Dachau, 10 December 1943

Subject: Administering “polygal” after amputation of the thigh of

a 40-year-old male patient.

To: Stabsarzt Dr. Rascher

Dachau

On 10 December 1943 the effectiveness of “polygal” in the case of the amputation of the thigh was tested. The drug was administered per os 45 minutes before the operation and was placed in the patient’s mouth to be dissolved. A blood transfusion of 500 cc. had been made the previous day in preparation for the operation. Blood pressure on the day of the operation was 180/80.

As regards the effectiveness of “polygal” one can say that it was absolutely evident how little the tissues bled. After the first rush of blood from the vessels which had been cut, when completely emptied of blood no more bleeding occurred after this first flow of accumulated blood, so that it was not necessary to apply any ligatures to the surface of the muscles and the fatty tissues, or the subcutaneous tissues, as had always been the case with other amputations. The effectiveness of “polygal” must in this case be described as complete.

By order:

[Signed] Dr. Kahr

SS Obersturmfuehrer

The First Camp Physician, Concentration Camp Dachau

Copy

Concentration Camp Dachau

The Camp Physician

Dachau 16 December 1943

To: SS Hauptsturmfuehrer Dr. Rascher

Dachau

“Polygal 10” was used for 2 herniotomies. The patients were men of 35 and 42 years of age, respectively. In both cases the tablets were administered to the patients 40 minutes before the operation. Blood pressure before the operation was 135/80 in the case of the 35-year-old patient and 145/80 in the case of the 42-year-old patient. Both patients tolerated “polygal 10” without complaint, nor were there any unpleasant accompanying symptoms in the stomach.

It is to be said of the operation itself that the loss of blood was conspicuously slight in both cases. As in the case of all preceding operations where “polygal 10” had been administered, it was only necessary in this case, to cut off the bleeding from the vessels. In the first case, that of the 35-year-old patient, stronger bleeding from the subcutaneous tissues occurred after the skin had been cut, which, however, was stopped by mere wiping, so that in this case the application of clips to the subcutaneous tissues was unnecessary. Only after cutting the cremaster was it necessary to apply some ligatures, because then some smaller vessels were pierced. During the further course of the operation, i. e., the separation of the hernial sac from the funiculus spermaticus (it was an indirect inguinal hernia), several spots bled in the beginning, but bleeding came to a standstill at once and the use of ligatures was superfluous.

The same observations were made in the second case, the case of the 42-year-old patient. Hemostasis by application of ligatures was necessary in only a few spots, and this was always in those places where vessels had been injured during the operation. The favorable effect of “polygal 10” in surgical operations consists not only in its causing slight bleeding and preventing great loss of blood, but also in that it makes possible considerably faster operations, because the applications of clips and later ligatures always takes up a certain time, which can be saved by the use of “polygal 10.”

[Signed] Dr. Kahr

SS Obersturmfuehrer

EXTRACTS FROM THE TESTIMONY OF DEFENDANT SIEVERS^[79]

DIRECT EXAMINATION

Dr. Weisgerber: The prosecution has submitted a single Document, NO-1424, Prosecution Exhibit 462. This is an affidavit of Dr. Fritz Friedrich Karl Rascher, who is an uncle of Dr. Rascher. It becomes evident from this document that Rascher was carrying out fatal experiments on human beings in connection with the development of polygal. Did you know about that at any time?

Defendant Sievers: No, I heard nothing about it. After Rascher’s arrest, however, in 1944, the Police President of Munich, von Eberstein, gave me a rather excited description of this criminal Rascher. He said that Rascher had even shot at a human being in order to test his coagulating drug. A confirmation of this statement could not be obtained at that time. I didn’t believe it at first because so many rumors were flying around about him and his wife after his arrest—one of them was that he removed his collaborator Muschler by murdering her. Rascher, incidentally, succeeded in clearing himself of this suspicion of murder. After everything has become known through this trial—everything that Rascher has on his conscience—I am rather inclined to believe it. Uncle Rascher’s statements also reveal how secret Rascher kept his misdeeds. Only by interfering with his nephew’s desk did Uncle Rascher gain knowledge of whatever he is testifying here. At the same time, he confirms in his statement that his nephew was furious when he found out about his interference.

Q. Concluding these questions, I put to you Pohl’s affidavit which is Document NO-065, Prosecution Exhibit 221. I quote (this is on top of page 3): “Sievers told me the following: Ahnenerbe, of which Sievers was manager, was developing a drug in Dachau, by order of Himmler, which had as its result the quick coagulation of blood. He said that it was very important for fighting units because it prevented their bleeding to death. The experiments in Dachau, during which one inmate was shot at, have proved these results.” Did you tell Pohl anything to that effect?

A. I told Pohl exactly what I had found out from Eberstein. As I already said, the development stage of polygal was already concluded when he received Himmler’s order to take care of the production. If Rascher shot at an inmate in connection with polygal research then this, at any rate, occurred at a time when he had nothing to do with that matter. I only heard of this alleged shooting after Rascher’s arrest, as I have already testified.

Q. Mr. President, in this connection I offer Document Sievers 10 as Sievers Exhibit 8. I beg your pardon, Sievers Exhibit 9. This is an affidavit of Oswald Pohl. The essential points to be found on page one of this document are, and I quote:

“1. My affidavit of 23 July 1946 concerning medical experiments was submitted to me with reference to my statements in paragraph 4, Sievers (Ahnenerbe).

“2. Sievers’ diary of 1944 (3546-PS) was submitted to me with reference to the entry of 15 June 1944, 9 o’clock (page 167):

“SS Obergruppenfuehrer Pohl.

“1. Production of polygal and settlement Felix.”

Paragraphs two to six are not interesting here and I shall skip them. I quote again:

“After having read this entry in the diary, I can remember Sievers’ visit very well and I can state according to the best of my knowledge and conscience:

“When all the relevant points concerning the possibility of producing (installation for manufacture) the blood-stanching remedy ‘polygal’, as well as the other items had been discussed, Sievers told me a few things about the Rascher case before I called in SS Standartenfuehrer Maurer to discuss the employment of scientist prisoners in mathematical calculating problems. He informed me that Rascher and his wife had been arrested for jointly committing child substitution and abduction. Through Rascher’s arrest, several unbelievable things had apparently come to light which were now being investigated. It was also maintained that Rascher was supposed to have fired at a prisoner in order to test the ‘polygal’. Sievers therefore expresses an assumption which he himself had only heard, and not a fact based on his own knowledge.”

And then follows the certification.

14. GAS OEDEMA (PHENOL) EXPERIMENTS

a. Introduction

The prosecution introduced evidence calculated to show that inhuman acts and atrocities (as generally alleged in paragraph 6 of the indictment) were committed in the course of gas oedema experiments. These experiments were not specifically described in the subparagraphs of paragraph 6 of the indictment, which particularized 12 specific types of experimentation. On this charge the defendants Mrugowsky and Hoven were convicted and the defendant Handloser was acquitted.

The prosecution’s summation of the evidence on the gas oedema experiments is contained in its closing brief against the defendant Mrugowsky. An extract from this brief is set forth below on pages 684 to 685. This argumentation is followed by selections from the evidence on pages 685 to 694.

b. Selection from the Argumentation of the Prosecution

EXTRACT FROM THE CLOSING BRIEF AGAINST DEFENDANT MRUGOWSKY

Gas Oedema Serum Experiments

The affidavit of Dr. Erwin Schuler, alias Ding, states that at a conference in the Military Medical Academy in Berlin, at the end of 1942, in which he took part, one of the topics of discussion was the fatality of gas oedema serum on wounded soldiers. The affidavit goes on to state that among the participants in the discussion were Killian, General Schreiber, Mrugowsky, and a medical officer who was unknown to him. Killian and Mrugowsky gave reports on soldiers who had received the serum in high quantities and hours later, after apparently having recovered, died suddenly without visible reason. It was suspected that the phenol content of the serum brought about the fatal result. In the presence of Killian and Schreiber, Mrugowsky ordered Ding to take part in the performance of euthanasia with phenol on a concentration camp inmate and to describe the results in detail. Ding later witnessed the execution of four or five persons with phenol injections by the defendant Hoven in the Buchenwald concentration camp. According to orders, Ding reported his findings to Berlin. (NO-257, Pros. Ex. 283.)

Mrugowsky denied having given any such order to Ding. It is quite apparent, however, that Ding-Schuler, who was under arrest at the time he executed this affidavit, would not have implicated himself in a crime which did not occur. Mrugowsky’s continued interest in the effect of the phenol contained in serum is evidenced by a letter of 24 August 1944 from Grawitz to him. Grawitz stated that the Reich Leader SS had approved experiments proposed by Mrugowsky on the tolerance of serum containing phenol. (NO-1198, Pros. Ex. 466.)

d. Evidence

Prosecution Documents

Pros. Ex.

Doc. No.No.Description of DocumentPage

NO-429281Extracts from the affidavit of Waldemar Hoven, 24 October 1946, concerning the killing of inmates by phenol and other means.685

NO-257283Extract from a sworn statement by Dr. Erwin Schuler (Ding), 20 July 1945, concerning euthanasia with phenol injection.686

Testimony

Extracts from testimony of the defendant Mrugowsky688

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT NO-429

PROSECUTION EXHIBIT 281

EXTRACTS FROM THE AFFIDAVIT OF WALDEMAR HOVEN, 24 OCTOBER 1946, CONCERNING THE KILLING OF INMATES BY PHENOL AND OTHER MEANS

I, Waldemar Hoven, being duly sworn, depose and state:

1. I was born in Freiburg, Breisgau, on the 10th of February 1903. I attended high school but did not complete my education until many years later. Between the years 1919 and 1933 I visited Denmark, Sweden, United States, and France. In 1933 I returned to Freiburg and completed my high school course and then attended the Universities of Freiburg and Munich. In 1939 I concluded my medical studies and joined the Waffen SS as a physician. The last rank I held in the Waffen SS was Hauptsturmfuehrer (captain). In 1934 I had joined the Allgemeine SS.

2. In October 1939 I was assigned as an assistant medical officer in the SS hospital in the Buchenwald concentration camp and held that position until 1941 when I was appointed the medical officer in charge of the SS troops stationed in the camp. At the end of 1941 I was transferred to the camp hospital and became the assistant medical officer therein. This hospital was for the inmates of the Buchenwald concentration camp. In July 1942 I was elevated to the position of chief physician and thereby had the full responsibility for the inmate patients in the hospital. I held this position until September 1943 when I was arrested by the SS police court of Kassel and remained under arrest until 15th of March 1945.

3. Due to my various positions in the Buchenwald concentration camp during this period of nearly four years I became acquainted with all phases of the medical activities therein and am hereby able to make the following statement:

10. In the camp we had a great many prisoners who were jealous of the positions held by a certain few of the inmates, that is, some of the political prisoners held key positions and were able to get better living conditions than the average. Hence, many of the prisoners envied these positions and made every effort to discredit the men who held the key positions. Such traitorous actions became known through the “grapevine” to the men in the key positions and then such traitors were immediately killed. In each case I was later notified in order to make out the death statements of the prisoners killed. These statements did not indicate the actual cause of death but were made out to indicate that the prisoner died of natural causes.

11. In some instances I supervised the killing of these unworthy inmates by injections of phenol at the request of the inmates. These killings took place in the camp hospital and I was assisted by several inmates. On one occasion Dr. Ding came to the hospital to witness such killings with phenol and said that I was not doing it correctly, therefore he performed some of the injections himself. At that time three inmates were killed with phenol injections and they died within a minute.

12. The total number of traitors killed was about 150, of whom 60 were killed by phenol injections, either by myself or under my supervision in the camp hospital, and the rest were killed by various means, such as beatings, by the inmates.

The above affidavit written in the English language, consisting of five (5) pages, is true and correct to the best of my knowledge and belief. This affidavit was given by me freely and voluntarily, without promise of reward and I was subjected to no duress or threat of any

[Signed] Dr. Waldemar Hoven

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT NO-257

PROSECUTION EXHIBIT 283

EXTRACT FROM A SWORN STATEMENT BY DR. ERWIN SCHULER (DING), 20 JULY 1945, CONCERNING EUTHANASIA WITH PHENOL INJECTION

Freising, 20 July 1945

Erwin Schuler, M. D.

Case 508

As ordered I am briefly answering two questions:

1. Witness of Euthanasia with Phenol at Buchenwald.

At the end of 1942 I took part at a conference in the Military Academy of Medicine in Berlin. The topic of discussion was the fatal effect of gas gangrene serum on wounded men.

Present: Generalarzt Professor Schreiber, hygienist of the Military Academy of Medicine; SS Oberfuehrer Professor Mrugowsky, hygienist; Oberstabsarzt Professor Killian, professor in the University of Breslau, surgeon; a medical officer (surgeon) whose name I did not know; and myself, as department chief of the Central Institute for the Combating of Epidemics, Berlin.

Killian and Mrugowsky gave reports on soldiers who had been given gas gangrene serum in high quantities (up to 1,500 cc.) and hours afterwards, while feeling perfectly well, had died suddenly without any visible reason. Mrugowsky suspected that the cumulative effect of the phenol content of the injections was responsible for the deaths.

In the presence of the other gentlemen, Mrugowsky ordered me to take part in euthanasia with phenol in a concentration camp and to describe the result in detail, since neither I nor Mrugowsky had ever seen a case of death by phenol. Mrugowsky himself could not take part in the euthanasia because of an urgent trip to the East, on the other hand the affair was urgent for the fighting troops, and the publication of a new circular for the troop doctors.

A few days later I asked Dr. Hoven in Buchenwald to notify me when he performed euthanasia with phenol. The next evening he asked me to come to the operating theater in the inmates’ hospital. Besides himself and another doctor—probably Dr. Plaza—only two other prison male nurses, whom I cannot remember, were present.

I talked to the doctor about the composition of the phenol injection and, as far as I can remember, it consisted of undiluted raw phenol, which was to be administered in doses of 20 cc.

One by one, four or five prisoners were led in. The upper part of the body was naked so that their nationality patch [on their clothing] could not be distinguished. The condition of their bodies was bad and their age was advanced. I do not remember a diagnosis as to why euthanasia was to take place, but probably I did not ask about it either.

They sat down quietly on a chair, that is without any sign of excitement, near a light. A male nurse blocked the vein in the arm and Dr. Hoven quickly injected the phenol. They died in an immediate total convulsion during the actual injection without any sign of other pain. The time between the beginning of the injection and death I estimate at about ½ second. The rest of the dose was injected as a precautionary measure, although part of the injection would have been enough for the fatal result (I estimate 5 cc.).

The dead were carried into an adjoining room by the nurses—I estimate the time of my presence at 10 minutes.

I reported in Berlin according to orders. I know nothing further to say.

EXTRACTS FROM TESTIMONY OF THE DEFENDANT MRUGOWSKY^[80]

DIRECT EXAMINATION

Dr. Flemming: I now turn to the gas gangrene experiments. When examining the defendants Handloser, Rostock, Schroeder, Genzken, and the witness Bernhard Schmidt, we heard to what extent gas gangrene became prevalent at the front. I refer you to the Document NO-578, Prosecution Exhibit 284. I shall have it submitted to you. Would you please tell the Tribunal whether, in connection with gas gangrene, there was an extreme necessity in concentration camps and in the army to discover protective means to combat this disease?

Defendant Mrugowsky: It was pointed out frequently that no infection can be taken so seriously in the surgical field as the infection by gas gangrene, since the mortality cases of these injuries were very high. In concentration camps, as Noeling told me, we often had cases of gas gangrene. Therefore, the Asid Works suggested that vaccine should be used in the same manner as in the case of diphtheria. This was done in these works sometimes in cases of tetanus. Such vaccine against gas gangrene was produced by the Behring Works and was tested on students at Marburg University at first, about which a publication is available. I received a small part of this gas gangrene toxin in order to protect people in danger. This gas gangrene toxin I gave to Noeling and he used it at Buchenwald. The chart is available concerning persons on whom this vaccine was used. It becomes evident from that that there is even an increase in temperature following that vaccination, and that we are here concerned with a completely harmless project which has nothing at all to do with an infection.

Q. Dr. Ding in an affidavit (NO-257, Pros. Ex. 283) stated that at the Military Medical Academy a conference took place on the question of gas gangrene serum. What do you know about that?

A. It is correct that such a conference actually took place. Whenever gas gangrene occurred a large amount of gas gangrene serum had to be used for treatment in order to insure success. It was not a mere ten or fifteen cubic centimeters, but 400 to 800 cubic centimeters which was given to the patient in the course of a few days. In Germany all serums which are obtained from animals, mostly horses, are mixed with 0.5 percent of phenol and carbolic acid—in order to preserve them—i. e., to 400 cubic centimeters I added a concentration of two cubic centimeters of phenol acid. This amount is, of course, far above the tolerance of human beings. Carbolic acid is one of the strongest acids we possess. When treating people with gas gangrene serums a number of deaths occurred. We discussed whether we were dealing with cases of serum death, resulting from the serum, or whether death was caused by the phenol added. Ding and I participated in that conference with others.

Q. Did you give Dr. Ding an assignment on the basis of this discussion to test this phenol question?

A. Yes, I told him to study the literature and to make use of the libraries of the pharmacological and forensic medicine institute in Jena. He was in touch with those institutes.

Q. Did you give him the assignment to participate in euthanasia with phenol?

A. No. I never heard anything about his having carried out such euthanasia, or of such killings having been carried out. I could not, therefore, have given him any such order.

Q. You are aware that in an affidavit of your codefendant Hoven it is stated that Ding himself carried out killings in Buchenwald with phenol. Had you given him instructions to that effect?

A. No. I did not give him any such instructions, and there was no occasion to do so because death by phenol is well known in literature; simply reading works on the subject would have sufficed.

Dr. Flemming: Mr. President, I submit Document Mrugowsky 28. I should like to submit it as Mrugowsky Exhibit 46. It is an affidavit of Professor Killian, who is a university professor at Halle/Saale. He says:

“In 1941-1943 I was consulting surgeon with the 16th Army in the East. We had experienced numerous cases of death and injury to the circulatory system due to the effects of gas gangrene serum. In my opinion, these bad effects cannot only be attributed to the inoculation of great quantities of unrelated serums, but also to the addition of one-half percent phenol, as is prescribed by law. Since up to 150 cc. of gas gangrene serum—sometimes even more than that—was given intravenously to wounded in the field, in my opinion the total quantity of phenol added then approached becoming a danger. This became obvious after four of my collaborators had had themselves injected intravenously with a phenol common salt solution of 0.5 percent density. All of them showed typical signs of phenol poisoning to a different degree. In a letter to the medical inspectorate I called their attention to the disappointing effects of the gas gangrene serum and to the detrimental effect of phenol, and made proposals for a change. Consequently, I was officially ordered to report during my stay in Berlin to Oberstarzt Professor Schreiber, who was a specialist on this matter. Present at this conference were Professor Mrugowsky and a junior physician whose name I no longer remember. I did not know any of the three gentlemen; I saw and spoke to them then for the first time. Apart from a few general questions concerning bacteriology, we discussed mainly the gas gangrene serum problem. I had to give an exact report on what took place at the front and on the symptoms of poisoning. The discussion then took two directions. First, the question whether it was possible for industry to substitute a harmless disinfectant for the dangerous phenol, and which one of the many substances would be suitable for this purpose.”

Number two is not important. And I can skip the next paragraph too. I come to the last paragraph:

“I well remember the substance of the discussions and declare that no mention was made of any experiments in a concentration camp, or of effecting euthanasia by injecting phenol. Such considerations never even came up for discussion, let alone an order in my presence by one of the medical officers. This would certainly have remained in my memory. I may add that a reason for such experiments did not exist since the symptoms of phenol poisoning are well known and may be found in any book on pharmacology. Apart from this, the question had been sufficiently settled by the above-mentioned experiments which the physicians had carried out on themselves. I am convinced that Dr. Ding’s statements are not true.” [Signed by Professor Killian, and certified.]

On the basis of instructions that he was to inform himself from literature about phenol poisoning—instructions which you gave to him—what did Ding report? Was the question of gangrene serum, and the deaths resulting from it, settled?

Defendant Mrugowsky: Ding made a report. I waited for it for some time and when it did not come I myself read up on this question. Then I was no longer interested in his report.

Q. On page 20 of the Ding diary (NO-265, Pros. Ex. 287) it says that a special experiment on four persons was carried out on behalf of Gruppenfuehrer Nebe. What do you know about that?

A. I have already mentioned the case of Hauptscharfuehrer Koehler, who was at the hospital at Weimar, who died from poisoning. Inaccurate statements were given about his death and autopsy. It was said that they occurred in the Buchenwald concentration camp—which is not true. At the discussion of the autopsy findings in the Reich Criminal Police Office, the opinion had been expressed that this death might have resulted from pervitin together with a narcotic drug. I participated in this discussion.

Dr. Flemming: Mr. President, I have already submitted the affidavit by Dr. Konrad Morgen. (Mrugowsky 29, Mrugowsky Ex. 36.) When I submitted it I read the first one and one-half pages. I should now like to read the following portion:

“Professor Dr. Timm”—that is, the forensic medical expert from Vienna who performed the autopsy on Koehler—“came to the opinion that there were two possibilities: first, that a South American poison had been used which was totally unknown to us and which dissolves completely in the human body; second, that a combination of drugs had been used. One drug had excited the circulation to the point of exhaustion, the other drug had acted as an antidote. Professor Dr. Timm spoke of the possibility that pervitin had been used together with a soporific. The idea that a South American poison had been used was rejected from a criminological point of view. From a technical point of view the second possibility would have been quite possible.

“I had to report the case to the Reich Security Main Office. Subsequently, a conference took place in the Reich Security Main Office at which quite a number of persons were present. The chief of the Reich Security Main Office [sic], Gruppenfuehrer Mueller, presided. Gruppenfuehrer Nebe of the Reich Criminal Police was also present, as well as Professor Dr. Mrugowsky. At the conference various persons, among others also Dr. Mrugowsky, pointed out that pervitin was not a poison, that it could be obtained without a prescription. One of the gentlemen present pointed out that in America experiments were carried out where up to 100 tablets of pervitin were administered and the effects were not fatal. But no one present could answer the question of whether a combination of pervitin and a soporific would be harmless, or whether it would lead to an increased reaction to any one direction. The latter appeared improbable to the experts. In order to settle this question Gruppenfuehrer Mueller ordered that an experiment be conducted. He ordered that Dr. Ding, whom he knew, should conduct this experiment in Buchenwald.

“It was ruled that in this experiment, which was to settle the purely criminal side of the question, only minute quantities of pervitin and soporific should be used, since it would be impossible to give large quantities of pervitin and a soporific unobtrusively to the prospective victim. Moreover, larger quantities of these drugs would have been found in any case by means of a chemical analysis. The scientific theoretical problem concerning the harmfulness or even deadliness of maximum doses did not interest anyone.

“I was present at the experiments at Buchenwald.

“Five persons were presented to us for testing, because Gruppenfuehrer Mueller had ordered experiments to be conducted on five persons. I checked the papers of the persons to be experimented on prior to the experiment. They were Russians who had deserted, or workers, who had formed a gang, stolen, and plundered, and had even been charged with murder. They had all been sentenced to death before a special court in Pomerania. Gruppenfuehrer Mueller had already previously been given the order for their execution.

“I had agreed with Dr. Ding that a preliminary experiment should be made on three persons to see the kind of reaction this combination had in the organism. Some of the condemned could speak German. They were told that the experiments were neither dangerous nor painful, and that by taking part they would at least put off their execution. Thereupon they all volunteered. Dr. Ding chose three of them. They were transferred to Block 46. There they were given a dose of pervitin and a subcutaneous injection of a soporific. Then they had to go to bed. They fell asleep. Their sleep was very restless. One of them slept for 20 hours. The others awoke a little earlier * * *.”

Then he says that none of them showed the symptoms which Koehler had shown, and that the experiment was considered completed. In the last sentence of the next paragraph he says, “Therefore, I told Dr. Ding that he should not make any more experiments, and I reported this to Gruppenfuehrer Mueller.” I shall read the last paragraph in another connection.

According to the affidavit of Dr. Morgen, Mueller ordered Ding to carry out the experiment at Buchenwald. Did you receive a report on this experiment?

A. No, I did not receive a report on it.

CROSS-EXAMINATION

Mr. Hardy: Prior to the afternoon recess, Doctor, we were discussing the phenol problem. Now, in this connection, did you at any time propose experiments to be conducted at Buchenwald concerning the tolerance of serum or sera containing phenol? That is, did you propose that in 1942 or 1943 at any time?

Defendant Mrugowsky: No. No such suggestions were made and they were not necessary, because in Germany every serum contains phenol. In the German serum industry there is no serum produced without phenol. I am speaking of the sera for therapeutic purposes, not vaccines.

Q. Then at no time did you even propose that experiments be conducted to determine the tolerance of sera containing phenol; is that what you say?

A. No. I never suggested that.

Q. Are you sure, Doctor?

A. Yes.

Mr. Hardy: At this time, your Honor, I offer Document NO-1198 as Prosecution Exhibit 466, for identification. This is a letter dated Berlin, 24 August 1944. Subject: Service of experiments. It has reference-file indexes, addressed to the chief hygienist on the staff of the Reich Physician SS and Police, Berlin-Zehlendorf:

“Dear Mrugowsky,

“I am able to inform you that the Reich Leader SS has approved today the series of experiments proposed by you.

“1. Specific therapy with typhus.

“2. Tolerance of sera containing phenol.

“I agree that both series of experiments in the department for typhus and virus research of the Hygienic Institute of the Waffen SS in Weimar-Buchenwald should be carried out, and request that I be informed of the course of the findings, perhaps through intermediary reports.”

“By order of Grawitz.”

The signature is “Nicolai”.

Q. Now this states that the Reich Leader SS has approved a series of experiments proposed by you and the experiments may be carried out in Buchenwald. You stated that you never proposed experiments to determine the tolerance of sera containing phenol. Now do you maintain, Doctor, that you never initiated any experimentation to determine the tolerance of sera containing phenol?

A. Yes. The connection here is something quite different. I shall discuss point two first.

I have already said that in Germany there were no sera without phenol. In connection with this phenol question in German serum, I informed Grawitz about the question which is being discussed here—Killian and Schreiber were present—and I told him that industry should try to produce sera without phenol, as the French serum industry had been doing for some time. I knew that suggestions to that effect had been sent to the industry, but that the German serum industry had refused, during the war, to effect any such basic change in its production because it was not in a position to obtain the necessary special apparatus, filters, etc. I therefore told Grawitz that in serum therapy for ordinary diseases—I was thinking primarily of diphtheria, where large quantities of serum were used at the time in the therapy against diphtheria once it had broken out, because the highly concentrated serum was no longer available in necessary quantities—I told him that in the case of such diseases one should watch to see whether injury from phenol might result. I told him also that it would be desirable to know whether serum without phenol would definitely prevent such shock. I also remember that this point too had connection with the fact that we had negotiated with the Behring Works for the production of serum frequently in small quantities in order to use it, and to compare it with other serum. If I remember correctly this involved diphtheria serum, that is the serum which is used most in Germany. The comparison was to be made of symptoms following the administration of the usual antidiphtheria serum containing phenol on children, and it was to be noted whether the symptoms would appear; and the symptoms following the administration of serum free of phenol were also to be noted. This was what Grawitz meant here, and he called that a series of experiments. I might point out that this expressed series of experiments in this case cannot refer to artificial infection, because it is not possible to have a human being artificially infected with diphtheria serum.

Q. Doctor, after receiving this confirmation of your proposals to perform experiments as outlined in this letter, you must have issued orders in that regard. Now to whom did you issue those orders?

A. No. I did not issue any orders. In my opinion this concerns activities of some civilian hospitals; for among the troops, and in concentration camps, we did not have any diphtheria patients.

Q. Just a moment, Doctor. But it is said in this letter that Grawitz agrees that these experiments can be carried out in the Department for Typhus and Virus Research of the Hygiene Institute of the Waffen SS in Weimar-Buchenwald. Did you or did you not carry out these experiments in Weimar-Buchenwald?

A. No.

Q. Never issued any orders to carry out such experiments to Ding, for instance?

A. I have already explained what this series of experiments means. It is possible that I suggested, for example, that he was to vaccinate one child with one kind of serum and another child with another serum. That is possible; I don’t remember about that. But to try out serum containing phenol on human beings, that I did not order. * * *

15. EXPERIMENTS FOR MASS STERILIZATION

a. Introduction

The defendants Karl Brandt, Gebhardt, Rudolf Brandt, Mrugowsky, Poppendick, Brack, Pokorny, and Oberheuser were charged with special responsibility for and participation in criminal conduct involving sterilization experiments (par. 6 (I) of the indictment). In the course of the trial the prosecution withdrew this charge in the case of the defendants Mrugowsky and Oberheuser. On this charge the defendants Gebhardt, Rudolf Brandt, and Brack were convicted, and the defendants Karl Brandt, Poppendick, and Pokorny were acquitted.

The prosecution’s summation of the evidence on the experiments for mass sterilization is contained in its closing brief against the defendant Rudolf Brandt. An extract from this brief is set forth below on pages 695 to 702. A corresponding summation of the evidence by the defense on these experiments has been selected from the final plea for the defendant Gebhardt and closing brief for the defendant Pokorny. It appears below on pages 702 to 708. This argumentation is followed by selections from the evidence on pages 710 to 738.

b. Selection from the Argumentation of the Prosecution

EXTRACT FROM THE CLOSING BRIEF AGAINST DEFENDANT RUDOLF BRANDT

Sterilization Experiments

By 1941 it was the accepted policy of the Third Reich to exterminate the Jewish population of Germany and the occupied countries.^[81] Because of the pressing need for laborers, sterilization of Jews able to work was considered as an alternative to outright extermination. (NO-205, Pros. Ex. 163.)

In order to ascertain cheap and fast working methods for sterilization, experimentation on concentration camp inmates by means of drugs (NO-036, Pros. Ex. 143), injection of an irritating solution (NO-212, Pros. Ex. 173) and X-rays and surgical operation (Tr. pp. 556-9) were carried out on a large scale. Brandt not only had full knowledge of these experiments, but collaborated actively in all of them.

The purpose of the sterilization experiments is well described by Brandt in his own affidavit:

“Himmler was extremely interested in the development of a cheap and rapid sterilization method which could be used against enemies of Germany, such as the Russians, Poles, and Jews. One hoped thereby not only to defeat the enemy but to exterminate him. The capacity for work of the sterilized persons could be exploited by Germany, while the danger of propagation would be eliminated. As this mass sterilization was part of Himmler’s racial theory, particular time and care were devoted to these sterilization experiments. Surgical sterilization was of course known in Germany and applied; this included castration. For mass application, however, this procedure was considered as too slow and too expensive. It was further desired that a procedure be found which would result in sterilization that was not immediately noticeable.” (NO-440, Pros. Ex. 141.)

Sterilization experiments in order to ascertain the efficacy of a drug known as caladium seguinum (Schweigrohr) were suggested to Himmler by the defendant Pokorny in October 1941. Pokorny reported that Dr. Madaus had found, as a result of his research on medical sterilization of animals, that caladium seguinum produced sterility in animals when administered orally or by injection. Pokorny further stated in his letter that:

“* * * the immense importance of this drug in the present fight of our people occurred to me. If, on the basis, of this research, it were possible to produce a drug which after a relatively short time effects an imperceptible sterilization on human beings, then we would have a new powerful weapon at our disposal. The thought alone that the 3 million Bolsheviks, at present German prisoners, could be sterilized so that they could be used as laborers but be prevented from reproduction, opens the most far reaching perspectives.”

He therefore advocated immediate research on human beings in order to determine the dose and length of treatment, the cultivation of the plant caladium seguinum in hothouses, and chemical research in order to produce the drug synthetically on a large scale. (NO-035, Pros. Ex. 142.)

Himmler agreed to Pokorny’s suggestions and requested Pohl, on 10 March 1942, to contact Dr. Madaus and to “offer him possibilities for doing research in cooperation with the Reich Physician SS (Grawitz) on criminals who would have to be sterilized in any case.” He further ordered that the intended plan of research should be submitted to him. It was the defendant Rudolf Brandt who forwarded a copy of this letter to Grawitz (NO-036, Pros. Ex. 143) and furnished him, on 20 April, with a copy of Pokorny’s report and information on the publications of Madaus concerning medicinal sterilization of animals. (NO-037, Pros. Ex. 146.)

Brandt’s office submitted Madaus’ report on the studies of experiments on animals to SS Obergruppenfuehrer Heydrich, Chief of the Security Police and SD. The letter of transmittal, dated 23 April 1942, bears the same file number as Himmler’s letter to Pohl (752/5) and refers expressly to “the question of sterilization by medicine.” (NO-047, Pros. Ex. 145.)

In June 1942 Brandt requested a report from Pohl, Chief of the WVHA, as to the progress of the preparation for experiments. (NO-038, Pros. Ex. 147.) Pohl reported on 3 June 1942 that since “Schweigrohr,” from which caladium seguinum was derived, grew only in North America and could not be exported in adequate quantities, attempts to grow the plant from seed cultivated in hothouses had been made by Dr. Koch of the Biological Institute of the Madaus Works. These attempts had been successful, but the process of growing the plant and developing the drug was not speedy enough and the yield not sufficient to permit experimentation on a large scale. In order to remove these difficulties, he said that it would be necessary to build a larger hothouse. (NO-046a, Pros. Ex. 148.) On 11 June, Brandt advised Pohl that he had informed Himmler of his letter and that Himmler wanted Pohl to see to it that a large hothouse was placed at Dr. Koch’s disposal as soon as possible as Himmler considered the experiments extremely important. Brandt also asked Pohl for further reports in the matter. (NO-046b, Pros. Ex. 149.) Only eight days later Brandt himself had a conference with Pohl in which, among other things, he informed Pohl of Himmler’s request to have the ingredients of caladium seguinum thoroughly investigated to determine whether equally effective ingredients could be found in plants more easily accessible. Brandt requested that the work of Dr. Koch should be carried out to the fullest extent. He informed Pohl that experiments should be conducted in concentration camps with the amount of the drug then available. Pohl agreed to take the necessary steps at once. (NO-044, Pros, Ex. 150.) Department IV-B-4 of the Reich Security Main Office, the agency which was in charge of the solution of the Jewish question^[82] was informed by a subordinate of Brandt about Madaus’ research work and requested to collaborate closely with Pohl in this matter. (NO-050, Pros. Ex. 151.) A copy of this letter was forwarded to the defendant Rudolf Brandt. (NO-051, Pros. Ex. 152.)

The Deputy Gauleiter of Gau Lower Danube (Lower Austria), SS Obergruppenfuehrer Gerland, informed Himmler on 24 August 1942 that the Director of the Office for Racial Policy in that province, Dr. Fehringer, had examined the question of mass sterilization and, in this connection, had come across Dr. Madaus’ studies on medicinal sterilization with caladium seguinum. For reasons similar to those suggested by the defendant Pokorny (NO-035, Pros. Ex. 142), Gerland advocated experimentation on inmates of the gypsy camp of Lackenbach in Gau Lower Danube. Gerland pointed out that if these experiments were successful, as was expected, it would be possible to sterilize practically unlimited numbers of people in the shortest time and in the simplest way conceivable. (NO-039, Pros. Ex. 153.)

It was the defendant Rudolf Brandt who took the matter up and informed Gerland on 29 August of the steps which had already been taken in respect to experiments with caladium seguinum. From Brandt’s letter, it is apparent that Himmler was not present at that time. Brandt took care of this matter on his own initiative and informed Gerland that Pohl and Grawitz were in charge of the experiments. He requested information from Gerland whether Dr. Fehringer had caladium seguinum available and what means for the procurement of this plant the latter would suggest. (NO-040, Pros. Ex. 154.) Copies of Gerland’s letter were forwarded by Brandt to Pohl and Grawitz. On 7 September 1942, Pohl gave Gerland further details and informed him that he and Dr. Lolling were personally supervising the experiments. Pohl, in turn, sent copies of this letter to Rudolf Brandt and Grawitz. In the covering letter to Brandt, Pohl informed him that he had been to the Madaus Works to convince himself of the progress of the experiments and that Dr. Lolling would cooperate in them. An agreement had been reached with Madaus “to transfer the experiments to our concentration camps as soon as possible.” (NO-041, Pros. Ex. 156.)

On 14 October 1942, Gerland wrote to Rudolf Brandt and informed him of the letter he had received from Pohl. He stated that he considered Dr. Fehringer’s suggestion to use inmates of the gypsy camp of Lackenbach as obsolete, as Pohl had informed him that Lolling was already collaborating with the Biological Institute of Madaus. He further advised Brandt that Fehringer was of the opinion that it was quite possible to produce caladium seguinum chemically or have the plant cultivated in hothouses to an extent which would be sufficient for experimental purposes. He also suggested collaboration between Lolling and Fehringer. (NO-043, Pros. Ex. 157.) Brandt’s reply of 25 October reveals that he, on his own initiative in Himmler’s absence, agreed to the collaboration between Fehringer and Lolling. (NO-049, Pros. Ex. 159.) Brandt sent copies of Gerland’s letter of 14 October (NO-043, Pros. Ex. 157) and his reply (NO-049, Pros. Ex. 159) to Pohl. In his covering letter to Pohl he expressed the conviction that in spite of the fact that he could not consult Himmler, he was convinced that the latter would certainly welcome experiments to produce caladium seguinum synthetically. He asked Pohl to arrange for a contact between Lolling and Fehringer. (NO-048, Pros. Ex. 158.)

There is no reasonable doubt that the sterilization experiments with caladium seguinum were, in fact, carried out on concentration camp inmates. Himmler, who was the highest authority to decide such questions, not only gave his consent to these experiments (NO-036, Pros. Ex. 143) but considered them “extremely important” (NO-046b, Pros. Ex. 149) and requested that they should be carried out in the concentration camps in any case. (NO-044, Pros. Ex. 150.) Pohl, who was in charge of the administration of the concentration camps, agreed upon the request of Brandt to take the necessary steps immediately. (NO-044, Pros. Ex. 150.) There can be no doubt that Department IV-B-4 of the Reich Security Main Office, which was charged with the solution of the Jewish question, was informed about Madaus’ research work for the purpose of furnishing the necessary Jewish victims for the experiments. The collaboration of Dr. Lolling, who was the doctor in charge of all concentration camps, can only be explained in connection with experimentation in these camps. This is also clear from Gerland’s letter to Brandt:

“SS Obergruppenfuehrer Pohl has informed me that the doctor of his Main Office is already collaborating with the Madaus Biological Institute for research on the effects of caladium seguinum, so that the suggestion of my District Main Office Leader, Dr. Fehringer, becomes obsolete.” [Emphasis added.] (NO-043, Pros. Ex. 157.)

It can only be concluded that Pohl and Lolling carried out the experiments in concentration camps as was agreed upon between them, Himmler, Brandt, and Madaus. (NO-043, Pros. Ex. 157.) Moreover, Brandt himself admitted in his affidavit that experiments with caladium seguinum on human beings were performed in concentration camps:

“As result of Pokorny’s suggestion experiments were conducted upon concentration camp prisoners in order to test the effect of the drug. Simultaneously all efforts were made to cultivate the plant in large quantities. Oswald Pohl, Chief of the Economic and Administrative Main Office, took a personal interest in this matter. Hothouses were used, with a certain amount of success, to cultivate this plant, and the experiments were continued.” (NO-440, Pros. Ex. 141.)

On 30 May 1942, Dr. Clauberg wrote to Himmler asking his support on sterilization experiments on female concentration camp inmates. (NO-211, Pros. Ex. 169.) On 4 June the defendant Poppendick forwarded to Rudolf Brandt a list of doctors who were authorized to carry out sterilization. Clauberg is listed among these doctors. (NO-214, Pros. Ex. 168.) On 7 and 8 July, a conference took place between Himmler, Gebhardt, Gluecks, and Clauberg. The topic of discussion was the sterilization of Jewesses. Clauberg was promised by Himmler that the Auschwitz concentration camp would be placed at his disposal for experiments on human beings. He was assigned the task of performing experiments to test a method of sterilizing persons without their knowledge. He was ordered to report on this matter as soon as possible so that measures could be taken “for the practical realization of the sterilizations on a larger scale”. It was suggested that Hohlfelder be consulted on the sterilization of men by X-rays. The participants in the conference were admonished that these experiments were a matter of utmost secrecy. Rudolf Brandt denied having been present at this conference. Be that as it may, one of the two file memoranda which reveal complete knowledge of all details discussed in this conference was dictated by Brandt (NO-215, Pros. Ex. 172), and the other was signed by him. (NO-216, Pros. Ex. 170.)

On 10 July 1942, Rudolf Brandt wrote a letter to Clauberg in which he informed him of the details of his assignment and the plans for the execution of the experiments. Clauberg was ordered to report to Himmler on how long it would take to sterilize, a thousand Jewesses by his method. It was suggested that Clauberg should contact Pohl and a camp physician of the Ravensbrueck concentration camp in order to perform there his sterilization experiments. Brandt stated further:

“Thorough experiments should be conducted to investigate the effect of the sterilization, largely in a way that you could find out after a certain time, which would have to be fixed, perhaps by X-rays, what kind of changes have taken place. In some cases a practical experiment might be arranged by locking up a Jewess and a Jew together for a certain period and then seeing what results are achieved.

“I ask you to let me know your opinion about my letter for the information of the Reich Leader SS.” [Emphasis added.] (NO-213, Pros. Ex. 171.)

Copies of this letter were sent by Brandt to Pohl, Grawitz, SS Sturmbannfuehrer Koegel of the Economic and Administrative Main Office, and to Gruppenfuehrer Mueller of the Reich Security Main Office. On 7 June 1943, Clauberg was able to report, on the basis of his experiments, that it would be possible to sterilize several hundred, if not a thousand, per day by his methods. He stated that sterilization could be “performed by a single injection made from the entrance of the uterus in the course of the usual customary gynecological examination”. (NO-212, Pros. Ex. 173.)

The sterilization experiments of Clauberg were, in fact, carried out in the Auschwitz concentration camp. Brandt communicated with Clauberg on this matter again on 19 June and 22 July 1943. While these two letters are not available, it is clear from Clauberg’s reply to Brandt, dated 6 August, that these communications were reminders to Clauberg to expedite his experimentation. In his reply, Clauberg stated:

“I really do need the second X-ray installation—I can give you the explanation only by word of mouth—at any rate the probability exists that even more of the installations will be needed later on (it depends on, the application of my results the moment these are determined). For I can get the installation without further difficulties, that is, it is ‘waiting’ for me—really I have got it already!

“I had an opportunity to acquire one myself and I quickly laid hands on it, and the installation has been set up for some weeks. But what I care for is the following:

“I urgently need this installation here in Koenigshuette for my contrary (positive) research. But I cannot spare it in Auschwitz until I get a second installation from the Waffen SS. If I may tell you something between ourselves—the fact is that I will be able to replace my own existing installation provided the Reich Leader SS will give me his approval. I would not bother either him or you with this unless it were really necessary.” (NO-210, Pros. Ex. 174.)

Brandt himself admitted in his affidavit that Clauberg did carry out sterilization experiments in the Auschwitz concentration camp on a large scale. He stated:

“Dr. Clauberg developed further a method for the sterilization of women. This method was based upon the injection of an irritating solution into the uterus. Clauberg conducted widespread experiments on Jewish women and gypsies in the Auschwitz concentration camp. Several thousand women were sterilized by Clauberg in Auschwitz.” (NO-440, Pros. Ex. 141.)

Sterilization of Jews by means of X-rays was suggested to Himmler by the defendant Brack in the spring of 1941. (NO-426, Pros. Ex. 160.) Himmler requested Brack to investigate with some of the physicians who were active in the euthanasia program, the possibility of sterilization which would keep the victims unaware of their terrible fate. (Tr. p. 7484.) On 28 March 1941, Brack forwarded to Himmler a report of the results of experiments concerning X-ray castrations in which he stated that mass sterilization by means of X-rays could be carried out without difficulty. Brack estimated that with twenty X-ray installations, sterilization of 3,000 to 4,000 victims could be carried out daily. (NO-203, Pros. Ex. 161.) On 12 May 1941 a subordinate of Brandt, SS Sturmbannfuehrer Tiefenbacher, acknowledged receipt of Brack’s report and sent a copy to the Chief of the Security Police and SD, Heydrich. (NO-204, Pros. Ex. 162.)

The invasion of Russia began in the summer of 1941 and Brack’s proposal was not acted on immediately, but on 23 June 1942, when Germany appeared to be on the verge of victory, Brack again wrote to Himmler suggesting the sterilization of Jews who were able to work. Jews unable to work were being exterminated. (NO-205, Pros. Ex. 163.) Himmler wrote to Brack on 11 August 1942 that further experiments to ascertain the effectiveness of X-ray sterilization should be carried out on concentration camp inmates by expert physicians who were to be furnished by Brack’s chief, Bouhler. Rudolf Brandt sent copies of this letter to Pohl and Grawitz in order to put Himmler’s decision into effect. (NO-206, Pros. Ex. 164.) Brack ordered his deputy, Blankenburg, to contact the chiefs of the concentration camps for this purpose. Blankenburg’s letter, which communicated this fact to Himmler, was received by Brandt’s office on 15 August 1942. (NO-207, Pros. Ex. 165.) As a result, experiments on inmates in the Auschwitz concentration camp were carried out by Dr. Schumann. (NO-208, Pros. Ex. 166.) One of the victims of these atrocious experiments who, after having been subjected to severe doses of X-ray in the genital area, was castrated by operation in order to determine the effects of the X-ray. (Tr. p. 541.) At least 100 involuntary experimental subjects—Poles, Russians, French, and prisoners of war—were used for these experiments. Only young, well-built inmates, in the best of health, were selected for them. (Tr. pp. 556-7.) Nearly all the victims of these experiments were exterminated as the severe X-ray burns made them incapable of working. (Tr. p. 557; Tr. p. 543.) Brandt admitted in his pretrial affidavit that “sterilization experiments were likewise conducted with X-rays. Dr. Schumann applied this procedure in Auschwitz and sterilized a number of men.” (NO-440, Pros. Ex. 141.)

c. Selection from the Argumentation of the Defense

EXTRACT FROM THE FINAL PLEA FOR DEFENDANT GEBHARDT^[83]

The Sterilization Experiments

The defendant Gebhardt is also accused of special responsibility for these experiments and of participation in them. The evidence, however, proved that this contention of the indictment is not true. First of all it should be pointed out that the life work of the defendant Gebhardt as a physician was based on the principle of helping the physically and mentally affected and to find cures for restoring them as fully qualified members of human society. That was the reason for the establishment of the training camp Hohenaschau in the lower Alps of Bavaria, which was repeatedly mentioned in the evidence. He also made this principle the finding principle of his work as chief physician of the hospital at Hohenlychen. The defendant Gebhardt did not hold the opinion that a sound population policy could be realized by negative measures only; on the contrary, he was convinced that the faculties of physically and mentally handicapped patients ought to be improved by new methods of treatment and their efficiency thus increased. He applied these principles not only in his rehabilitation surgery dealing with injuries but also in the cure of hereditary physical defects. I am here referring to the affidavits of Professor Dr. Iseling, Professor Dr. Buerkle de la Camp, and of the Generalarzt, Dr. von Heuss. (Gebhardt 7, Gebhardt Ex. 1; Gebhardt 8, Gebhardt Ex. 2; Gebhardt 9, Gebhardt Ex. 3.) I further refer to the affidavits presented in court as exhibits in volume II of my document books. All these witnesses’ affidavits in connection with the defendant’s own statements make it obvious that his medical attitude was not based on the principle of negative selection and the destruction of unworthy lives or the prevention of propagation of such human beings but, on the contrary, that he was led by the conviction that these human beings must be helped insofar as medical science was able to help them at all. In their presentation of evidence, the prosecution presented documents concerned with the sterilization experiments. It is obvious from these documents that three different methods of quick and simple sterilization had been considered.

The first experiments were supposed to be carried out with caladium seguinum. The documents presented in this connection proved clearly that the defendant Gebhardt had nothing to do with this matter and that he apparently had no knowledge of it. May I, as a matter of precaution, point out the following: to start with, I wish to refer to the letter of Reich Leader SS Himmler to SS Obergruppenfuehrer Pohl of 10 March 1942, which proves that the experiments with caladium seguinum were supposed to be carried out on criminals whose sterilization had been ordered before that anyway. (NO-036, Pros. Ex. 143.) In this connection I should like to point out that the German Penal Code expressly provides in certain cases for compulsory sterilization and castration of certain types of criminals. The experiments in themselves, therefore, need not be contrary to the law. From the other documents presented by the prosecution it is, however, to be seen that the plans to carry out sterilizations with caladium seguinum were dropped. It turned out that a cultivation of this plant, or at least of a quantity adequate for experimental purposes was impossible. From the evidence presented by the prosecution it is obvious that it only came to preparatory measures which, according to generally acknowledged principles, cannot be considered punishable.

The second part of the documents deals with sterilization by X-rays. The prosecution presented no evidence from which it can be concluded that the defendant Gebhardt had knowledge of this matter.

Finally, the third part of the documents deals with sterilization experiments conforming with the methods of Professor Dr. Clauberg. From Professor Dr. Clauberg’s letter to the Reich Leader SS Himmler dated 30 May 1942 presented by the prosecution as evidence, it is obvious that the initiative for these experiments and the methods used originated exclusively with Professor Clauberg himself. In this connection, it must be pointed out that it was quite obvious that Professor Clauberg’s intention was not only to develop the simplest possible method of sterilization, but that he aimed at the establishment of an all-inclusive “Research Institute for Propagation Biology” with due consideration for the demands of a positive population policy. This is demonstrated among other things by the content of Document NO-211, Prosecution Exhibit 169, and the plan for this research institute attached to that document.

In the course of evidence and referring to the sterilization experiments, the prosecution has submitted two file notes of the defendant Rudolf Brandt (NO-216, Pros. Ex. 170; NO-215, Pros. Ex. 172) which refer to a discussion with the Reich Leader SS on 7 July 1942 and 8 July 1942, in which the defendant Gebhardt had participated. The evidence has shown that these are two file notes which refer to the same discussion. The evidence, however, has further demonstrated that this was the very discussion during which the conditions were established under which the sulfanilamide experiments were to be carried out. This was the reason why the defendant Gebhardt took part in this discussion at all. The defendant Rudolf Brandt who had written these file notes did not participate in the discussion, and obviously the file notes were made due to some remarks made by Reich Leader SS Himmler to the defendant Brandt following the discussion.

The fact that the defendant Gebhardt had nothing whatsoever to do with these sterilization experiments is also demonstrated by another document which was also introduced as evidence by the prosecution. I refer in this connection to the letter which the defendant Brandt by order of the Reich Leader SS sent to Professor Clauberg on 10 July 1942, that is, a few days after the discussion mentioned. This letter has been submitted to the Tribunal by the prosecution. (NO-213, Pros. Ex. 171.) Copies of this letter were sent to SS Obergruppenfuehrer Pohl, to SS Gruppenfuehrer Grawitz in his capacity as Reich Physician SS and to two other offices, but not to the defendant Gebhardt. There can be no doubt that a copy of this letter would have been sent to this defendant, too, if his participation in Clauberg’s experiments would have been decided upon or even considered in any form. This seems to be the more impossible, apart from the reasons already given, since the defendant Gebhardt at no time concerned himself with sterilization problems. In this connection it is necessary to refer briefly to the affidavit of the defendant Rudolf Brandt, of 19 October 1946, which has been introduced by the prosecution and in which it is asserted among other things that “Dr. Karl Gebhardt apparently performed surgical sterilization at the Ravensbrueck camp.” (NO-440, Pros. Ex. 141.) By the wording of this affidavit it is already demonstrated that here only an assumption is stated. The defendant Rudolf Brandt could not state any facts on which he could base this assumption. In view of the other result of the evidence, and above all because of Rudolf Brandt’s own statements, no substantial value can be attached to this affidavit. In these circumstances it will be useless to discuss this question any further, especially also in view of the fact that surgical sterilization offers no problems and that it is difficult to understand what reasons the defendant Gebhardt could have had to work on this field which was quite foreign to him.

EXTRACTS FROM THE CLOSING BRIEF FOR DEFENDANT POKORNY

Sterilization with caladium seguinum is impossible as is shown by the following opinions:

1. Opinion of Dr. August Wilhelm Forst of the University of Munich. (Pokorny 20, Pokorny Ex. 28.) This opinion states:

“Apart from all these restrictions it appears to me that the whole idea cannot claim to have any actual significance, since it would hardly have been possible to import tropical plants in large numbers to Europe during the war and to work out a rational method for production of the effective substance as well as the initiation of animal experiments on a broad basis. This would have required disproportionally more time than was available up to the time when the war was lost.”

2. Opinion of Professor Dr. Helmuth Weese, Director of the Pharmacological Institute of the Medical Academy in Duesseldorf. (Pokorny 19, Pokorny Ex. 27.) This opinion states:

“Asked whether it can be assumed that after studying the work of G. Madaus and Dr. E. Koch, ‘Studies in Animal Experiments concerning Medical Sterilization by Caladium Seguinum’ in the Journal of Experimental Medicine, page 68, 1941, a doctor can come to the conclusion that he can sterilize human beings with caladium seguinum, I have the following comment:

“In the research mentioned it was proved that the authors managed to sterilize rats by feeding them with the juice of caladium seguinum. The proof is not only given by pairing experiments but by anatomical examinations. In order to achieve this sterilization of female as well as of male rats weighing 150-180 grams, daily doses of ½ cubic centimeter for each rat had to be administered 30-50 times and 40-90 times, respectively, without assuring a certain result. Applied to a human being weighing 70 kilograms this would mean that 200 grams of juice would have to be administered daily.

“It is also proved in these examinations that a large number of the animals treated died from the poisonous effects of the caladium juice. The juice has therefore no specific action on the reproductive system. It is still completely unknown if these injurious complications are caused by the main substance of the juice or any other ingredients.

“Such nonspecific damage to the reproductive system in similar ways but with different substances is also observed in human beings, for example as result of serious abuse of nicotine, morphine, etc., where it also occurs only together with most severe harm to other functions.

“The question arises for every doctor if these experiments on rats can be applied to human beings at all. Madaus and Koch reject them on principle because they merely want to determine if the layman’s belief about sterilizing men with large amounts of the caladium extract can be proved in animal experiments.

“A prerequisite for the use of the caladium extract on human beings in our countries would be the cultivation in central Europe of the South American caladium. This appears extremely improbable to any student of natural science with the least experience. Even if it could be cultivated, this would not prove that it would produce the same effective substances in sufficient quantities in our moderate climate.

“Because of the uncertain effect of the caladium extract, its high toxicity, the doubts as to its successful cultivation and use in our moderate climate, I consider it extremely improbable that even a doctor with only average intelligence could in seriousness embark on an experiment to sterilize human beings with caladium extract. No other convincing foundation on which the problem under discussion might be based besides the work of Madaus and Koch is known to me.”

3. Opinion of Dr. Friedrich Jung, lecturer at the Pharmacological Institute of Wuerzburg University. (Pokorny 30, Pokorny Ex. 30.) This opinion states:

“Summary: The findings of Madaus and Koch in their work ‘Studies in Animal Experiments concerning Medical Sterilization by Caladium Seguinum’ are certainly valid, but they do not prove anything with regard to a specific sterilizing effect of caladium seguinum; they are rather to be accepted as part of the general poisonous effect of the caladium extract. One can therefore sterilize with caladium or achieve the effect of castration, but not more and not less than one can sterilize by hunger, vitamin deficiency, infections, psychic insults, etc. The experiments of Madaus and Koch are in no way conclusive with regard to human beings. The symptoms on the sexual glands of the experimental animals are only a reversible partial symptom of a long lasting, almost fatal, serious injury to the entire organism, and have no connection with an actual sterilization or castration. Dr. Pokorny’s proposals based upon certain completely unfounded conclusions drawn from Madaus’ work can be recognized even by slightly educated men as quite apparently utopian.”

4. The expert witness of the prosecution, Dr. Friedrich Scheiffart, writes (NO-3347, Pros. Ex. 546):

“The experimental sterilization by caladium seguinum is a scientifically interesting but, in practice, an unimportant addition to the group of pharmacological methods of sterilization, which without exception in their totality have not gone beyond a certain theoretical interest.”

The prosecution itself states (Tr. p. 525):

“The prosecution admits openly that it cannot prove that sterilization was actually brought about through this drug. We have not been able to find anybody who has been actually sterilized by it. But we maintain that it is nevertheless a crime. We strongly hope that no permanent sterilization has been caused in any case with this drug. However it is fortunate that the plants from which this substance was received could not be cultivated to a greater extent.”

Final Summary of the Defense:

Nothing could or did occur with the caladium plant as the prosecution admits and as has completely been proved by the expert opinions.

In an affidavit by Karl Tauboeck (NO-3963, Pros. Ex. 528) the prosecution referred to the idea that sterilization with caladium seguinum is not an ideal one, but a matter which lies well within the bounds of possibility.

The defense on the other hand contends that this affidavit is lacking in credibility because of the expert opinions. The expert witness of the defense, university lecturer Dr. Friedrich Jung, in his enclosure to the expert opinion (Pokorny 30, Pokorny Ex. 30) comments as follows on Karl Tauboeck’s affidavit:

“Concerning the person—

“Dr. Tauboeck is, according to his education, a natural scientist with additional specialized studies in plant chemistry. His medical education is confined to histology, physiology, physiological chemistry, immunology, and pharmacology. By virtue of his education, he calls himself ‘a specialist in this field’, i. e., in the field of medicamental sterilization. I should like to stress the fact that the title ‘specialist’ in the field of sterilization presupposes considerable medical and in particular gynecological knowledge, which generally may be acquired only in a complete study of medicine or a penetrating study over several years in the materia medica.

“The affidavit of Dr. Tauboeck in several places lacks that critical attitude which is so necessary in scientific questions, especially if they are discussed under oath. Dr. Tauboeck states, for example, under point 5, that caladium seguinum was used as a means of sterilization by the natives of Brazil. He calls this assertion of the Indians, which has been reported in literature, a fact. Under point 6 he calls the reports from Brazil vague, only to assert literally several lines further on that ‘the Brazilian natives have already reached castration effects with an arrow wound, i. e., with an intramuscular injection’. This assertion is not proved, and is therefore, in my opinion, out of place in an affidavit. Furthermore Dr. Tauboeck makes a large number of apodictic assertions, for which he brings no direct proof whatever and which he tries to strengthen with the help of absolutely impermissible generalizations of the examples listed under points 7 a-d. Such analogical conclusions are not permissible in a serious scientific explanation, the more so since also the examples brought by him are by no means unobjectionable. Moreover, Dr. Tauboeck, under point 8, draws a conclusion from the experiments by Madaus and Koch, which can only be based on an insufficient knowledge of these experiments. He writes literally: ‘This bitter substance was lacking in the plants of the firm Madaus, the use of the pressed juice for feeding was accomplished there without any irritation of the pharyngeal mucous membranes or the tongue.’ According to the evidence on hand, Madaus and Koch administered the pressed juice through probing, no doubt in order to avoid this very irritation.

“These findings may be further enlarged upon by attentive reading of Dr. Tauboeck’s statement. I, therefore, do not consider Dr. Tauboeck to be qualified as a scientific expert in this question.”

Conclusion of the Defense:

The affidavit of Karl Tauboeck produced at the end of the case-in-chief cannot alter the fact that it is impossible to sterilize or castrate human beings with caladium seguinum.

d. Evidence

Prosecution Documents

Pros. Ex.

Doc. No.No.Description of DocumentPage

NO-3963528Extracts from affidavit of Karl Wilhelm Friedrich Tauboeck, 18 June 1947, concerning the development of, and experiments with sterilization drugs.710

NO-035142Letter from Pokorny to Himmler, October 1941, concerning a sterilization drug to be used against Germany’s enemies.713

NO-036143Letter from Himmler, 10 March 1942, to Pohl (initiated by Rudolf Brandt) concerning a sterilization drug and suggesting further research on criminals.714

NO-038147Letter from Rudolf Brandt to Pohl, June 1942, transmitting an inquiry by Himmler as to the progress made with experiments for medical sterilization.715

NO-046a148Letter from Pohl to Himmler, 3 June 1942, concerning the development of a sterilization drug by the firm of Dr. Madaus and Co.716

NO-046b149Letter from Rudolf Brandt to Pohl, 11 June 1942, asking him on behalf of Himmler to set up a large hothouse for the development of a sterilization drug.717

NO-039153Letter from Gund to Himmler, 24 August 1942, concerning research in medical sterilization and development of sterilization drugs.717

NO-203161Covering letter from Brack to Himmler, 28 March 1941, with report on experiments concerning sterilization and castration by X-rays.719

NO-205163Letter from Brack to Himmler, 23 June 1942, proposing sterilization of two to three million Jews.721

NO-206164Letter from Himmler (countersigned by Rudolf Brandt), 11 August 1942, addressed to Brack, concerning Himmler’s interest in sterilization experiments.722

NO-208166Letter from Blankenburg to Himmler, 29 April 1944, regarding employment of Dr. Horst Schumann on experiments concerning the influence of X-rays on human genital glands in connection with similar experiments conducted at concentration camp Auschwitz.723

NO-211169Letter from Professor Clauberg to Himmler, 30 May 1942 (referring to a letter from Rudolf Brandt), concerning the urgency of research into biological propagation and sterilization without operation, and draft of a “Research Institute for Biological Propagation.”724

NO-216170Memorandum of Rudolf Brandt, July 1942, on a discussion between Himmler, Gebhardt, Gluecks, and Clauberg concerning sterilization experiments conducted on Jewesses.728

NO-213171Letter from Rudolf Brandt to Clauberg, 10 July 1942, transmitting instructions of Himmler to perform sterilizations on Jewesses at concentration camp Ravensbrueck.729

NO-212173Letter from Professor Clauberg to Himmler, 7 June 1943, reporting on research in connection with the sterilization of women.730

Testimony

Extract from the testimony of the defendant Viktor Brack732

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT NO-3963

PROSECUTION EXHIBIT 528

EXTRACTS FROM AFFIDAVIT OF KARL WILHELM FRIEDRICH TAUBOECK, 18 JUNE 1947, CONCERNING THE DEVELOPMENT OF, AND EXPERIMENTS WITH STERILIZATION DRUGS

I, Karl Wilhelm Friedrich Tauboeck, swear, depose, and state:

1. I was born on 21 September 1904 in Josefstadt, Czechoslovakia. I have been an Austrian citizen all my life. From 1910 to 1915 I attended the elementary school in Leitmeritz and Pilsen, Czechoslovakia. From 1915 to 1923 I attended the gymnasium (high school) in Pilsen (Czechoslovakia), Ljubljana (Yugoslavia) and Klosterneuburg (Austria). In June 1923 I graduated from the Klosterneuburg high school. From 1923 to 1925 I studied natural science at the University of Vienna, Austria, specializing in plant physiology and chemistry. In 1925 I studied at Kiel (Germany), where I devoted myself mainly to problems of marine biology and bacteriology. From 1926 to 1927 I again studied the above-mentioned natural science subjects in Vienna (Austria). In December 1927 I was made Doctor of Philosophy with special distinction. My thesis dealt with a problem concerning vegetable chemistry—urea in the plant world.

2. From 1928 to 1929 I was assistant in the Institute of Plant Physiology of the University of Vienna, Austria. In this capacity I had to direct the practical studies of the students and was able to carry out my own research in the field of vegetable chemistry. I also continued my studies there in the medical faculty of that University, in several medical subjects, especially in histology, physiology, physiological chemistry, immunology, and pharmacology. These above-mentioned studies made it possible for me to be able to carry out independently tests on the efficacy of drugs in animal experiments.

3. From 1930 to 1945 I was employed as a biochemist and botanist in the biological laboratory of the I. G. Farbenindustrie A. G. at Ludwigshafen/Rhine. I specialized there in drugs with particular effects on the animal and human organisms, respectively. Through this work I invented various new remedies based on biology. In particular I studied the question of animal poisons for many years and thus produced a new remedy for rheumatism. I also worked on the question of the stimulant from the sensitive plant (Mimosa pudica) and similar substances effective in minimum quantities. During the war years I worked on biochemical problems concerning agriculture and as a result of my work produced an improved fertilizer.

The I. G. Farbenindustrie A. G. at Ludwigshafen at Rhine employed several hundred natural scientists and technicians. Since 1937 I was the senior specialist in vegetable chemistry there.

4. In the fall of 1942, I was instructed by the director of my laboratory, Dr. Mueller-Cunradi, to devote my time to research on the effective substance from the plant caladium seguinum (Schweigrohr). At the beginning of November 1942, I was sent to Dr. Schamberger of the Research Institute Grunewald-Berlin for the purpose of obtaining further information. The Research Institute Grunewald was a cover name for a camouflaged SS office. The address was Grunewald-Berlin, Delbrueckstrasse 6. There I was told that this plant was to be used for sterilizing mental patients. In order to obtain further information about the progress of experiments with caladium seguinum which had already taken place, I had to visit the firm Madaus in Dresden-Radebeul, together with Dr. Schamberger and another SS man. This firm had already made animal experiments with this plant and published the results in a medical journal in 1941. I was introduced to the firm Madaus as Dr. Weiss, so that nobody should know that I was an employee of I. G. Farben. The senior pharmacologist of the firm Madaus asked us: You must be a commission from SS Obergruppenfuehrer Pohl, to which the SS men replied “yes”. The pharmacologist went on to tell us that a few days previously Pohl himself had visited the firm Madaus together with several other people and had mentioned the especial urgency of this work. Furthermore, while visiting the firm Madaus, I checked all the equipment and experiments in the course of one day. By careful examination of sections of mice and rats and of the histological preparations, I was convinced that the publications of the firm Madaus were perfectly true. By this examination I, as a specialist in this field, gained the conviction that sterilization with caladium seguinum is no Utopia, but something which is quite within the bounds of possibility. On the return journey from Dresden to Berlin, the SS men revealed to me that this research was being carried out on the express order of Reich Leader SS Himmler in order to suppress births among the eastern nations. After this fact had been revealed to me I was sworn to secrecy. I was furthermore informed at the Research Institute Grunewald-Berlin that the first preparations were to be supplied as soon as possible, as the Reich Leader SS had ordered the testing of the new method on inmates of concentration camps to take place at once.

5. In order to point out the effectiveness and practical possibility of using caladium seguinum as a sterilization drug, I would like first of all to go into the subject of the history of this plant. Before doing so, however, I would like to add that caladium seguinum is not considered a sterilization drug in the ordinary sense of the word, but a castration drug. This is evident from the fact that the experiments carried out by the firm Madaus have clearly shown that a destruction of the sexual glands of the experimental animals occurred which is equivalent to the surgical removal of such glands. Caladium seguinum is a plant which comes from Brazil. As I know from the literature and the publications made by the firm Madaus, this plant has already been used by the Brazilian natives as a means of sterilization of their enemies. It was administered to the enemies either in food or in arrow wounds. By this method of injection by arrows, only relatively small portions of poison gained from caladium seguinum could have been administered, as the wound produced by arrows may be compared with a large intramuscular injection. From this fact, as learned from literature, results the conclusion that this poison, if obtained by the correct process, is effective even in very small doses. This drug is described in literature as secret, which shows that the enemy did not know that he was being sterilized.

6. Inspired by this experience of the Brazilian natives, the firm Madaus carried out their experiments on animals. The results obtained by the firm Madaus which I have seen with my own eyes confirm the effectiveness of caladium seguinum as a means of sterilization for human beings. It was possible to doubt whether the caladium seguinum was actually effective according to the first rather vague reports coming from Brazil before the experiments of the firm Madaus had been carried out. The experiments of Madaus, however, have eliminated all doubts in this direction.

11. As a result of all examples and explanations mentioned, I am of the opinion that mass production of a castrating preparation from caladium seguinum in Germany or in the German occupied countries is no dream, but could easily have been put into practice. Another proof of the harmfulness of the caladium poison is the fact that the Madaus examinations confirmed beyond doubt the castrative effect of caladium despite all the shortcomings already described. All this made me realize at once the criminal character of such research and for this reason did not carry it out as far as my specific order was concerned. The SS, however, took a great interest in this matter. I received my orders as an employee of the I. G. Farbenindustrie from the Chief of the Security Police, first through the camouflaged office of the Research Institute Grunewald-Berlin and later direct. I know, however, that the firm Madaus placed their orders through SS Obergruppenfuehrer Pohl separately and I am not acquainted with the development of this matter.

I have read the above statement consisting of seven pages, in German, and declare it to be the whole truth to my best knowledge and belief. I was given an opportunity of making alterations and amendments in the above statement. I have made this statement of my own free will, under no duress, without promise of reward.

Nuernberg, 18 June 1947.[Signature] Dr. Karl Tauboeck

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT NO-035

PROSECUTION EXHIBIT 142

LETTER FROM POKORNY TO HIMMLER, OCTOBER 1941, CONCERNING A STERILIZATION DRUG TO BE USED AGAINST GERMANY’S ENEMIES

To the Reich Commissioner for the Consolidation of German

Folkdom,

SS H. Himmler, Chief of Police,

Berlin.

I beg you to turn your attention to the following arguments. I have requested Professor Hoehn to forward this letter to you. I have chosen this direct way to you in order to avoid the slower process through channels and the possibility of an indiscretion in regard to the eventually enormous importance of the ideas presented.

Led by the idea that the enemy must not only be conquered but destroyed, I feel obliged to present to you, as the Reich Commissioner for the Consolidation of German Folkdom, the following:

Dr. Madaus published the result of his research on a medicinal sterilization (both articles are enclosed). Reading these articles, the immense importance of this drug in the present fight of our people occurred to me. If, on the basis of this research, it were possible to produce a drug which, after a relatively short time, effects an imperceptible sterilization on human beings, then we would have a new powerful weapon at our disposal. The thought alone that the 3 million Bolsheviks, at present German prisoners, could be sterilized so that they could be used as laborers but be prevented from reproduction, opens the most far-reaching perspectives.

Madaus found that the sap of the Schweigrohr (caladium seguinum) when taken by mouth or given as injection to male and also to female animals, after a certain time, produces permanent sterility. The illustrations accompanying the scientific article are convincing.

If my ideas meet your approval, the following course should be taken:

1. Dr. Madaus must not publish any more such articles. (The enemy listens!)

2. Multiplying the plant. (Easily cultivated in greenhouses!)

[Written notation] Dachau

3. Immediate research on human beings (criminals!) in order to determine the dose and length of the treatment.

4. Quick research of the constitutional formula of the effective chemical substance in order to

5. Produce it synthetically if possible.

As German physician and chief physician of the reserves of the German Wehrmacht, retired [d. R. a. D.], I undertake to keep secret the purpose as suggested by me in this letter.

[stamp]Heil Hitler!

[Signed] Dr. Pokorny

Specialist for skin and venereal diseases, M. U. Dr.

Ad. Pokorny

Komotau

Graben 33

Komotau, October 1941

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT NO-036

PROSECUTION EXHIBIT 143

LETTER FROM HIMMLER, 10 MARCH 1942, TO POHL (INITIALED BY RUDOLF BRANDT) CONCERNING A STERILIZATION DRUG AND SUGGESTING FURTHER RESEARCH ON CRIMINALS

The Reich Leader SS

Journal No. 752/5, RF/H.

Fuehrer Headquarters, 10 March 1942

2 W 1.5.

Dear Pohl,

I read Dr. Pokorny’s very interesting memorandum and Dr. Madaus’ publications on medicinal sterilization. I would ask you to get in touch with Dr. Madaus and to inform him, on my behalf, that he should not publish anything else on these questions of medicinal sterilization, and offer him possibilities of doing research, in cooperation with the Reich Physician SS, on criminals who would have to be sterilized in any case.

The intended plan of research is, however, to be submitted to me by the office engaged on the subject.

Heil Hitler!

Yours,

[Signed] H. Himmler

A copy is forwarded to the Reich Physician SS, SS Gruppenfuehrer Dr. Grawitz with request to take cognizance.

By Order:

[Initial] Br. [Brandt]

SS Sturmbannfuehrer

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT NO-038

PROSECUTION EXHIBIT 147

LETTER FROM RUDOLF BRANDT TO POHL, JUNE 1942, TRANSMITTING AN INQUIRY BY HIMMLER AS TO THE PROGRESS MADE WITH EXPERIMENTS FOR MEDICAL STERILIZATION

The Reich Leader SS

Personal Staff

Journal No. AR/752/5, Bra/Bn.

Fuehrer Headquarters, June 1942

Top Secret

SS Obergruppenfuehrer Pohl

Berlin

Dear Obergruppenfuehrer,

On 10 March 1942, the Reich Leader SS sent you a memorandum written by Dr. Pokorny and the publication of Dr. Madaus on medicinal sterilization. In cooperation with the Reich Physician SS, experiments were to be made accordingly.

The Reich Leader SS inquired today as to how things were progressing. I would appreciate it if I might have some information soon.

Heil Hitler

Yours,

[Signed] R. Brandt

SS Obersturmbannfuehrer

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT NO-046a

PROSECUTION EXHIBIT 148

LETTER FROM POHL TO HIMMLER, 3 JUNE 1942, CONCERNING THE DEVELOPMENT OF A STERILIZATION DRUG BY THE FIRM OF DR. MADAUS AND CO.

Chief of SS, Economics and Administrative Main Office

Ch. Po/Ha

Berlin, 3 June 1942

Subject: Sterilization by means of drugs.

Re: Your letter of 3 October 1942. Journal No. AR. 752/52, RF/H

To the Reich Leader SS

Berlin SW 11, Prinz Albrecht Strasse 8

Dear Reich Leader:

In reference to the above matter, I had a conversation today with E. Koch, Ph. D. and M. D., director of the Biological Institute of Dr. Madaus and Co., at Dresden-Radebeul.

I advised him of your desire to have publications on this subject discontinued for the time being. Dr. Koch will comply with your request.

Furthermore, experiments have reached a dead point because the caladium seguinum grows only in North America and during the war cannot be imported in adequate quantities. Dr. Koch’s attempts to grow this plant from seed cultivated in hothouses have been successful, it is true; but the process is very slow and the yield is not sufficient to permit carrying on experiments on a large scale.

Dr. Koch is hopeful that this will be remedied if it is possible for us to obtain permission for him to build a larger hothouse. I promised him this.

For the time being this is the first and only practical step to promote the project.

I shall continue reports periodically.

Heil Hitler!

[Signed] Pohl

SS Obergruppenfuehrer and General of the Waffen SS

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT NO-046b

PROSECUTION EXHIBIT 149

LETTER FROM RUDOLF BRANDT TO POHL, 11 JUNE 1942, ASKING HIM ON BEHALF OF HIMMLER TO SET UP A LARGE HOTHOUSE FOR THE DEVELOPMENT OF A STERILIZATION DRUG

The Reich Leader SS

Personal Staff, Diary No. 1230/42, Bra/Bu

Fuehrer’s Headquarters, 11 June 1942

Re: Medical sterilization.

To SS Obergruppenfuehrer Pohl

Berlin

Dear Obergruppenfuehrer,

I have informed the Reich Leader SS of your letter of 3 June 1942. He asks you to see to it without fail that a large hothouse is set up as soon as possible for Dr. Koch. He considers the experiments extremely important.

The Reich Leader SS asks you to continue to send in further reports.

Heil Hitler

[Signed] B.

SS Obersturmbannfuehrer

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT NO-039

PROSECUTION EXHIBIT 153

LETTER FROM GUND TO HIMMLER, 24 AUGUST 1942, CONCERNING RESEARCH IN MEDICAL STERILIZATION AND DEVELOPMENT OF STERILIZATION DRUGS

Secret

The Deputy Gauleiter of Lower Danube [Lower Austria]

Vienna, 9, Wasagasse 10, 24 August 1942

Ge/Schd—310/42 g

To: The Reich Leader SS Pg. Heinrich Himmler

Berlin SW 1, Prinz Albrecht Strasse 8

Sir,

At the orders of Gauleiter Dr. Jury, his staff have hitherto busied themselves especially with the problems of population, racial policy, and antisocial elements. Since the prevention of reproduction by the congenitally unfit and racially inferior belongs to the duties of our National Socialist racial and demographic policy, the present Director of the District Office for Racial Policy, Gauhauptstellenleiter Dr. Fehringer, has examined the question of sterilization and found that the methods so far available, castration and sterilization, are not sufficient in themselves to meet expectations. Consequently, the obvious question occurred to him whether impotence and sterility could not be produced in both men and women by the administration of medicine or injections. So he came to the studies of the Biological Institute of Dr. Madaus, in Dresden-Radebeul, on animal experiments for medical sterilization, which became accessible to him through the Madaus Annual Report, IVth year, 1940, and are of the greatest interest for our demographic policy. Madaus and Koch found that caladium sequinum used in homeopathic doses, that is, administered in infinitesimal quantities, favorably affects impotence, sterility, and frigidity (sexual indifference), so that clinical and medical research should not proceed without regard to this fact. It was established by an extensive series of experiments on rats, rabbits, and dogs that, as the result of the administration or injection of caladium extract, male animals became impotent and females barren, and the differences in effect of the various methods of applying the drug could be seen. From the animal experiments, it seems that a permanent sterility is liable to result in male animals and a more temporary one in females.

It is clear that these observations could be of tremendous importance if alterations of potency or fecundity could also be successfully brought about in human beings by the administration of a caladium extract. Research on human beings themselves would, of course, be necessary for this. The director of my race policy office points out that the necessary research and human experiments could be undertaken by an appropriately selected medical staff, basing their work on the Madaus animal experiments in cooperation with the pharmacological institute of the Faculty of Medicine of Vienna, on the persons of the inmates of the gypsy camp of Lackenbach in Lower Danube.

It is quite clear that such research must be handled as a nationally important secret matter of the most dangerous character, because enemy propaganda could work tremendous harm all over the world by the knowledge of such research, should it come by such knowledge.

Since these considerations are only a theory, the fundamental accuracy of which has already been established by animal experiments and the possibility of the application of which to human beings is highly probable, a mere indication only can be given of the prospects of the possibility of the sterilization of practically unlimited numbers of people in the shortest time and in the simplest way conceivable.

In this connection, I may perhaps point out that it would surely be worth while to study the old cults and the knowledge of their priests concerning the promotion and prevention of human potency and fecundity. Primitive, primeval populations which are close to nature had, and still have, a very extensive knowledge of this subject without these things being known to science. It is known, for instance, that the natives of South America attempted to destroy the potency of their enemies by administering caladium seguinum to them.

I should be particularly grateful to you if you would give me your opinion in this respect when the occasion arises, or even order a concrete working plan to be submitted to you. Gauleiter Dr. Jury would personally have approached you with this plan were he not at present away on a vacation.

Heil Hitler!

Yours faithfully,

[Signed] K. Gund

SS Oberfuehrer

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT NO-203

PROSECUTION EXHIBIT 161

COVERING LETTER FROM BRACK TO HIMMLER, 28 MARCH 1941, WITH REPORT ON EXPERIMENTS CONCERNING STERILIZATION AND CASTRATION BY X-RAYS

Viktor Brack

Oberdienstleiter

Berlin, 28 March 1941

To the Reich Leader SS and Chief of the German Police

Berlin SW 11, Prinz Albrecht Str. 8

H. H. [Handwritten initials]

Top Secret

[Handwritten]:1 read

2+

5 May 41

Dear Reich Leader:

Enclosed herewith for your information is the result of the investigations into the possibility of sterilization or castration, respectively, by means of X-rays. I request your instructions as to what further theoretical or practical steps, if any, are to be taken in this matter.

Heil Hitler!

[Signed] Brack

Enclosure

The experiments in this field are concluded. The following result can be considered as established and adequately based on scientific research:

If any persons are to be sterilized permanently, this result can only be attained by applying X-rays in a dosage high enough to produce castration with all its consequences, since high X-ray dosages destroy the internal secretion of the ovary, or of the testicles, respectively. Lower dosages would only temporarily paralyze the procreative capacity. The consequences in question are for example the disappearance of menstruation, climacteric phenomena, changes in capillary growth, modification of metabolism, etc. In any case, attention must be drawn to these disadvantages.

The actual dosage can be given in various ways, and the irradiation can take place quite imperceptibly. The necessary local dosage for men is 500-600 r, for women 300-350 r. In general, an irradiation period of 2 minutes for men, 3 minutes for women, with the highest voltage, a thin filter and at a short distance, ought to be sufficient. There is, however, a disadvantage that has to be put up with: as it is impossible unnoticeably to cover the rest of the body with lead, the other tissues of the body will be injured, and radiologic malaise, the so-called “Roentgenkater”, will ensue. If the X-ray intensity is too high, those parts of the skin which the rays have reached will exhibit symptoms of burns—varying in severity in individual cases—in the course of the following days or weeks.