A. Medical Experiments (continued 15)
Reading edition
In any case, Ding did not want to have anything more to do with the matter, even in my presence. A short time later the prescription and the sealed envelope were burned by Ding in my presence. He held it over a candle in my presence and burned it. I could not find out what the contents were.
11. INCENDIARY BOMB EXPERIMENTS
a. Introduction
The defendants Genzken, Gebhardt, Mrugowsky, and Poppendick were charged with special responsibility for and participation in criminal conduct involving incendiary bomb experiments (par. 6 (L) of the indictment). The defendants were acquitted on this charge.
The prosecution’s summation of the evidence on the incendiary bomb experiments is contained in its closing brief against the defendant Poppendick. An extract from this brief is set forth below on page 640. A corresponding summation of the evidence by the defense on these experiments has been selected from the closing brief for the defendant Poppendick. It appears below on pages 641 to 643. This argumentation is followed by selections from the evidence on pages 643 to 653.
b. Selection From the Argumentation of the Prosecution
EXTRACT FROM THE CLOSING BRIEF AGAINST DEFENDANT POPPENDICK
Incendiary Bomb Experiments
Sturmbannfuehrer Ding-Schuler (hereinafter referred to as Ding) carried out incendiary bomb experiments in the Buchenwald concentration camp between 19 and 25 November 1943. (NO-265, Pros. Ex. 287.) In order to ascertain the effectiveness of the drug R 17 and echinacine ointment and liquid for the treatment of phosphorus burns, five experimental persons were deliberately burned with ignited phosphorus which was taken from an incendiary bomb. The resulting burns were very severe, the victims suffered excruciating pain and permanent injury. The drugs to be tested were manufactured at the Dr. Madaus Works in Dresden-Radebeul. (Tr. pp. 1187-90.)
The report on these experiments (NO-579, Pros. Ex. 288) was forwarded by Ding to the defendants Poppendick and Mrugowsky. (Tr. pp. 1158, 1188.) The Research Department “V” (for Vonkennel) in Leipzig was also interested in these experiments. Correspondence by Ding with this department went through Poppendick. (Tr. pp. 1158, 1175, 1247, 1267.) Research Department “V” was a laboratory run by Sturmbannfuehrer Vonkennel, with funds and material furnished by Grawitz. (Poppendick 9, Poppendick Ex. 8; Tr. pp. 5589-5592.) Poppendick was the expert in Grawitz’ office responsible for the work of that laboratory. (Tr. p. 1267.) This testimony of Kogon is corroborated by letters from Vonkennel to Poppendick and Ding to Poppendick concerning typhus experiments. (NO-1182, Pros. Ex. 477; NO-1184, Pros. Ex. 476; NO-1185, Pros. Ex. 478.) The latter was actually typed by Kogon for Ding, as can be seen from the file notation.
c. Selection from the Argumentation of the Defense
EXTRACTS FROM THE CLOSING BRIEF FOR DEFENDANT POPPENDICK
Experiments with Incendiaries
Evaluation of Evidence
The prosecution questioned the witness Kogon about the dispatch of reports on experiments with incendiaries. He stated:
“The photos were placed opposite each other, mounted in an album, described in detail; the result sent in two copies to Berlin, one to Professor Mrugowsky, the other—here I am not quite sure—to Oberfuehrer Poppendick. I believe that Oberfuehrer Poppendick certainly received one report concerning this matter because Dr. Ding intended to publish a dissertation on this in a medical journal.”
The prosecution then referred in this connection, to the entry in the so-called Ding diary under 5 January 1944 (NO-265, Pros. Ex. 287):
“Records dispatched to the Reich Physician SS with the request that they be forwarded to the Dr. Madaus Works.”
The prosecution now thought they would be able to connect these two pieces of evidence with one another and wants to prove from this that Poppendick received a regular report, with photos, on experiments with incendiaries, and thus learned about criminal experiments with incendiaries in Buchenwald.
The defense first questioned the persons concerned in Leipzig, in the form of affidavits, about the previous history of the experiments with incendiaries—the affidavit of Dr. Koch from the Madaus Works (Mrugowsky 103, Mrugowsky Ex. 97), the affidavit of Kirchert (Poppendick 7, Poppendick Ex. 9), and the affidavit of von Woyrsch (Mrugowsky 115, Mrugowsky Ex. 108), all of these make similar reports on these events. Each one of these three witnesses, viewing this matter from different angles, was able to testify under oath that the correspondence between Dr. Ding and the firm of Madaus did not pass through Poppendick personally, and that the research section of Professor Vonkennel also had nothing to do with the whole matter as far as it took place in Leipzig, but that the connections were somewhat different in many respects from what might be concluded from the statement of Kogon.
For a person like Kogon, it was, of course, difficult to take in the connections as a whole, as he only occasionally received letters which had anything to do with the questions dealt with here. On the basis of letters still available, he can only draw certain retrospective conclusions today. Therefore, in the formulation of his statements, he exercises a certain caution, qualifying in advance things as they happened by remarks such as “I believe,” “certainly,” and so on. (See also testimony, Pohl trial, 22 April 1947;[71] Poppendick 21, Poppendick Ex. 20.) For these reasons the phrase “in this case I am not quite sure,” relating to Poppendick’s knowledge of illustrated reports on incendiaries, can only be taken as an indication of the fact that Kogon did not want Poppendick to be charged, through his sworn testimony, with the knowledge of these reports, with photographs concerning incendiaries. Poppendick has definitely declared that he would certainly have remembered such a report with photographs if he had received it. In this way then, the uncertain statement of Kogon is confronted by the definite statement of the defendant, who could not be accused of any unreliability in the course of his examination. The contention of the defendant is supported by the three above-mentioned affidavits which fully confirm this. Kogon then said, however: “A report, I think * * *”—then again with a certain limitation—“which Oberfuehrer Poppendick certainly received because Dr. Ding intended to publish a dissertation on this in a medical journal.”
Although this last statement was made with somewhat more emphasis, but still not with complete certainty, the following comment can be made on it:
It is certain that Kogon had access to the entire documentary evidence as introduced in this trial before making his statement. Without doubt he saw the manuscript of the Ding publication on typhus (NO-582, Pros. Ex. 286) with the stamp of approval “by order of Poppendick,” even if he did not see it while still in Buchenwald during his stay in the camp. From this he thought he could deduce that Poppendick must be the person responsible—in spite of the words “by order”—for the approval of scientific publications. Kogon knew from his work in Buchenwald that Ding meant to publish a pamphlet on the treatment of burns. He therefore took it for granted that the only way of getting official permission was via Poppendick, whereas actually Poppendick authorized these requests and signed them “by order of” in every case only when given special permission by Grawitz. Neither Kogon nor we know whether such a manuscript was ever actually sent in for publication. Even if it was actually sent in, it is not certain that Poppendick had to grant permission for its publication. If Poppendick actually authorized the publication of such a pamphlet “by order of”—a fact which cannot be proved—there is a 100 percent probability, taking the typhus manuscript (NO-582, Pros. Ex. 286) as an example, that in such a publication the question of artificially inflicting wounds on human bodies would not have been openly mentioned but would have been just as carefully veiled as was done in the manuscript concerning typhus treatment.
It is quite obvious, though, and even the prosecution will not dispute this, that Poppendick otherwise played no part whatever in the incendiary bomb experiments, and had no contact with the authorities responsible for them, such as the Madaus Works, Dr. Ding, etc., whereby he might have been informed of what was going on in Buchenwald also in regard to those incendiary bomb experiments.
d. Evidence
Prosecution Documents
Doc. No.Pros. Ex. No.Description of DocumentPage
NO-579288Extracts from a report on the findings of 2 January 1944, on a skin ointment—R 17—for phosphorus burns.644
NO-1080 A, E, F219 A, E, FExposures of the witness Maria Kusmierczuk who underwent sulfanilamide and bone experiments while an inmate of the Ravensbrueck concentration camp. (See Selections from the Photographic Evidence of the Prosecution.)901
NO-1082 A, C214 A, CExposures of the witness Jadwiga Dzido who underwent sulfanilamide and bone experiments while an inmate of the Ravensbrueck concentration camp. (See Selections from the Photographic Evidence of the Prosecution.)903
Defense Documents
Doc. No.Def. Ex. No.Description of Document
Mrugowsky 115Mrugowsky Ex. 108Extracts from the affidavit of Udo von Woyrsch, 3 May 1947, concerning experiments on combating injuries due to phosphorus incendiary bombs.647
Testimony
Extract from the testimony of prosecution witness Eugen Kogon648
Extract from the testimony of defendant Mrugowsky651
PARTIAL TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT NO-579
PROSECUTION EXHIBIT 288
EXTRACTS FROM A REPORT ON THE FINDINGS OF 2 JANUARY 1944, ON A SKIN OINTMENT—R 17—FOR PHOSPHORUS BURNS
EXPERIMENTS ON ANIMALS
EXPERIMENTS ON HUMAN BEINGS
I. Application of the phosphorus-caoutchouc mixture and immediate removal—
1. With R 17.
19 November. The mixture was dropped on a smooth spot of skin on the forearm and immediately thereafter wiped off with a tampon dipped in R 17. R 17 quickly dissolved the phosphorus and the caoutchouc. Subsequent checks showed a complete cessation of phosphorescence. The spot of skin showed an increased temperature until 14 December, as the testers ascertained by placing the backs of their hands against it.
2. With CuSO4.
19 November. The mixture, which had been applied to a smooth spot of skin on the forearm, was removed with a 2 percent solution of copper-sulphate. There appeared a blackish-brownish, strongly viscous mass with a metallic sheen which, when rubbed off, spread over the entire experimentation area. After an initial formation of black smoke (phosphorus fumes) and a strong glow, the phosphorescence, because of the formation of a copper-phosphate coating, ceased almost immediately. It seems to be possible that phosphorus, if it comes in contact with small skin wounds, is assimilated into the body by resorption. This spot of skin likewise showed an increase in temperature until 14 December.
3. With water.
19 November. It was always possible to remove the mixture from the skin by water. However, in this case pronounced phosphorescence lasting several minutes and phosphorus fumes were to be observed.
II. Lighting of the phosphorus-caoutchouc mixture and treatment:
1. With R 17.
a. Immediate ignition.
25 November. The mixture was applied to a skin area of 6 × 3 cm. and immediately ignited. After burning for 20 seconds, it was extinguished with water and then wiped off with R 17. A burn appeared, with a yellowish induration of the skin. Later a thin scab formed. After 3 days, the wound was treated with liquid echinacine. On 11 December the scab fell off; the surface of the wound was dry and rosy red. Epithelium formed very rapidly; on 21 December only 1/5 of the surface remained without epithelium. On 29 December this spot too was almost healed.
25 November. The mixture was applied to a skin area of the same size (6 × 3 cm.) and immediately ignited. It burned for 55 seconds until it went out by itself. The burned spot was wiped off with R 17. There appeared a yellowish-brown burn which exhibited a cavity at the proximal end and a blister at the distal end. An elastic scab formed. On the fourth day the wound was treated with echinacine ointment. Thereupon, on 3 December, the scab began to slough off; on 10 December the wound was dry and closed; on 13 December only the edge of the wound still showed a scab and the main part of the wound was covered with fine granulation. The wound continued to become smaller until 29 December without healing over.
b. Ignition after 30 seconds.
19 November. The mixture was applied to 2 sq. cm. of skin. After 30 seconds it was ignited and after burning for 40 seconds it was wiped off with R 17. A dry burn appeared. During the following days a small oedematous swelling developed. The wound was treated with liquid echinacine. Thereafter, the swelling subsided rapidly, so that on 1 December there remained a clear, dry wound without necrosis. Subsequently to this a broad zone of epithelization formed and by 29 December the wound had healed with the exception of 0.5 sq. cm. still lacking epithelium.
19 November. The mixture was again applied to 2 sq. cm. of skin, ignited after 30 seconds, but treated with R 17 only after burning 60 seconds. Here too a dry burn appeared, however with severe reddening and pain in the surrounding area. The wound formed a necrotic coating. On the third day it was treated with a 10 percent solution of cod-liver-oil ointment. On 19 December it was circumscribed and dry. A slow epithelization began. Later the wounded skin area became similar to the smooth surrounding area. On 29 December the wound had not yet healed over.
c. Application to a piece of cloth covering the skin.
25 November. The phosphorus-caoutchouc mixture, applied to a piece of cloth covering the skin was ignited. Sixty-seven seconds elapsed before it had burned itself out. The piece of cloth, except for a small remainder, was carbonized. After it was wiped off with R 17 there appeared on skin a burn with a central blister which later developed to a thin, elastic scab. After 3 days the wound was treated with echinacine ointment. Until 3 December cleaning of the wound took place; at this date it was dry, rosy red, and closed; a fine granulation covered it. Thereupon rapid epithelization began. On 29 December it was not yet healed over.
2. With CuSO4.
a. Immediate ignition.
25 November. The mixture was applied to a skin area of 6 × 3 cm., and immediately ignited. After burning 20 seconds it was extinguished with water, and then wiped off with copper-sulphate solution. During this operation the entire epidermis separated from the area of the wound. An oedematous swelling of the surrounding area, 12 × 13 cm. in extent and a thick scab formed. Treatment took place with liquid echinacine. On 7 December the necrosis began to slough off, and gradual epithelization took place. On 21 December one-third of the area of the wound was still without epithelium (cf. II/1/a/aa). On 29 December the wound was healed over.
25 November. The mixture was again applied to a skin area of 6 × 3 cm. and immediately ignited. After it had burned itself out in 60 seconds, the burned area was wiped off with copper-sulphate solution. A brownish-grey burn with thickening of the skin appeared. The thickening developed to a strong scab. It was treated with a 10-percent solution of cod-liver oil ointment. The surrounding area remained very red and painful. On 10 December a subcutaneous suppuration appeared at the edge of the wound. Consequently the treatment with cod-liver oil was replaced by liquid echinacine. On 13 December the scab separated from the greater part of the wound, but the surrounding area remained more inflamed than in the corresponding experiment with R 17 (cf. II/1/a/bb). The granulation was coarse and uneven. On 29 December the wound was not yet healed over; epithelization advanced only slowly.
b. Ignition after 30 seconds.
19 November. The phosphorus-caoutchouc mixture was applied to 2 sq. cm. of skin and left there for 30 seconds; then it was ignited and after burning for 60 seconds wiped off with copper-sulphate solution. A brownish-black viscous mass formed; the dry wound discolored to a blackish-grey. Thereupon a thick crust formed and a considerable oedematous swelling of the area surrounding the wound developed. Treatment took place with echinacine ointment. The swelling subsided more slowly than in the treatment with R 17 (cf. II/1/b/aa). On 5 December the wound was without necrosis, with a wide zone of epithelization. On 29 December it had healed over except for 1 sq. cm. lacking in epithelium (cf. II/1/bb/aa).
c. Application to a piece of cloth covering the skin.
25 November. The skin was covered with a piece of cloth 6 × 3 cm. to which the mixture was applied and then ignited. After it had burned itself out in 57 seconds there remained of the piece of cloth only small carbonized remnants. After being wiped off with copper-sulphate solution a yellowish, rather strong thickening of the skin appeared. The wound was treated with a 10-percent solution of cod-liver oil. A few days later little blisters appeared, which then dried up on 5 December. On 9 December, thickened, shred-like necroses began to peel off, and a dark red surface with rough, uneven granulations developed. The epithelization progressed only slowly. On 29 December the wound was not yet healed over.
3. With water.
19 November. The mixture was applied to a 2 sq. cm. of skin and ignited 30 seconds later. After 45 seconds the fire was extinguished with a damp cloth and the burned spot washed off with water. A burn of parchment-like, dry, greenish-brownish appearance appeared. The wound was treated with echinacine ointment. On 3 December it was clean, dry, and without necrosis. On 5 December the epithelization began, which then made rapid strides, so that on 23 December the wound, in contrast to the treatment with a 10-percent solution of cod-liver oil, was considerably smaller. On 29 December it was not yet healed over, but was only half as large as the wound treated with a 10-percent solution of cod-liver oil.
PARTIAL TRANSLATION OF MRUGOWSKY
DOCUMENT 115
MRUGOWSKY DEFENSE EXHIBIT 108
EXTRACTS FROM THE AFFIDAVIT OF UDO VON WOYRSCH, 3 MAY 1947, CONCERNING EXPERIMENTS ON COMBATING INJURIES DUE TO PHOSPHORUS INCENDIARY BOMBS
From 20 April 1940 to 12 February 1947 I was Higher SS and Police Leader in Military District IV and main district leader [Oberabschnittsfuehrer] in Dresden. In this capacity I was responsible for measures counteracting the damage caused by the air war. I knew Dr. Hans Madaus, co-partner of the firm Dr. Madaus & Co., in Dresden. He told me that experiments on the combating of injuries caused by phosphorus incendiary bombs were being carried on in his laboratory with rabbits. On the occasion of an inspection of the whole pharmaceutical lay-out of the firm, I inspected, at his suggestion, in particular numerous hothouses and also the above-mentioned experiments. As far as I remember I inspected the experiments once again at a later date—at that time I called in Dr. Kirchert as medical expert, who was the physician of the Higher SS and Police Leader.
The experiments seemed to me to be so successful that I reported about them to Reich Physician SS and Police Dr. Grawitz; that is, I called his attention to these experiments on the combating of injuries caused by phosphorus incendiary bombs, which in my opinion were particularly successful.
I do not remember Dr. Ding, who, as I have learned only now, is supposed to have carried on experiments in Buchenwald with the preparation of the Madaus firm. It is possible that when visiting Dresden he paid a brief visit to me with Kirchert. But I do not recall such a visit.
I want to emphasize that the experiments at the Madaus firm made a big impression upon me, because I saw that the rabbits used in those experiments were treated very well. The content of the phosphorus incendiary bombs which was rubbed onto their skins and then wiped off with preparation R 17 did not seem to cause any kind of pain to the animals, because after they were returned to their cage, immediately after the experiments, they immediately ate again and did not show any signs of discomfort.
Professor Dr. Joachim Mrugowsky is personally known to me. He was not mentioned in any way nor did he participate in the matter of incendiary bombs. Since I know him, I would certainly remember if he had participated in any way at all or if his name had been mentioned.
Dr. Helmut Poppendick has also never been mentioned in any way in connection with this matter.
EXTRACTS FROM THE TESTIMONY OF PROSECUTION WITNESS EUGEN KOGON[72]
DIRECT EXAMINATION
Mr. McHaney: Witness, I had just asked you whether or not you know anything about experiments conducted at Buchenwald with the phosphorous content of incendiary bombs.
Witness Kogon: * * * As far as I can recall, I was told by Dr. Ding in the spring of 1944 that he had been given orders by Professor Dr. Mrugowsky in collaboration with the firm of Madaus & Co. at Dresden-Radebeul to carry out experiments on human beings with regard to the effect of a drug against the contents of phosphorous-caoutchouc incendiary bombs. I had the impression that the idea for this experiment had come from Dr. Ding and had been given to Dr. Mrugowsky by him, and then he had obtained permission to carry out this experiment. On the part of the firm Madaus, negotiations were led by a certain Dr. Koch. He had a drug which he called R 17 and which was used by the German population after attacks in which incendiary bombs were dropped.
By way of Obersturmbannfuehrer Dr. Koch and the higher police leader of the Dresden sector, the contents of phosphorus incendiary bombs were sent to Buchenwald, and four experimental subjects from Block 46, who had survived other experiments, had this phosphorus liquid applied to their forearms. The whole mass was then ignited and was then treated in various manners. In the case of one experimental subject, water was used in order to wipe off the liquid, and in other cases a damp rag was applied, and in the last case R 17 was applied. Several experiments were carried out on these four subjects.
In one instance the drug R 17 was applied immediately after the mass had been ignited; in another instance, after approximately five minutes, and in yet another case, after thirty minutes. After the mass had burned the arm, serious burns developed which were observed for two weeks afterwards. The experiment was conducted by the Special Section 5 at Leipzig, and photographs were taken of the wounds. Previously experiments on animals had been carried out in Block 40 on rabbits. These experiments were conducted in the same manner, and the various results were also photographed, and the photographs were compared with each other. Then they were put into an album with exact descriptions and the results were sent to Berlin—two copies. One was sent to Professor Mrugowsky, and the other was sent to Oberfuehrer Poppendick, but I am not quite sure about that. I believe that Oberfuehrer Poppendick must surely have received a report on this matter because Dr. Ding intended to write an article about this in a German medical journal.
Q. Now, you have mentioned an album report. Did you see this report?
A. I personally made the report after having it dictated to me by Dr. Ding.
Q. I will ask you if the document which I will now have handed to you, and which is Document NO-579, is the report on these incendiary bomb experiments which you have described.
Mr. McHaney: I will ask that the original of this document be passed up to the Tribunal.
I didn’t hear any answer to the question.
A. Yes. It is a carbon copy of the report with the original photographs.
Mr. McHaney: I offer Document NO-579 as Prosecution Exhibit 288, and I will ask that the original be passed up to the Tribunal for inspection. I will ask that the Tribunal turn particularly to page 15 and following of the exhibit itself. Your Honor, I think you would find the pictures more easy to discern in the original document. Page 15 and following are pictures of burns on the arms of human beings. Witness, did you see any of the experimental subjects who were burned with this phosphorus?
Witness Kogon: I personally saw all the experimental subjects because this experiment was carried out in the private room of Dr. Ding in Block 50 and in the library of the Hygiene Institute in Block 50. The reason for this was that the experiment in Block 46 among the experimental subjects that were located there, and who were destined for other purposes, would have caused far too much excitement.
Q. Were these burns very severe?
A. As far as I can recall they were very severe in three out of the four cases.
Q. Did the experimental subjects suffer any pain?
A. Kapo Arthur Dietzsch had suggested that the subjects should be given an anesthetic as soon as they came into Block 50, so that violent scenes could be avoided, and in Block 50, which was completely different from Block 46, having persons handcuffed, as was the common practice in Block 46, was to be avoided. It was like that at least in the first experiment, but I only saw the subjects. I did not personally witness the experiments, and I saw the subjects before as well as afterwards. During the first experiment at least, the subjects were given an anesthetic, and after about half an hour they regained consciousness and complained of very severe pains. You could see that they were really suffering very badly. I must confess that I personally, after having looked at the photographs, almost became sick.
Q. Do you know whether the injuries which they received are permanent?
A. In the case of some of the wounds, it is completely impossible that they will ever become completely healed; very deep scars must have remained because the wounds were big and were as deep as two or two and a half centimeters.
Q. Do you know whether any of the experimental subjects died?
A. Four persons were returned to Block 46, and I do not know anything about the future fate which awaited them there. I especially do not know if they were used for further experiments.
Q. Do you know the nationality of the experimental persons used?
A. No. However, all four wore the green triangle to signify that they were habitual criminals, and they were Germans.
Q. And you state that the purpose of these experiments was to test certain chemical preparations of the Madaus Company in treating the burns.
A. Yes.
EXTRACT FROM THE TESTIMONY OF DEFENDANT MRUGOWSKY[73]
DIRECT EXAMINATION
Dr. Flemming: Now, I come to the incendiary bomb experiments. Dr. Kogon during his testimony frequently spoke of an experiment by Dr. Ding with a phosphorus-caoutchouc incendiary bomb, and he said that you ordered this experiment.
Defendant Mrugowsky: I did not know who ordered this experiment. I found out about it only from the report which was drawn up after the experiment had been terminated. This report has been put in evidence here as a document. From this it can be seen that animal experiments were also carried out. I assume that these were not performed in Block 46, but in Block 50, which was under my supervision. I went with the report to Grawitz and asked him if he knew any more about this matter. I asked him if I was correct in my assumption that some of the experiments took place in Block 50 and if so, to tell Dr. Ding in future to confine himself to his Block 46 in such matters, which was directly under Grawitz. Grawitz answered thereupon that it did not make any difference one way or the other, and I should not be so fussy. I also know that after a few weeks Ding was looking for this report and called me up and asked me if I had it. I no longer had it at that time as I had given it to Grawitz, and it was in his files where it belonged.
Q. Kogon also testified that the experimental subjects had suffered serious pain and had incurred wounds from 2 to 2.5 centimeters deep, which led to the formation of extensive scars. I show you now Document NO-579, Prosecution Exhibit 288 and ask you to comment on this document and Dr. Kogon’s testimony?
(The document is handed to the witness.)
A. The first part of this document deals with the rabbit experiments. In the second part, however, there are pictures of experiments on human beings. These pictures show the place on the arm where the experiment was made. Kogon said that this burning was done in such a way that the mass of phosphorus was burning for quite awhile. The document, however, proves exactly the contrary. The length of time during which the matter was burning was not long, but the period between the time when the mixture was applied and the time it was ignited was long; that is possibly the reason for this misunderstanding. Moreover in the description of the individual cases, it can be seen that already on 29 December, in other words four days after the experiment, the burn was almost healed, or had greatly reduced in size. In one case there was still an open wound of 0.5 centimeter but there is no mention anywhere of any deeper wounds, but only of purely superficial epidermal wounds. There is constant mention of the fact that the wounds healed over nicely and in some cases the wound was completely healed four days after the experiments. Wounds 2½ centimeters deep, or large scars could not have occurred and that testimony of Kogon is false. In this case let me point out that he was not speaking from his own knowledge. During the first discussion of these incendiary bomb experiments, he said he had seen the experimental subjects, and then in the same interrogation he later says this was not the case. In other words, he is reporting what he has heard and not what he knows at first hand.
Q. I am submitting to the Tribunal Mrugowsky 56, and it will be Mrugowsky Exhibit 50. I should like to read from page two:
“Treatment of phosphorus burns with ‘R 17.’
“The dropping of phosphorus incendiary bombs made it necessary to find an adequate method of treatment. As the copper-sulphate solution hitherto in use did not give satisfactory results, the firm of Dr. Madaus in Dresden looked for a different solvent and produced a liquid carbon tetrachloride which was called ‘R 17.’ The efficacy of R 17 had been proved by means of experiments on rabbits carried out by the firm of Dr. Madaus.
“After the completion of these rabbit tests, Dr. Madaus asked the Higher SS and Police Leader von Woyrsch, Dresden, to come and see the tests. As my emergency office was in the building of Gruppenfuehrer von Woyrsch, he asked me to accompany him to the firm of Madaus in my capacity as a doctor and to watch these tests. That was in the autumn of 1943. At the request of Gruppenfuehrer von Woyrsch and the firm of Madaus, I reported to the Reich Physician SS and Police the results achieved by the firm of Madaus in the treatment of phosphorus burns and suggested that the drug R 17 be made known to the air-raid precaution dispensaries. Grawitz promised to have another test made.
“Some time afterward he sent Dr. Ding to Dresden for this purpose in his capacity as health expert, and instructed me to make arrangements for Ding to see the results achieved there, by the firm of Madaus, with R 17. I arranged this. Ding came to Dresden and saw the above-mentioned tests in my presence, on the premises of the Madaus firm. Afterward he declared that, on the orders of the Reich Physician SS in Buchenwald, he would also test the efficacy of the drug on rabbits. He requested the firm of Madaus to put the drug R 17 at his disposal. Immediately after inspecting the firm of Madaus he left Dresden.
“I also know that Dr. Ding asked the office of the Higher SS and Police Leader to procure for him the filling of an English incendiary bomb, which as far as I know was done through the Commissioner of the Police of Leipzig. Dr. Ding had the drug R 17 and the incendiary bomb collected.
“I also know that Ding made a report on his experiments. I know this because Dr. Ding asked my office in Dresden several times, in writing and by telephone, if they had this report, as he could not find it. It was supposed to be a report with photographs. I do not know if the report went through my office, as I was in Dresden only one day a week. At the time when Ding was looking for the report it was not in my office. I assume, therefore, that he sent it direct to the firm of Madaus, as they were interested in the results of his test.
“When, after a considerable time, I still had not heard from the Reich Physician whether the drug R 17 was to be made known to the air-raid precaution dispensaries, I asked the Reich Physician about it at a meeting. He then declared that the drug would not be introduced, as it only possessed phosphorus-dissolving properties, but did not directly contribute to the healing of the burns. However, a drug was in preparation elsewhere that combined both qualities and this would be introduced.”
I submit further the last paragraph of Dr. Morgen’s affidavit. (Mrugowsky 23, Mrugowsky Ex. 26.) Dr. Morgen says here:
“While I was making observations in Block 46 I paid repeated surprise visits in order to inspect the running of the Block. Once, when I paid a surprise visit to Block 46, examinations on the treatment of wounds caused by phosphorus incendiaries were being carried out.
“As I arrived a big strong prisoner came into the room laughing. On each of his two upper arms there were applied on a space about 1 centimeter wide and 5 centimeters long, some parts of the contents of a phosphorus incendiary bomb. These spots on both upper arms were treated with various ointments. During the discussion with Dr. Ding I was informed that the experimental persons volunteered for the experiment. They received the diet for sick persons, a packet of cigarettes, and for one month they did not have to work. In the case of the inmate whose treatment I witnessed by chance, I had the definite impression that he was a volunteer.”
12. PHLEGMON EXPERIMENTS
a. Introduction
The prosecution introduced evidence calculated to show that inhumane acts and atrocities, as generally alleged in paragraph 6 of the indictment, were committed in the course of phlegmon experiments. These experiments were not specifically described in the subparagraphs of paragraph 6 of the indictment which particularized 12 specific types of experimentation. On this charge the defendants Poppendick, Oberheuser, and Fischer were acquitted.
The prosecution’s summation of the evidence on the phlegmon experiments is contained in its closing brief against the defendant Gebhardt. An extract from this brief is set forth below on pages 654 to 655. A corresponding summation of the evidence by the defense on these experiments has been selected from the final plea for defendant Gebhardt. It appears below on pages 655 to 657. This argumentation is followed by selections from the evidence on pages 657 to 669.
b. Selection from the Argumentation of the Prosecution
EXTRACT FROM THE CLOSING BRIEF AGAINST DEFENDANT GEBHARDT
Sepsis (Phlegmon) Experiments
Sepsis experiments were performed in the Dachau concentration camp beginning in the autumn of 1942. These experiments were carried out in order to test the effectiveness of biochemical treatment of sepsis and related diseases.
The witness Stoehr testified concerning these experiments. He stated that sepsis was artificially provoked by infecting with pus the concentration camp inmates who were used as subjects. (Tr. pp. 578, 579.) He knew of at least two series of experiments. In each of these series approximately half of the experimental inmates were treated by biochemical means and the other half with sulfanilamide. The first series consisted of 20 German concentration camp inmates of whom seven died as a result. For the second series, 40 clergymen of various nationalities were selected and 12 died as a result of the experiments. (Tr. pp. 581, 582.) The experimental subjects did not volunteer. (Tr. p. 590.) See also the Review of Proceedings of the General Military Court in the case of the United States vs. Weiss, et al. (NO-856, Pros. Ex. 125.)
It is quite clear that the biochemical experiments performed in Dachau were complementary to the sulfanilamide experiments by Gebhardt in Ravensbrueck. This is shown by the fact that in September 1942, while the sulfanilamide experiments were still in progress, Gebhardt received a copy of a report on the biochemical experiments in Dachau from Grawitz. (NO-409, Pros. Ex. 249.) This report shows on its face that approximately eight cases of sepsis were artificially provoked. The report dealt with the results obtained from experiments carried out on 40 concentration camp inmates in treating sepsis, phlegmon, furuncles, abcesses, and nephrosis, among others.
Ten of the experimental subjects died. The report also covered three sepsis cases in Auschwitz, all of whom died. It concluded with the statement that the experiments were being continued.
The case history of one of the experimental subjects artificially infected with pus in November 1942 shows the horrible pain which these victims suffered. (NO-994, Pros. Ex. 251.)
That the defendants Gebhardt and Fischer had more than a casual connection with the sepsis experiments in Dachau is proved by a handwritten notation by Gebhardt on a letter written by Grawitz to Himmler on 7 September 1942, attaching copies of the preliminary report by Gebhardt on his sulfanilamide experiments, together with the report on the sepsis experiments in Dachau. (NO-2734, Pros. Ex. 473.) This note reads as follows:
“16 September 1942. Settled, after conversation with Reich Leader SS. Obersturmfuehrer F. Fischer has been given new instructions for Ravensbrueck and Dachau. Gebhardt.” [Emphasis supplied.]
c. Selection from the Argumentation of the Defense
EXTRACT FROM THE FINAL PLEA FOR DEFENDANT GEBHARDT[74]
Phlegmon Experiments
In the course of the hearing of the evidence, the prosecution submitted documents and interrogated witnesses with the intention of proving that apart from other medical experiments, experiments were also carried out on the treatment of phlegmon. In the indictment itself these experiments, which were carried out at Dachau, are not mentioned. In view of Article IV of the Ordinance of Military Government for Germany, which expressly states that the indictment should list the counts in sufficient detail, it must be assumed that in this case a properly made charge does not exist.
As far as the participation of the defendant Gebhardt is concerned, the documents submitted by the prosecution show by themselves that he had nothing to do with the execution of these experiments. It was only later that he learned of the experiments carried out at Dachau, as unequivocally proved by the letter of Reich Physician SS Dr. Grawitz to Reich Leader SS Himmler of 29 August 1942, referring to the biochemical treatment of sepsis, which was submitted by the prosecution as NO-409, Prosecution Exhibit 249. The defendant Gebhardt learned of these experiments on 3 September 1942, on the occasion of the visit of Reich Physician SS Dr. Grawitz to Ravensbrueck in connection with the sulfanilamide experiments in this camp. The defendant Gebhardt wrote on the margin of this document the remark “seen and read”. This remark alone shows that he could only have learned subsequently of these experiments, and especially that he did not approve of them. If it had been the contrary, he certainly would have made some other notation on the document, as for instance, “agreed”, or else he would have shown his approval in a similar way. On the witness stand the defendant Gebhardt explained in detail to the Tribunal what his opinion of these experiments was. These experiments demonstrate unequivocally that they were deliberately initiated in ignorance of, and in contradiction to, the recognized rules of orthodox medicine. As also demonstrated by the evidence the Reich Leader SS Himmler did not conform to orthodox medicine but wanted to promote independently one patent solution out of a variety of suggestions and opinions. Nearest to his conception, beside his inclination towards theories of biological selection, were biochemistry, homeopathy, and mesmerism, i. e., those schools of medicine which, contrary to the theories of orthodox medicine do not combat certain symptoms of a disease but by means of the so-called stimulation theory want to bring about a change of the general physical disposition. The defendant Gebhardt, when on the witness stand, clearly explained this attitude of Himmler, which among other things resulted in rejection of any criticism by orthodox medicine, relying exclusively on his biochemical experts.
The evidence, however, has further shown that after having learned of the letter of Reich Physician SS Grawitz of 29 August 1942 (NO-409, Pros. Ex. 249) and with the object of convincing Himmler of the futility of these experiments, the defendant Gebhardt himself performed experiments on patients with these biochemical remedies in his clinic at Hohenlychen, and that he succeeded in convincing Himmler of the inefficacy of these remedies. In this connection I refer to the statements of the defendant Gebhardt himself and to the affidavits of Dr. Jaedicke and Dr. Brunner, which I submitted to the Tribunal.
When examining the legal conclusions which can be drawn from the facts presented above, we may arrive at the following results:
The defendant Gebhardt did not commit any act which had any causative connection with these experiments. He learned about these experiments only after the event, and then he did everything in his power to prevent further experiments of this kind. The prosecution was not able to produce evidence that such experiments had been carried out at all after 3 September 1942. All this proves that in view of the missing causal connection and absence of premeditation there cannot be any question of criminal action on the part of the defendant Gebhardt. It is acknowledged in the criminal law of all civilized nations that knowledge acquired after events is not sufficient to prove the existence of a criminal action.
d. Evidence
Prosecution Documents
Doc. No.Pros. Ex.Description of DocumentPage
No.
NO-409249Report from Grawitz to Himmler, 29 August 1942, concerning experiments with biochemical remedies conducted at the Dachau and Auschwitz concentration camps.657
NO-2734473Extracts of letter from Grawitz to Himmler, 7 September 1942, and report on gas gangrene experiments.660
Testimony
Extract from the testimony of prosecution witness Heinrich W. Stoehr664
Extract from the testimony of defendant Gebhardt667
TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT NO-409
PROSECUTION EXHIBIT 249
REPORT FROM GRAWITZ TO HIMMLER, 29 AUGUST 1942, CONCERNING EXPERIMENTS WITH BIOCHEMICAL REMEDIES CONDUCTED AT THE DACHAU AND AUSCHWITZ CONCENTRATION CAMPS
The Reich Leader SSBerlin W 15, 29 August 1942
Reich Physician SS and PoliceKnesebeckstr. 50/51
Telephone: 924249.924351.924373. [Stamp]
924406Personal Staff
Az.: 738/IV/42Reich Leader SS
G 213
Subject:Biochemical treatment of sepsis, etc., with biochemical remedies.
To the Reich Leader SS H. Himmler
Berlin SW 11 Prinz Albrechtstrasse 8
Reich Leader,
With regard to previous results of biochemical treatment of sepsis and other cases of illness, I beg to submit the following provisional report.
1. The following 40 cases were treated with biochemical remedies in the SS hospital Dachau in the time mentioned in the report. Besides septic processes, such diseases were treated where a decisive change for the better should be achieved by means of biochemistry.
Phlegmonous-purulent processes17
Sepsis8
Furuncles and abscesses2
Infected operational incisions1
Malaria5
Pleural empyema3
Septic endocarditis1
Nephrosis1
Chronic sciatica1
Gall stones1
According to the indications of the biochemistry applied to the different cases, we used the following remedies:
Potassium phosphoricumD6
Ferrum phosphoricumD6 and D12
SiliceaD6
Sodium muraticumD6
Calcium phosphoricumD6
Sodium sulfuricumD6
Magnesium phosphoricumD6
Sodium phosphoricumD6
Calcium fluoratumD6
The cases of sepsis were mostly artificially provoked.
Up to now we found that the unfavorable course of the severe cases could scarcely be stopped by means of biochemical remedies. All sepsis cases died. The malaria cases were not influenced by it.
The cases of extended purulent processes, with development of abscesses, the pleuralempyeata, the septic endocarditis, the nephrosis, the chronic sciatica and the gall stones showed no definite influence from biochemical treatment. Insofar as they were conducted with positive results, they did not show a different result from the ones where, according to medical experience, patients were restricted to staying in bed without receiving any special treatment.
The impression of a favorable effect on morbid cases of sickness by biochemical means proved to be satisfactory in five cases only, four of which were comparatively slight. The fifth case involved a 17-day-old child with severe furunculosis. In this case an improvement set in only a few days after treatment had been applied. However, an error occurred in the experimental procedure, for at the beginning of the treatment a sulfanilamide preparation was used.
The strong formation of pus, clearly noticeable in a few cases, is perhaps due to the biochemical remedies applied. The doses of sugar, which were frequently given and mainly consisted of pure milk sugar in the form of biochemical tablets, probably promoted the effect.
Experiments for orientation are to be made. In a case of a joint mould the antiseptic potassium phosphoricum D 6 was given as a prophylactic because the incision of the operation was greatly endangered by infection. In spite of that, the temperature rose to 39° on the following day. Consequently, the biochemical treatment could not prevent appearance or breaking-out of an infection, although potassium phosphoricum D 6 was given immediately and intensively.
It is also to be noted that very soon all the seriously ill cases flatly refused to take biochemical tablets, because it meant torture to them to take the tablets every 5 minutes, even at night.
Finally it must be said that from a total number of 40 cases there are 1 positive case and 4 positive cases with certain reservations, against 35 failures, of which 10 ended fatally.
The experiments in Dachau are being continued.
Besides the hitherto existing program, special attention is directed to research of twin cases in similar conditions, of which one will receive an allopathical, the second a biochemical treatment.
[Marginal note.] Seen at Ravensbrueck 3-9-1942, [Signature] K. Gebhardt
2. In the concentration camp of Auschwitz, three typical cases of sepsis, which developed from phlegmons, were treated—according to prescription—with potassium phosphoricum D 4. In none of these cases a therapeutical influence on the progress of the disease could be observed. All 3 cases ended fatally.
The experiments are being continued.
[Signature] Grawitz
TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT NO-2734
PROSECUTION EXHIBIT 473
EXTRACTS OF LETTER FROM GRAWITZ TO HIMMLER, 7 SEPTEMBER 1942, AND REPORT ON GAS GANGRENE EXPERIMENTS
The Reich Leader SSBerlin, W 15, 7 September 1942
Reichsarzt SS and PoliceKnesebeckstrasse 50/51
Telephone: 924249. 924351.[Rubber stamp]
924373. 924406(Personal Staff Reich Leader SS
File No. 748/IV/42Archives)
(File No. AR/31/13)
[Signature] Gebhardt
Subject:1. Experiments by SS Brigadefuehrer Gebhardt on the Combating of Gas Gangrene.
2. Experiments on the Treatment of Sepsis by Biochemistry.
Enclosures: -2-X
To the Reich Leader SS H. Himmler
Berlin
Reich Leader:
Attached please find a provisional report by SS Brigadefuehrer Professor Dr. Gebhardt on his clinical-surgical experiments at Ravensbrueck concentration camp, furthermore a concluding provisional report on experiments on the biochemical treatment of sepsis as performed at Dachau concentration camp.
[Signature] Grawitz
[Rubber stamp]}[Handwritten]
}16 September 1942
Personal Staff RF-SS Enclosures}Settled, after conversation with
In: 9 September 1942} RF-SS. Obersturmfuehrer F.
Journal No. AR/40/7/42 2} Fischer has been given new
? RF} instructions for Ravensbrueck
} and Dachau.
[Signature] Gebhardt
Copy!
[Rubber stamp]
(Personal Staff Reich Leader SS Archives)
(File No. AR/31/13)
Professor Dr. K. Gebhardt
SS Brigadefuehrer and Brigadier General of the Waffen SS
To the Reichsarzt SS Gruppenfuehrer Grawitz
Provisional Report on Clinical Experiments at Ravensbrueck Concentration Camp for Women
By order of the Reich Leader SS, I started on 20 July 1942 at Ravensbrueck concentration camp for women on a series of clinical experiments with the aim of analyzing the sickness known as gas gangrene, which does not take a uniform course, and of testing the efficacy of the known therapeutic medicaments.
In addition, the simple infections of injuries which occur as symptoms of war surgery had also to be tested, and a new chemo-therapeutic treatment apart from the known surgical measures had to be tried out.
I appointed SS Obersturmfuehrer Dr. Fischer as co-worker. SS Oberfuehrer Dr. Blumenrent put the complete surgical instruments and medicaments at my disposal. SS Standartenfuehrer Mrugowsky put his laboratory and co-workers at my disposal.
SS Obersturmbannfuehrer Dr. Lolling, Chief of Office IIID at Oranienburg, assigned as co-workers: SS Obersturmfuehrer Dr. Schiedlausky, garrison-physician at Ravensbrueck concentration camp for women, and Fraeulein Dr. Oberheuser, camp physician at Ravensbrueck concentration camp for women.
The question was to define firstly, by way of a preliminary experiment, the mode of infection, making use of the known results from experiments upon animals. In these questions I was advised by SS leaders of the Hygienic Institute of the Waffen SS who had taken over the culture and dosage of the inoculation material.
The point was to implant the lymph cultures on the damaged muscle tissue, to isolate the latter from atmospheric and humoral oxygen supply, and to subject it to internal tissue pressure. The inoculation procedure was as follows: a longitudinal cut of 10 centimeters over the musculus peroneus longus; after incision into the fascia the muscle was tied up with the forceps in an area the size of a five mark piece; an anaemic peripheral zone was created by injection of 3 cc. adrenalin and in the area of the damaged muscle the inoculation material (a gauze strip saturated with bacterii) was imbedded under the fascia, subcutaneous adipose tissue, and skin sutured in layers.
In the first series of experiments (preliminary experiments), three selected prisoners of as much the same constitution as possible were used. They were inoculated as follows:
The first: Aerobic mixculture (staphylococci, streptococci, bact. comm. try. a 5 Mil).
The second: Para Oedema Malignum, sarc, flav. 4.5 mg.
The third: Bact. Fraenkel and earth. Stimulus 4.5 mg.
The experiment was concluded after 10 days. After an initial local swelling in the inoculation area and an increase in temperature up to 39 degrees, the inflammation died down, the wound having broken open on the fourth day. There was no danger to the life of any of the prisoners. We succeeded in producing locally the symptoms of gas gangrene in the third prisoner. After 20 days the prisoners were released again to their working blocks.
The course of the preliminary series of experiments had proved that we were not successful in producing the same symptoms as of clinical gas gangrene. In a conference with the Hygiene Institute of the Waffen SS the nature of the infection and the conditions for the germs were not considered to be equivalent to the natural conditions in war surgery and consequently the experimental arrangements were varied.
Bacterium coli were added to the acrobe culture and the germ number was increased to 20 millions. Bacterium coli and dextrose were added to the mixture of para oedema malignum.
Bacterium coli were added to the gas gangrene culture by Fraenkel, and while doubling the number of germs, earth was administered to produce a similar environment. Six selected youthful prisoners were inoculated two by two with the above mixture of bacteria in the subsequent first experimental series. One of them remained untreated for control purposes, the other one was powdered with cataxyn wound powder immediately after the inoculation. The first change of dressing took place 3 days afterwards, the following each second day. Those who remained without treatment were covered with sterile layers, those treated with cataxyn (indicated in the graphs as TK-cases) were continuously powdered with cataxyn. The aerobe cultures in both cases showed local abscesses which could be easily treated surgically.
The para oedema malignum inoculation produced a local inflammation with central suppuration, small formation of necrosis in the depth and moderate emphysem of the skin. The regional lymphatic glands were not affected.
Those prisoners who were infected with Fraenkel’s gas gangrene, and who immediately received tetanus-antitoxin for the administered earth, produced by far the strongest inflammatory reaction: abscesses with deep necrosis in the area of the inoculation, emphysem of the skin with formation of blisters, and beginning necrosis collateral oedema extending from above the joint of the knee to the lower third of the thigh as far as the back of the foot. The inflammatory appearances receded considerably after the opening of the injury on the first dressing day. The effect of the opening of the wound was particularly significant in the TK-cases which started inflammations in spite of simultaneous therapy. Greater pressure of the tissue due to oxygen, liberated by the medicament, was considered to be the reason for the accentuated local inflammation.
Comparing nontreated cases with the TK-cases, the final critical observation shows:
1. Immediate therapy does not prevent the occurrence either of an ordinary suppuration or of a “gangrene”.
2. The cleaning of the wound is faster in TK-cases than in control cases.
3. The formation of fresh wound granulations occurs earlier with cataxyn.
4. The part played by the paranchymatic organs (liver, kidneys) is less important under the influence of cataxyn.
Since in this experiment too definite gangrene could be produced clinically speaking, yet its picture did not in any way correspond to the one known in war surgery; after further consultation with the collaborators in the Hygiene Institute of the Waffen SS, the vaccine was changed by adding wood shavings. It is known in bacteriological literature that the virulence of the bacteria in the experimental animal can thereby be considerably increased.
The triple distribution was reserved for the second series of experiments now in progress. Three prisoners in each group were inoculated. One person was left without treatment as control, the second was treated with cataxyn as before, and with the third the Marfanilprontalbin powder manufactured by I. G. Farben was employed, since this was strongly recommended by the Army Medical Inspectorate. The powder was applied according to the Schmick procedure. This experiment is still in progress.
Even if as yet nothing definite can be said about this series of experiments it can already be stated that—
1. there is no decisive difference between cases which are treated and those which are not treated,
2. that opening the wound, in addition to immobilization, has proved the most effective means of controlling the inflammation,
3. the effect of the MP powder seems at least doubtful, since in the III TM case the most definite gangrene observed up to now has developed.
We are now investigating the problem as to why the gangrene in the present case did not fully develop. Therefore, the injuring of the tissue and the exclusion of a muscle from the circulation of the blood were undertaken during a separate operating session, and the large-scale necrosis resulting therefrom was to be inoculated with bacteria strain which had already had one human passage. For it is only when the really definite clinical picture of the gangrene has appeared that conclusions may be drawn on therapy with chemo-therapeutics in connection with surgical operations.
[Signature] Gebhardt
SS Brigadefuehrer
Copy certified correct
Berlin, 7 September 1942
[Signature] Poppendick
SS Obersturmbannfuehrer
EXTRACT FROM THE TESTIMONY OF PROSECUTION WITNESS HEINRICH W. STOEHR[75]
DIRECT EXAMINATION
Mr. Hardy: Witness, did you ever hear of the sepsis or phlegmon experiments at the Dachau concentration camp?
Witness Stoehr: Yes, these experiments were conducted at my station.
Q. How did you gain your knowledge of these phlegmon experiments? Were you an observer? Were you an assisting nurse, or by what way did you gain the knowledge you have of these phlegmon experiments?
A. I was the nurse at that station. One day, I think it was in the late summer and fall of 1943, a certain Sturmbannfuehrer Schuetz came to me, with a Standartenfuehrer by the name of Laue or Lauer—I am not quite sure which—and inspected the surgical department. He was shown a number of patients. We had to take their bandages off, and he examined their wounds—or rather, he just looked at them very superficially. After that, the chief physician of the concentration camp Dachau, Dr. Walda, was called in, and he received the order to see to it that the patients received biochemical treatment for some time.
Q. Witness, will you kindly explain to the Tribunal in what manner these phlegmon experiments were conducted; that is, the details of the experiments? What did they do to the victim?
A. Mainly, phlegmon was treated. It was very general in the camp. That is to say, phlegmon was the typical camp disease. The biochemical treatment was carried out in the following manner:
Three similar cases were observed. One of these cases was given allopathic treatment; another biochemical, and the third one received only ordinary surgical treatment. That is, the third one received no drugs whatsoever, and the wound was treated in an ordinary way with bandages and so on. These were the directives of the physicians who were there. We saw on many occasions that the patient was cured much faster who received no drugs or injections.
Experiments of that kind were conducted for many weeks, and if I may as a layman make a judgment, I must say that the physicians, according to my observations, were not satisfied with these experiments.
In addition, I have to emphasize that not only wounds were treated according to these methods, but internal diseases, too. They tried to find out whether biochemical treatment was suitable for treating the thirst for water, which was so frequent in the camp. We saw that the biochemical drugs had no influence whatsoever as to the cause of this illness.
I emphasize that I am speaking as a layman and that all these are my observations.
During the fall, this Sturmbannfuehrer Dr. Schuetz told the camp doctor, who was named Babo, to infect a number of people with pus. We nurses were told nothing about that, and we did not know the purpose. These experiments were conducted on a group of men, and they extended over a period of approximately six to seven weeks.
First a group of Germans were infected with pus. We nurses had no idea of the cause of the illness, and we gave the patients the drugs that were ordered by the physicians. I emphasize again that half of these people received allopathic and the other half biochemical treatment. As nurses, we could observe the following facts:
The patients who received allopathic treatment were cured much quicker, that is, if they had any power of resistance to their illness, but the patients who had to take those pathological tablets, if I remember correctly, died with the exception of one person. There were approximately 20 persons who, at that time, were infected. The second group consisted of 40 clergymen of all nationalities and brothers of religious fraternities. These patients were selected from the block where the clergymen were housed. They were selected by the Chief Physician Dr. Walda and were sent to the operational room of the concentration camp Dachau. They were operated on by Dr. Schuetz and Dr. Kieselwetter [Kieselwecker (?)] I think that was his name—and these experiments were conducted on them. A number of nurses, and also the personnel of the operating room, and I myself, saw how the injections were made. We were standing in the anteroom of the operating room.
Q. Witness, will you explain to the Tribunal what the word “phlegmon” means?
A. Phlegmon, as far as a layman can answer that question—means an inflammation of the tissues, and in the camp of Dachau phlegmons were very numerous because the people there were mostly sent to the hospital too late. Typical camp phlegmons, as far as I know, are caused by germs. Persons got phlegmons who suffered from lack of water.
Q. Witness, did you say that inmates were used for experiments in which they were injected with pus?
A. Yes.
Q. Did you see these injections of pus being administered?
A. Yes.
Q. How were the inmates to be used for these experiments selected?
A. I didn’t understand your question.
Q. In what manner did they select the inmates to be used for these experiments which dealt with the injection of pus? In other words, how were they selected? What type of prisoners? What were their nationalities, etc.?
A. They were 40 persons coming from the so-called clergymen block.
Q. Were these inmates used for these experiments with injection of pus healthy inmates?
A. Completely healthy and strong men.
Q. You have told us that they had one group, the first group, of ten Germans. How many died in that group?
A. I believe that the first group consisted of ten people of whom, as far as I remember, seven died.
Q. Now, you have told us of a second group of 40 clergymen. How many died in that group?
A. I have seen a list of the survivors, and according to that list, 12 clergymen, or rather brothers, must have died.
Q. Were any prisoners of war used in these experiments?
A. I don’t know whether they were prisoners of war or not. We could not tell the difference in the camp of Dachau, whether they were prisoners of war or not; at least I could not.
Q. Were the victims used in these experiments treated by medical doctors after they had been injected with pus?
A. The operation was done by physicians.
Q. Well, after they had been infected with pus what kind of treatment was given to them?
A. After the injection, Sturmbannfuehrer Schuetz gave instructions to the nurses that one-half of them should receive allopathic and the other half biological treatment. I emphasize that the group which received allopathic treatment had special drugs, the so-called sulfanilamide drugs. We had the impression that the physicians wanted to prove that the biological drugs were not suitable to cure such a severe disease.
Q. Then you say, Witness, that 50 percent were treated with sulfanilamide and the other 50 percent with biological medicants?
A. Yes.
Q. Now, after these injections with pus, did abscesses develop on the inmate?
A. The greater part of those who were treated biologically, or rather, all of them, developed abscesses and very deep abscesses. Some of the persons who received allopathic and prophylactic treatment with sulfanilamide had no abscesses.
Q. Did the inmates who endured this treatment suffer pain?
A. Yes.
Q. Severe pain?
A. As far as I know, the pain was very severe.
EXTRACT FROM THE TESTIMONY OF DEFENDANT GEBHARDT[76]
DIRECT EXAMINATION
Dr. Seidl: The next document which I intend to submit to the witness is NO-409 which has been submitted by the prosecution as Exhibit 249. It is a letter from Reich Physician SS Dr. Grawitz to the Reich Leader SS Himmler dated 29 August 1942. It refers to the biochemical treatment of sepsis. This document came to your knowledge, didn’t it? And this is shown by a comment you wrote: “Seen at Ravensbrueck on 3 September 1942. (Signed) Karl Gebhardt.” Did you know beforehand about the performance of these experiments and did you agree with them?
Defendant Gebhardt: I did not have any previous knowledge of these experiments, and with regard to this document may I state somewhat more in detail what it shows? This is a letter to Himmler, dated the end of August, and signed by Grawitz. It was never mentioned that I was to receive this letter or that this letter was to be routed through me. It does not have any note from me to the effect that I countersigned it, or was in agreement with it, in this form. It was also not discussed in Berlin or Hohenlychen or in the headquarters, but in Ravensbrueck, and, in particular, on 3 September when this discussion took place between Grawitz and me, because of the second group of our sulfanilamide experiments. Grawitz, who at that time came in order to show us that he was not in agreement, as far as I can recall, brought this letter and this description along from Dachau. We then discussed it in detail, because on my part there were many reasons for raising the sharpest protest against it. And, may I point out how much can be seen from this document about how Grawitz planned to publish experiments or to describe them, in contrast to my procedure at the time. Under point (1) it states, “SS Hospital, Dachau” and it actually looks in general as though this were a hospital report. And most of the case histories also speak in favor of that, too. For example, the reference on page 3 to a joint plastic, certainly is a big operation which can only be performed in a hospital. On the following page there is “artificially induced sepsis.” On the second page, “the cases of sepsis were mainly artificially induced.” Then on the other side it is stated that in the fatalities there is no mention of the 8 cases of sepsis that were artificially induced, but of 10. I proved to Grawitz, especially on this page, that the description he wanted to make of a camouflaged mixture of experiments and clinical results might later on be read by somebody superficially, and he would come to the word “artificially induced” and would not be able to decide. Then there was a fundamental point with regard to all persons concerned. This was the impracticability of performing an experiment in this establishment. Then on page 3 it states that the drugs were to be taken every five minutes, even at night. At the time I didn’t even think of giving the report to Grawitz, after I had found out about it by chance. I wrote “read” in the margin and drew a logical conclusion with regard to Himmler and Grawitz. In this connection I not only concluded Grawitz’ influence on our experiments, but I also asked Himmler how these biochemical experiments were brought about. I request permission of the Tribunal to permit me here to describe what Himmler thought with regard to such experiments, and to show, therefore, how impossible it was in certain cases, in spite of obtaining knowledge, to effect any change. For a person who has studied school medicine it is impossible to believe that through the homeopathic administration of sulphur and phosphorus, surgical case histories, as well as internal case histories, and metabolistic diseases can be influenced. However, in medicine one can, of course, take a completely different point of view, and that is the basic conception of biochemistry up to homeopathy, to which Himmler completely adhered. And here in two sentences we have described how all the elements which appear in nature also have traces in the human body. Now, if one small trace of an element is lacking, then the human being is susceptible to and suffering from some disease or other. The therapy and method of treatment by the biochemist is the exact contrast of medicine as practiced by a person who has studied it at school. They make test experiments on human beings and discover what element is lacking in that human being, and no matter from what disease he is suffering, the patient is treated with minimum doses of the element which he lacks. Never in the world has it been possible for a typical school practitioner and a biochemist to agree, because they want to treat the human being completely in contrast to each other. From this example you can see now that when I went to Himmler and said that it was madness for not only an experiment to be performed on out-patients, but that also simultaneously ten or twelve different cases should be treated with the same medicine, when I told Himmler this, he said that he had one of the most experienced biochemists, and a layman, Herr Laue with him, and that he was absolutely convinced that this method of treatment was correct. Himmler always attempted to discover old-fashioned popular remedies. In spite of my objection and in spite of my proof that my own surgical patients would suffer from it, these experiments were performed until I succeeded in bringing this Dr. Laue and Dr. Kieselwecker from Marburg (who enjoyed Himmler’s complete confidence on this question) to Hohenlychen. There we performed a similar experiment together on my patients in order to show that this method of treatment was impossible. But even in this way I was not able to achieve my purpose with Himmler, because afterwards it was said we had not applied the drugs properly, and so on. Therefore, one can conclude from this that it was not the case that Himmler adhered to one certain medical concept, and if one accidentally heard of an experiment, one could convince him. Himmler maintained a hostile attitude toward school medicine, and from nature cures to biochemistry he was accessible to every thought, and when Laue convinced him of the fact that this drug was of decisive importance, then the experiment was performed. May I state in this connection, that the knowledge of this document had the following three results with me: that Grawitz, who was ready to make compromises as is shown here, did not allow anyone to tell him anything at all about the sulfanilamide question; that I gave Himmler clear knowledge of the false idea without being able to convince him because of his favorable attitude toward biochemistry; and that the experiment would perhaps be discontinued, mainly on account of subsequent examinations at Hohenlychen. I shall give evidence of this as soon as I receive the appropriate testimony of witnesses.
13. POLYGAL EXPERIMENTS
a. Introduction
The prosecution introduced evidence calculated to show that inhumane acts and atrocities, as generally alleged in paragraph 6 of the indictment, were committed in the course of polygal experiments. These experiments were not specifically described in the subparagraphs of paragraph 6 of the indictment which particularized 12 specific types of experimentation. On this charge the defendants Handloser, Blome, and Poppendick were acquitted and only the defendant Sievers was convicted.
The prosecution’s summation of the evidence on the polygal experiments is contained in its closing brief against the defendant Blome. An extract from this brief is set forth below on pages 670 to 672. A corresponding summation of the evidence by the defense on these experiments has been selected from the closing brief for the defendant Blome. It appears below on pages 672 to 675. This argumentation is followed by selections from the evidence on pages 675 to 683.
b. Selection from the Argumentation of the Prosecution
EXTRACT FROM THE CLOSING BRIEF AGAINST DEFENDANT BLOME
In order to test the effectiveness of a blood coagulant “polygal,” Rascher carried out experiments in which inmates of the Dachau concentration camp were shot. Rascher’s uncle, in his affidavit, describes the murderous experiments which were carried out by his nephew. In August 1943, he visited Rascher in Dachau and, while Rascher was away from his office, he saw a report which he describes as follows:
“It refers to a report about the shooting (execution) of four people for the purpose of experimenting with the hemostatic preparation ‘Polygal 10.’ As far as I remember they were a Russian Commissar and a cretin, I do not remember who the other two were. The Russian was shot in the right shoulder from above by an SS man who stood on a chair. The bullet emerged near the spleen. It was described how the Russian twitched convulsively, then sat down on a chair and died after about 20 minutes. In the dissection protocol the rupture of the pulmonary vessels and the aorta was described. It was further described that the ruptures were tamponed by hard blood clots. That could have been the only explanation for the comparatively long span of life after the shot.” (NO-1424, Pros. Ex. 462.)
This evidence is corroborated by the testimony of the witness Stoehr (Tr. p. 587) and the affidavit of Pohl (NO-065, Pros. Ex. 221). Even the defendant Gebhardt admitted, during his testimony, that he knew that Rascher had carried out blood coagulation experiments on concentration camp inmates who had been shot for the purpose. (Tr. pp. 4240-1.)
The evidence proves that Blome collaborated with Rascher in the polygal research. This collaboration began at least as early as the middle of 1943 in connection with cancer research. (NO-473, Pros. Ex. 237; see also NO-538, Pros. Ex. 122, entries for 18 February, 7 April, 14 April, and 26 June 1943.) The defendant Sievers stated in his affidavit that: “Blome also had full knowledge of the blood coagulation experiments at Dachau. He received reports from Rascher and should have a complete knowledge of these matters.” (NO-473, Pros. Ex. 237.) Blome admitted that Rascher had been commissioned by Himmler to work with him in the field of blood coagulation. (Tr. p. 4642.) One of the collaborators of Rascher in the polygal research was an inmate of the Dachau concentration camp by the name of Robert Feix. By letter of 15 September 1943, Rascher requested Sievers to approach Blome, so that the latter might arrange for the release of Feix and for his reinstatement in his former category as half-Aryan. Rascher stated in his letter that “Blome has given me great hopes in this respect.” (NO-611, Pros. Ex. 239.) This proves that Blome was already collaborating with Rascher on polygal research in the summer of 1943. Obviously, Blome would not have put himself out to assist in this work without knowing precisely what had been done to test polygal.
In the latter part of 1943, Rascher and Dr. Haferkamp wrote a paper on polygal. This paper draws a clear distinction between experiments on human beings to test the effect of polygal and clinical tests. It states that: “Before we tried the clinical use of the drug and had it probed, it was tested on human beings by thorough experiments as to its influence on the period of clotting and bleeding.” Curves were included to show the reaction of polygal on clotting and bleeding. Later on, the paper discusses clinical observations during operations. (NO-438, Pros. Ex. 240.) The experiments mentioned in this paper obviously are the ones during which inmates were shot. They were not so described in the paper because it was written for publication. Blome testified that the only experiments he knew about were ones where one cubic centimeter of blood was withdrawn to see how fast it would coagulate in a test tube. (Tr. p. 4643.) Such tests cannot be described as experiments. It is impossible to conceive of Rascher’s testing a blood coagulant to be used on soldiers wounded on the battlefield in such a manner. And this was better known to Blome at the time than it is now to the Tribunal. He knew that Rascher had conducted the freezing experiments with resultant loss of life. He had been informed about the Buchenwald typhus experiments. (Tr. p. 4640.) Moreover, this devious explanation of Blome does not cover experiments to test the effect of polygal on bleeding; to test blood in a test tube covers only coagulation reaction, not bleeding reaction. So he had to add to the implausible by saying that Rascher once told him that he or another doctor had rubbed the upper thigh of a person under anesthetic until it became bloody and then tested the efficacy of polygal. But Blome said, “I didn’t take this statement of his seriously.” (Tr. p. 4635.) The thing which cannot be taken seriously is Blome’s display of ignorance about experiments in which the documents prove he had a direct personal interest.
Blome approved the publication of the paper mentioned above in the Munich Medical Weekly [Muenchener Medizinische Wochenschrift]. (Tr. p. 4639; NO-616, Pros. Ex. 244.) Both Grawitz and Pohl raised objections to the publication of the article because they had not been consulted and because Dachau 3 K and human experimental subjects were mentioned. (NO-614, Pros. Ex. 245; NO-615, Pros. Ex. 246.) Both these men knew of the murderous experiments carried out by Rascher to test polygal. Gebhardt knew. Yet Blome asks the Tribunal to assume that he was too naive to have known; that he didn’t even believe Rascher when he was told that he had deliberately rubbed the hide off of an inmate’s leg to test polygal.
On 23 February 1944 Rascher received a research assignment on polygal from the Reich Research Council. (NO-656, Pros. Ex. 247.) Blome admitted that he issued this assignment. (Tr. p. 4634.) Siever’s diary reveals that on 1 February 1944, polygal production by Rascher was listed as a war economy industry by the Reich Research Council. On 22 February Sievers had a conference with Rascher in which supply questions for the production of this drug, experiments of Blome, and the polygal report for the defendant Gebhardt were discussed. On 24 February Sievers had a telephone conversation with Blome in which Blome informed him that Himmler had issued an order concerning Blome’s work in Dachau in collaboration with Rascher, (3546-PS, Pros. Ex. 123.) Blome admitted that Himmler requested him to cooperate with Rascher on polygal research. (Tr. p. 4510.) When Ploetner took over Rascher’s work on 31 March (Tr. p. 973), Blome continued his interest in polygal as shown by a telephone conversation with Sievers on this matter on 24 July. (Tr. p. 976.)
c. Selection from the Argumentation of the Defense
EXTRACT FROM THE CLOSING BRIEF FOR DEFENDANT BLOME
The question of polygal was from the beginning one of the weakest counts of the indictment against Dr. Blome. It is a remedy to make the blood clot and to prevent people from bleeding to death as a result of wounds inflicted in battle or by operation, or from injury due to excessive loss of blood. This equally innocuous and beneficial remedy was apparently made the object of a charge only because Dr. Rascher once maintained that he had killed four concentration camp inmates with pistol shots in order to try out polygal on them. (NO-1424, Pros. Ex. 462; NO-065, Pros. Ex. 221.) But I believe that every intelligent person must have approached this contention of Rascher’s with the strongest distrust, because one cannot try out a styptic on a dead person, and Dr. Blome, like other physicians, has repeatedly assured me that they did not understand what Dr. Rascher had in mind with such actions, which of course had nothing to do with “experiments”. But even on the assumption that these stories of Dr. Rascher were true—that he had actually killed some concentration camp prisoners in order to “experiment” on them with “polygal”—by what right can Dr. Blome be held responsible for this, a man who knew nothing at all about these crimes of Dr. Rascher? Dr. Blome has been waiting in vain for evidence to be submitted by the prosecution to prove that he (Dr. Blome) had had anything to do with those actions of Dr. Rascher, that he had at least approved or at any rate had some knowledge of them. The document presented by the prosecution proves that Dr. Blome can certainly not be held responsible for the alleged shooting of four concentration camp inmates by Dr. Rascher. (NO-1424 Pros. Ex. 462.) This murder committed by Dr. Rascher, if it was committed at all, happened before August 1943, according to Document NO-1424. It was during this month that the witness Friedrich Karl Rascher found in the writing table of his nephew, Dr. Rascher, the report on the shooting of the four concentration camp inmates. Dr. Blome, however, heard about polygal for the first time only during his second visit to Himmler in August or September 1943; before that time the matter was unknown to him. This statement by Dr. Blome concerning the date is in agreement with the testimony of Sievers of 10 April 1947, according to which the joint visit of Dr. Blome, Sievers, and Rascher to Himmler took place in the autumn of 1943. From this it is evident that the murder of the four concentration camp inmates by Dr. Rascher, if it has really any connection with polygal, happened without doubt at a time when Dr. Blome still had no knowledge of this styptic. Dr. Blome has rightly pointed out that it would have been a completely incomprehensible insanity to kill people only for the purpose of testing a styptic at a time when every day offered an abundance of material for the observation and study of the effect of polygal in the thousands of wounded soldiers and of patients operated on at the front as well as among the civilian population.
In this connection it is, incidentally, quite interesting to learn from the interrogation of the witness Neff that he never saw or observed any such “experiments” by Dr. Rascher. Neither did Dr. Rascher tell Neff anything about them, although Neff held a particularly confidential position with Rascher and otherwise learned much about Rascher and his “experiments”. Even in the camp nothing was said at the time about these alleged “experiments” of Dr. Rascher with polygal, although it could certainly not have been and also did not have to be kept secret in the camp if Rascher had actually shot four concentration camp inmates in order to carry out “experiments” on them with polygal.
These facts justify serious doubts as to whether those “experiments” ever took place at all and especially whether they have anything to do with the hemostatic polygal.
In reality, polygal is an absolutely harmless drug, whether it is injected or taken in tablet form, and the use of such a drug in this form can in no case be considered a criminal experiment against humanity as specified by the indictment before this Tribunal. Even when administered by injection with the subsequent drawing of a few drops of blood from the experimental subject, it is completely harmless. It does not cause any more “pain” than any other injection, and the whole test of this drug consists solely of taking one cc. of blood from the vein of the so-called experimental subject. Thus we are not dealing with any experiment of the kind that could be considered criminal because it causes severe pains or because it is dangerous or for any other reasons.
Besides, the concept of “criminal experiments on human beings” has already been explained at the trial of Field Marshal Milch[77] by the verdict of 16 April 1947; this verdict expressly limits the range of such experiments to experiments “which could cause torture or death to the experimental subjects.” Thus one cannot, in the present proceedings, object to those experiments which cannot ordinarily be assumed to cause death to the experimental subject or be accompanied by severe pain. Neither took place when polygal was administered. For either it serves as a hemostatic which can only be of advantage to the patient or, in the reverse case, it simply has no effect. Polygal can never have any harmful consequences, least of all cause any damage to health; nor could this be claimed by the prosecution, for polygal is generally used in surgery nowadays.
And finally, all the persons who submitted to polygal tests were volunteers. Dr. Blome, however, could not prove this here by interrogating the inventor of the drug, Feix, because the prosecution prevented defense counsel from examining Feix by transferring the latter to Dachau, whence he later escaped. The transcript of the interrogation of Feix by the prosecution was not submitted here, even though Feix had told me personally that he could not understand how any blame in connection with polygal could be put on Dr. Blome. But another witness, namely Walter Neff, testified here on the witness stand that the experimental subjects on whom the experiments had been carried out had volunteered, just as he himself had done. Since Neff was produced as witness by the prosecution,[78] the latter will hardly want to declare the testimony, sworn to by Neff, to be untrue.
The verdict of 16 April 1947 against Field Marshal Milch quoted above, states explicitly that medical experiments are punishable only when carried out without the consent of the subjects. Furthermore, punishability presumes that the experiments were a “torture” for the experimental subject or jeopardized his life. Both conditions obviously do not apply to polygal. Thus one comes to the conclusion that it would have been better not to mention within the limits of this trial subjects where even the closest observer has to look very carefully to see whether he could not possibly find anything to object to.
This applies especially to the report of the Institute for Military Scientific Research (Department Rascher), on coagulation of blood. (NO-438, Pros. Ex. 240.) In this report, the author, Dr. Rascher, emphasizes the importance of “Polygal 10” for combat troops and in operations and describes five operations where polygal was used with good results. There can be no doubt that those were five bona fide operations which were performed on patients in an entirely legitimate way and which tested polygal’s effectiveness in stopping bleedings in an absolutely proper manner, as it is usually done, with similar drugs. It is inconceivable how a conclusion of illegal “experiments” could have been drawn from that report.
One of these five legitimate operations, by the way, is described in a report by the camp physician Dr. Kahr, dated 12 October 1943 [10 December 1943] (NO-656, Pros. Ex. 247); it does not offer any basis for assuming an “experiment”. In this connection it is worthwhile to note that Dr. Blome himself, in his affidavit of 25 October 1946 (NO-471, Pros. Ex. 238), under section 8 describes the use of polygal in cases of “battle wounds and operations”, but deals with “experiments on human beings” only in the next section, 9. Therefore, Dr. Blome knew from the beginning that polygal had nothing to do with “experiments on human beings”.
d. Evidence
Prosecution Documents
Pros. Ex.
Doc. No.No.Description of DocumentPage
NO-1424462Affidavit of Fritz Friedrich Karl Rascher, M. D., 31 December 1946, concerning the life and activities of Dr. Sigmund Rascher.676
NO-438240Report from the Institute for Military Scientific Research, (Department Dr. Rascher) on “Polygal 10.”676
NO-656247Memorandum by SS Obersturmbannfuehrer Wolff, 8 May 1944; letters from Dr. Kahr to Rascher, 10 and 16 December 1943.680
Testimony
Page
Extracts from the testimony of defendant Sievers682
TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT NO-1424
PROSECUTION EXHIBIT 462
AFFIDAVIT OF FRITZ FRIEDRICH KARL RASCHER, M. D., 31 DECEMBER 1946, CONCERNING THE LIFE AND ACTIVITIES OF DR. SIGMUND RASCHER
AFFIDAVIT
I, Fritz Friedrich Karl Rascher, being duly sworn, depose and state:
1. I was born on 13 August 1888 at Kellmuenz/Schwaben-Neuburg. I am a German citizen. My present civilian address is: Hamburg, Parkallee 78. I attended the following schools: 4 years public school at Augsburg, 4 years St. Anna Gymnasium at Augsburg, 2 years Real-Gymnasium at Augsburg, and 4 years of senior high school at Ravensburg. I graduated from junior college at Ravensburg in 1909. I studied medicine for 5 years at Munich. I passed my state board examination in 1914 at Munich. From 1914 to 1917 I worked as general practitioner. In the autumn of 1917 I was drafted into the armed forces, remained however at first in Hamburg in the home guard reserve and worked at the same time as general practitioner until May 1918. From May 1918 until November 1918 I was a medical officer. Since the end of 1918 until now I have been a general practitioner in Hamburg.
2. I am the uncle of Dr. Sigmund Rascher and have always maintained a pleasant family relationship with my nephew. I also was well acquainted with the wife of Dr. Sigmund Rascher, Nini Rascher nee Diehl. I also maintained contact with Dr. Sigmund Rascher and his wife during the war until the arrest at the end of 1943 or beginning of 1944. For the reasons stated above, I am in the position to make the following statement:
3. While attending the wedding of my nephew in Munich he told me that he had been asked to take over a laboratory in the concentration camp Dachau by order of the Luftwaffe and in connection with the Ahnenerbe. This offer was made to him through the medium of his wife and Himmler. He told me that this would be a big chance to work free and undisturbed. At the same time he saw in it a chance of continuing his experiments on blood crystallization. In these experiments he was supported by a relative of his wife by the name of Fraeulein Lulu, who later committed suicide. At that time I advised my nephew against accepting such a job.
4. In August 1942 I heard from my nephew in Munich that he had taken over the laboratory at Dachau and that he would work there extensively. Knowing the great diligence and the ambition of my nephew I was not surprised that he accepted this job.
At that time I drove with my nephew by car up to the entrance of the concentration camp, but did not enter. The only thing I heard from my nephew at that time was that he had carried out high-altitude tests on himself.
5. In August 1943 I was with my nephew twice in the Dachau concentration camp. The first time I went only to his private quarters and did not see the laboratory. The second time he showed me his laboratory and introduced me to his colleagues. I still remember the following names: Dr. Punzengruber and Dr. Feix. I inspected the chemical exploitation of blood coagulation. At that time he also told me of freezing experiments. He said that he had carried these out on himself at first and then he introduced to me one of his colleagues who had volunteered three times for these experiments. If I remember rightly, Himmler is supposed to have been present at one of these experiments and to have pardoned the man who was condemned to death. During the absence of my nephew, I accidentally found the following document in his desk:
It refers to a report about the shooting (execution) of four people for the purpose of experimenting with the hemostatic preparation “Polygal 10”. As far as I remember they were a Russian Commissar and a cretin, I do not remember who the other two were. The Russian was shot in the right shoulder from above by an SS man who stood on a chair. The bullet emerged near the spleen. It was described how the Russian twitched convulsively, then sat down on a chair and died after about 20 minutes. In the dissection protocol the rupture of the pulmonary vessels and the aorta was described. It was further described that the ruptures were tamponed by hard blood clots. That could have been the only explanation for the comparatively long span of life after the shot. After reading this first protocol I was so shocked that I did not read the others. At the time I took a sample of the hemostatic preparation from the desk which I submit herewith to the files.
6. On the way to Munich after this visit to Dachau, which was my last, I called my nephew to account. He raved when he learned that I knew of this matter. After appealing to his conscience, from the scientific as well as from the humane point of view, he broke down and cried: “I dare not think, I dare not think.” In Munich my nephew and I continued this conversation during the whole night. Dr. Sigmund Rascher admitted at the time that he was on the wrong path but that he didn’t see any possibility of resigning from it.
7. At the end of 1943 or beginning of 1944 I received a letter from my nephew, in which he informed me that he and his wife had been arrested because of illegal adoption (and registration) of a child. This letter was accompanied by a note by Kriminalrat Schmidt from Munich in which he informed me that I should contact him if I knew anything about this matter. I wrote at the time to Munich that I considered this to be impossible because I myself had once seen Frau Rascher in a pregnant state. I am a doctor and examined her myself. That was before the birth of the second child; she was then in the 6th or 7th month of pregnancy. I wish to add that the first son looked very much like his father and also had similar habits.
8. Since this occurrence in 1943 or 1944 I have not heard from either Dr. Sigmund Rascher or his wife. Only in 1946 I learned from various people that my nephew had been shot in Dachau before the arrival of the Americans and that his wife had been hanged at Ravensbrueck or Berlin on orders of Himmler. I also submit to the files three pictures taken during the youth of Dr. Sigmund Rascher. All my nephew’s documents which I had in my possession I burned in 1944 because I was afraid of the Gestapo.
I have read the above affidavit in the German language consisting of 2 pages and declare that it is true and correct to the best of my knowledge and belief. I was given the opportunity of making alterations and corrections in the above affidavit. This affidavit was made by me voluntarily, without any promise or reward and I was subjected to no compulsion or duress of any kind.
[Signature] Rascher
Hamburg, 31 December 1946.
PARTIAL TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT NO-438
PROSECUTION EXHIBIT 240
REPORT FROM THE INSTITUTE FOR MILITARY SCIENTIFIC RESEARCH, (DEPARTMENT DR. RASCHER) ON “POLYGAL 10”
[Handwritten]
Mue. med. Wo. Schri.
delivered 20 Dec. 1943.
From the Institute for Military Scientific Research (Department Dr.
Rascher) “Polygal 10”, a hemostat to be administered orally
by
Dr. med. S. Rascher, Munich, and Dr. med. H. Haferkamp,
Waltershausen (Thuringia).
A good hemostat has to have the following qualifications:
1. It must be harmless.
2. It must be administered easily (orally).
3. It must not have an unpleasant taste.
4. It must have a deep and long-lasting effect on bleeding and clotting time.
5. After the effect wears off it must be possible to administer another dose without any danger.
Hemostats now on sale commercially meet these demands only partially. No unobjectionable hemostat is known so far which is in tablet form, durable, unimpaired by cold temperatures and therefore easily transportable. But it would be worthwhile to produce such a preparation whose application would have the following important advantages:
1. It could be given prophylactically to the combat troops before an attack and to air crews before action. Too great a loss of blood could be avoided that way when tending to wounds is delayed; similarly it would prevent the wounded from becoming incapacitated by delaying the loss of blood.
2. Before operations in which greater areal bleeding is to be expected, it could be used to keep the operational region clear of interfering bleeding.
3. Persons having a long blood clotting time could benefit inestimably from such a remedy in cases of teeth extractions, etc.
4. In severe cases of lung or stomach hemorrhage which cannot be treated surgically at once, such a remedy could be life saving.
We believe we have such a remedy in “Polygal 10,” a preparation composed and tested in our institute, which does fulfill the above requirements. “Polygal 10” is a drug composed on a “pectin” base; its new method, differentiating it from other hemostats on a pectin base is to be found in the activation of pectin before composing it into the hemostat.