A. Medical Experiments (continued 13)
Reading edition
SS Hauptsturmfuehrer
19 Aug 42:
4 Sep 42:
Typhus Vaccine, Research Series II
Vaccination for immunization against typhus using the following vaccines:
1. 20 persons with vaccines made by the Durand and Giroud process (Pasteur Institute, Paris) from rabbit lungs.
2. 20 persons with vaccine made by the process of Combiescu, Zotta, and collaborators from dog lungs. (Producer: Cantacuzino, Bucharest.) This vaccine was made available by Professor Rose, who received it from Naval Doctor Professor Ruge from Bucharest.
15 Oct 42:
Artificial infection of all persons vaccinated for immunization between 19 September 1942 and 4 October 1942, and 19 persons for control with vitelline membrane virus (Rickettsia-Prowazeki).
25 Oct 42:
Infection has started with all persons experimented on.
20 Nov 42:
Charts and case history sent to Berlin.
4 deaths of control persons.
Dr. Ding
SS Hauptsturmfuehrer
10 Sep 42:
10 Oct 42:
Unit of SS Hauptsturmfuehrer Dr. Ding ordered to the Pasteur Institute in Paris to Professor Giroud.
22 Oct 42:
5 Nov 42:
Typhus Vaccine, Research Series III
Vaccination for immunization against typhus of 20 persons with vaccine made according to the process of Giroud, Paris. (This vaccine was brought from Paris by SS Hauptsturmfuehrer Dr. Ding immediately after production.)
30 Nov 42:
Artificial infection with vitelline membrane material from the Robert Koch Institute of the 20 persons vaccinated for immunization and of 6 control persons. This research series was observed for 6 weeks and then abandoned without results, as no sickness broke out in the control group.
Dr. Ding
SS Hauptsturmfuehrer
27 Oct 42:
8 Nov 42:
Typhus Vaccine, Research Series IV
Vaccination for immunization of 20 persons with a vaccine from intestines of lice made by the Weigl process (sent by lecturer Dr. Haas of the typhus institute “Emil v. Behring” in Lvov),
30 Nov 42:
To test the effect of the immunization, the infection is to be carried out with lice suffering from typhus. The lice and their cages must be burnt immediately, as the latter became leaky during transport, and therefore represent a danger of epidemic in Buchenwald camp.
3 Dec 42:
Newly sent lice applied to 15 persons (5 immunized and 10 persons for control). The lice must again be destroyed, as the cages are not tight.
Report made that infection with live typhus lice is not possible because the danger to the camp inmates is too great.
4 Jan 43:
Due to infection by lice on 3 December 1942, five persons show short nontypical illness.
The research series is concluded.
Dr. Ding
SS Hauptsturmfuehrer
15-18 Dec 42:
Unit of SS Hauptsturmfuehrer Dr. Ding ordered to the opening of the typhus research institute “Emil v. Behring” in Lvov in the General Government (lecturer Dr. Haas).
28-31 Dec 42:
Vaccination for immunization against diphtheria of the Reserve Battalion of the Leibstandarte SS “Adolf Hitler” (approx. 2,500 men), because of the outbreak of an epidemic.
Inspection of quarters and advice to the medical officer on the fighting of the epidemic.
Dr. Ding
SS Sturmbannfuehrer
1943
1 Dec 42:
20 Dec 42:
Typhus Vaccine, Research Series V
To determine the immunization effect, 20 persons are being actively vaccinated for immunization with “EM” vaccine of the Behring Works—Dr. Demnitz—(vaccine in which vitelline membrane as well as chicken embryos were used).
26 Jan 43:
Artificial infection with vitelline membrane virus OP No. 223 and 226 (Rickettsia-Prowazeki—strain from Robert Koch Institute).
Dr. Ding
SS Sturmbannfuehrer
9 Jan 43:
By order of the Chief of the Medical Service of the Waffen SS, SS Gruppenfuehrer and Major General of the Waffen SS Dr. Genzken, the typhus research station at the Buchenwald concentration camp becomes the “Division for Typhus and Virus Research.” The head of the division will be SS Sturmbannfuehrer Dr. Ding. During his absence, the station medical officer of the Waffen SS, Weimar, SS Hauptsturmfuehrer Hoven, will supervise the production of vaccines. The Chief of the WVHA, SS Obergruppenfuehrer and Lt. General of the Waffen SS, Pohl, has ordered the extension of the block of stone buildings.
SS Sturmbannfuehrer Dr. Ding is at the same time appointed chief departmental head for special missions in office XVI (Hygiene), of office group D (medical affairs of the Waffen SS) of the SS Main Operational Headquarters.
10 Jan 43:
Therapeutic Experiments with Acridine and Methylene Blue
At the suggestion of the I. G. Farbenindustrie A. G. the following were tested as typhus therapeutica:
a. Preparation 3,582 “Acridine” of the chemical pharmaceutical and sero-bacteriological department in Frankfurt-on-Main, Hoechst, Professor Lautenschlaeger and Dr. Weber.
(Therapeutic experiment A)
b. Methylene Blue, tested in an experiment on mice by Professor Kiekuth, Elberfeld.
(Therapeutic experiment M)
26 Jan 43:
Artificial infection with vitelline membrane virus OP Nos. 223 and 226:
20 persons for therapeutic experiment A: Acridine.
20 persons for therapeutic experiment M: Methylene Blue.
7 persons for control.
20 Feb 43:
The control persons from the typhus infections of the 26 January 1943 show no typical typhus symptoms; in the groups, vaccine “EM” of the Behring Works, Acridine, Methylene Blue, about ¼ are also not sick, the remainder have medium typhus.
The research series was designated to the manufacturer as “negative,” since the persons for control could not be infected properly.
One death in therapeutic experiment Acridine.
Dr. Ding
SS Sturmbannfuehrer
10 Jan 43:
Yellow Fever Vaccine Tests
The Behring Works, Marburg-Lahn, the Robert Koch Institute, Berlin, and the Institute for Typhus and Virus Research of the Army High Command in Krakow were commissioned by the Army High Command to manufacture the yellow fever vaccine of Beltier and collaborators. Since a live virus is being handled, a test is to be performed on 5 persons for safety’s sake from each vaccine charge.
At the same time 50 persons are to be vaccinated once with OP No. 25 of the Robert Koch Institute, which has already been tested for its harmlessness, to determine the decrease of working capacity.
The results of the yellow fever vaccine tests are to be sent to office XVI in the SS Main Operational Headquarters, in duplicate, who will forward one to the manufacturer, and one to the Army High Command, attention: Oberstabsarzt Dr. Schmidt, Army Medical Inspectorate.
List of Tested OP Numbers
Manufacturer
No. 1.Behring Works, Marburg.1, 2, 4.13 Jan-26 Jan 43.
2.Robert Koch Institute, Berlin.28, 30, 37, 38, 39.11 Jan-26 Jan 43.
3.Robert Koch Institute, Berlin.46, 47, 48, 49, 50.30 Jan-8 Feb 43.
4.Behring Works, Marburg.4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21, 22, 23.30 Jan-8 Feb 43.
5.Army High Command, Krakow.19, 21, 22, 23, 25, 26, 27.9 Feb-22 Feb 43.
6.Behring Works, Marburg.24, 25, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30, 31, 32, 33.11 Feb-22 Feb 43.
7.Behring Works, Marburg.34, 35, 36, 37, 38, 39, 40, 41, 42, 43.25 Feb-7 Mar 43.
8.Army High Command, Krakow.28, 29, 30, 32, 34.25 Feb-7 Mar 43.
9.Robert Koch Institute, Berlin.54, 55, 57, 58.25 Feb-7 Mar 43.
10.Behring Works, Marburg.54, 55, 56, 57, 58, 59, 60, 61.6 May-17 May 43.
Production is being abandoned for the time being because of the military situation.
Dr. Ding
SS Sturmbannfuehrer
3 Feb 43:
Sterility Experiment with an Egg Vaccine
A package was sent to us with a small bottle of 20 cc. typhus vaccine from egg-yolk cultures. Op No. 35 of 15 October 1942. A second injection on 8 December 1942, a third injection on 13 December 1942, of a typhus vaccination for immunization was carried out on Sister Lilli Boehm, born on 3 April 1912, by resident surgeon Dr. von Eysmond. Towards evening a temperature of 104° F. (40° C.). Forty-eight hours after the last vaccination, death in coma in the German clinic in Kovno.
Section protocol: Typhus (No. 2033, University of Kovno, pathological institute, Dr. Starkus).
Investigation: Material vaccinated on
1. 2 percent Schraegagar }
2. Bouillon }
3. 2 percent Glucose Bouillon}
4. Tarrozzi }No growth after 48 hours
5. Blood slide }
6. Klauberg slide }
During animal experiments, guinea pigs and mice were vaccinated intraperitoneally and under the skin of the back. No pathological symptoms at all.
Results: The vaccine not responsible for the death. Vaccination took place during the incubation period.
Dr. Ding
SS Sturmbannfuehrer
8 Feb 43:
Visit of Oberstabsarzt Dr. Eyer from the Institute for Typhus and Virus Research of the Army High Command in Krakow and Oberstabsarzt Dr. Schmidt from the Army Medical Inspectorate.
22 Feb 43:
Examination of Unknown Bacteriological Material
During August 1942 Soviet parachutists were dropped in the Marienburg district; they carried in their baggage amphiole material, which was turned over by the RSHA (Dept. IV A/2 Book No. 2152/439 on 25 Feb 1943). They were dysentery bacteriophaga which could be clearly diagnosed by animal and culture experiments; this can be used for therapeutic purposes in cases of diarrhea.
Dr. Ding
SS Sturmbannfuehrer
28 Feb 43:
6 Mar 43:
Unit of SS Sturmbannfuehrer Dr. Ding ordered to Paris to procure laboratory material for the Division for Typhus and Virus Research, and the Institute of Hygiene.
23 Mar 43:
Conference between SS Sturmbannfuehrer Barnewald, SS Sturmbannfuehrer Dr. Ding and SS Hauptscharfuehrer Schlesinger of department W 5, W V H A concerning the breeding of rabbits, guinea pigs, and mice as experimental animals for the experimental department.
25 Jan 43:
28 Feb 43:
Typhus Vaccine, Research Series VI
To determine the immunization effect, the following were actively vaccinated for immunization:
20 persons with vaccine “Zuerich” from the hygiene institute of the University of Zuerich (lungs of mice), and
20 persons with vaccine “Riga” from the serum institute of the University of Riga (Professor Darsin, from vitelline membrane cultures).
31 Mar 43:
Artificial infection with egg Rickettsia (Rickettsia-Prowazeki) of the Robert Koch Institute, Berlin.
11 Apr 43:
The infection of 31 March 1943 has not resulted in any sickness so far.
28 Apr 43:
Experimental series abandoned.
Dr. Ding
S Sturmbannfuehrer
7 Mar 43:
Examination of the water and inspection of the concentration camp Vught, near Hertogenbosch.
8 Mar 43:
10 Mar 43:
Inspection of billets in Apeldoorn-Arnhem and vicinity. Advising chief surgeon of the commander of the Netherlands re a diphtheria epidemic in Apeldoorn.
Dr. Ding
SS Sturmbannfuehrer
24 Mar 43:
20 Apr 43:
Carrying out of a large scale experiment on 45 persons by the process of the hygiene institute of the Waffen SS by SS Standartenfuehrer Lecturer Dr. Mrugowsky.
Vaccinations were made on 8 different days within 4 weeks against smallpox, typhoid, paratyphus A and B, cholera, typhus, and diphtheria.
Compatibility was generally good. Exact records and report were delivered on 27 April 1943 to department chief of office XVI.
It led partly to a strong decrease in working capacity, loss of strength, increase of temperature, and swelling of the lymph glands. Typhoid and smallpox were not vaccinated on the same side of the body, otherwise great swelling of the lymph glands takes places.
The diphtheria adsorbat vaccine led to about 20 cases of strong formation of abcesses. Where still in the camp, the persons were again vaccinated for smallpox within ¼ year.
Dr. Ding
SS Sturmbannfuehrer
31 Mar 43:
Therapeutic Experiments “Acridine Granulate” and “Rutenol”
For the therapeutic experiments “Acridine Granulate” (A. Gr) and Rutenol (R), 40 persons were infected with egg Rickettsia.
11 Apr 43:
After observation lasting several weeks, no sickness started. Report to SS Standartenfuehrer Lecturer Dr. Mrugowsky and President Professor Gildemeister. The strain “Matelska” of the Robert Koch Institute, which was highly virulent until a year ago, apparently is no longer pathogenic to humans. A new means of artificial infection must therefore be found, which will lead to typhus with certainty.
Dr. Ding
SS Sturmbannfuehrer
11 Apr 43:
Preliminary Experiment C:
To determine a sure means of infection, experiments with fresh blood from persons stricken with typhus were made. Infection took place as follows:
3 persons—2 cc. each of fresh blood intravenously.
2 persons—2 cc. each of fresh blood intramuscularly.
2 persons—2 cc. each of fresh blood subcutaneously.
2 persons—after scarification.
2 persons—with a vaccinating scalpel cutaneously.
Those infected intravenously contracted typical, serious typhus and died from failure of the circulatory system. The other experimental subjects complained only of minor discomfort, without becoming hospital cases.
Dr. Ding
SS Sturmbannfuehrer
13 Apr 43:
Preliminary Experiment D:
The following were infected:
6 persons with 2 cc. each of fresh blood intravenously.
6 persons with 2 cc. each of fresh blood intramuscularly.
6 persons with 2 cc. each of fresh blood subcutaneously.
6 persons by scarification.
6 persons by means of vaccinating scalpel cutaneously.
The 6 intravenously infected persons again contracted very serious typhus; 5 died.
Of the 6 infected intramuscularly, one person contracted medium typhus. The others had no serious complications, and were not hospital cases.
The surest means of infection to produce typhus in humans is, therefore, the intravenous injection of 2 cc. fresh typhus-infected blood.
Dr. Ding
SS Sturmbannfuehrer
13 and 14 Apr 43:
Unit of SS Sturmbannfuehrer Dr. Ding ordered to I. G. Farbenindustrie A. G., Hoechst. Conference with Professor Lautenschlaeger, Dr. Weber, and Dr. Fussgaenger concerning the experimental series “Acridine Granulate and Rutenol” in the concentration camp Buchenwald.
Visit to Geheimrat Otto and Professor Prigge in the Institute for Experimental Therapeutics in Frankfurt/Main.
24 Apr 43:
Therapeutic Experiments Acridine Granulate (A-GR2) and Rutenol (R-2)
To carry out the therapeutic experiments Acridine Granulate and Rutenol, 30 persons (15 each) and 9 persons for control were infected by intravenous injection of 2 cc. each of fresh typhus-infected blood. All experimental persons contracted very bad typhus.
1 Jun 43:
Charts and case history completed.
The experimental series was concluded.
21 deaths (8 with Acridine Granulate, 9 with Rutenol, 5 control).
Dr. Ding
SS Sturmbannfuehrer
27 Apr 43:
1 May 43:
Unit of SS Sturmbannfuehrer Dr. Ding ordered to Paris to procure laboratory material for the Division for Typhus and Virus Research and the Hygiene Institute.
10 Jun 43:
Typhoid-Therapeutic Experiment “Otrhomin”
At the suggestion of the Robert Koch Institute, Berlin (Professor Dr. Lockemann) the effect of a new therapeuticum of the Rhoda series—Otrhomin is to be tested on humans. For this purpose, 20 persons of the series “Otrhomin” and 20 persons for control (10 immunized, 10 not immunized) were infected on 10 June 1943 and on 18 June 1943 with 2 cc. each of typhoid bacteria in a physical salt solution, given in potato salad. Of the 40 persons, 7 became slightly sick, 23 more seriously. Furthermore, there were 6 ambulatory cases. Four persons did not show any symptoms.
28 Jul 43:
Charts and case history of the series “Otrhomin” completed and sent to Berlin.
5 Aug 43:
Charts and case history of the control series completed and sent to Berlin.
10 Aug 43:
Delivery of the records to Reich Senior Medical Counsellor Christiansen in the Reich Ministry of the Interior. The experimental series was concluded.
1 death (control not immunized).
Dr. Ding
SS Sturmbannfuehrer
28 May 43:
18 Jun 43:
Typhus Vaccine, Experimental Series VII
Carrying out of typhus vaccination for immunization with the following vaccine:
1. 20 persons with vaccine “Asid”.
2. 20 persons with vaccine “Asid Adsorbat” of the Anhaltinischen Serumwerke G. m. b. H., Berlin 7.
3. 20 persons with vaccine “Weigl” of the Institute for Typhus and Virus Research of the Army High Command, Army (OKH) Krakow (Eyer).
27 Aug 43:
Infection of—
20 persons in the series “Asid”.
20 persons in the series “Asid Adsorbat”.
20 persons in the series “Weigl”.
10 persons for control by intravenous injection of ¼ cc. each of fresh typhus-infected blood, strain Bu II, Passage I.
All experimental persons got very serious typhus.
7 Sep 43:
Chart and case history completed. The experimental series was concluded—
53 deaths (18 with “Asid”, 18 with “Asid Adsorbat”, 9 with “Weigl”, 8 control).
9 Sep 43:
Charts and case histories delivered to Berlin.
Dr. Ding
SS Sturmbannfuehrer
8 Nov 43:
17 Jan 44:
High Immunization Experiment with Fraenkel Vaccines
According to an immunization plan of the Fraenkel high immunization for humans, the compatibility of Fraenkel-Formol-Toxoid (Formol-Toxin of bacterium perfringens) of humans was tested.
At first 15 experimental subjects were vaccinated 3 times at intervals of 14 days with 1 cc. Fraenkel-A1. F. T. (Fraenkel-Toxoid absorbed in aluminum hydroxide).
After an interval of 14 days, vaccinations with Fraenkel-Formol-Toxoid (Formol-Toxin of bacterium perfringens) as follows:
20 Dec 431 cc. subcutaneouslyleft upper arm.
26 Dec 432 cc. subcutaneouslyright upper arm.
31 Dec 434 cc. subcutaneouslyleft upper arm.
3 Jan 446 cc. subcutaneouslyright upper arm.
6 Jan 449 cc. subcutaneouslyright and left chest.
10 Jan 4412 cc. subcutaneouslyboth upper arms.
14 Jan 4415 cc. subcutaneouslyright and left chest.
17 Jan 44:
Observation of vaccination reactions completed and sent away.
Dr. Ding
SS Sturmbannfuehrer
19 Nov 43:
25 Nov 43:
Phosphorus-Rubber Incendiary Bomb Experiment
To test the preparation “R 17” on fresh phosphorus burns and to test “Echinacine” ointment and “Echinacine extern” for the later treatment of wounds from phosphorus burns (all from the Dr. Madaus Works in Dresden-Radebeul), burning tests were carried out on five experimental subjects on the above-mentioned dates with phosphorus, matter taken from an English incendiary bomb found near Leipzig.
5 Jan 44:
Records delivered to the Reich medical officer of the SS with the request to forward it to the Dr. Madaus Works.
Dr. Ding
SS Sturmbannfuehrer
30-31 Dec 43:
Special Experiment on 4 Persons in the Koch-Hoven Case
By order of SS Gruppenfuehrer Nebe, the experiment was carried out in the presence of Dr. Morgen and Dr. Wehner.
Dr. Ding
SS Sturmbannfuehrer
21 Dec 43:
16 Jan 44:
Control of Blood Plasma
By order of the Military Academy of Medicine, Berlin, 18 capsules of blood plasma were tested on 18 experimental persons for their compatibility on humans.
17 Jan 44:
Test records sent away.
25 Jan 44:
19 Feb 44:
Control of Blood Plasma
By order of the Military Academy of Medicine, Berlin, 30 more capsules of blood plasma were tested on 30 experimental persons for their compatibility on humans.
22 Feb 44:
Test papers sent to Reich medical officer of SS by courier.
Dr. Ding
SS Sturmbannfuehrer
22 Jan 44:
31 Jan 44:
Vaccine Preliminary Experimental Series “Weimar”
To test compatibility and the immunization effect, five persons were immunized by three vaccinations with typhus vaccine “Weimar” (producer: Hygiene Institute of the Waffen SS, Division for Typhus and Virus Research). On 22 Jan 44, 0.5 cc., on 27 Jan 44, 1.0 cc., on 31 Jan 44, 1.0 cc. were injected subcutaneously in the left or right upper arm.
For comparison, 5 persons were immunized on the above-mentioned dates with 0.5 cc., 0.5 cc., and 1 cc. of typhus egg-culture vaccine “Asid” (Anhaltinische Serumwerke, Berlin) and 5 persons were immunized with typhus vaccine “Giroud” (produced by the Pasteur Institute, Paris, from rabbit lungs), 1 cc. each.
25 Feb 44:
Twenty persons (15 immunized and 5 for control) were infected by subcutaneous injection of 1/20 cc. fresh typhus-infected blood.
Donor: G * * * Nr 713, 36 years old (6th day of sickness)
Strain Bu IV/Passage 13.
All those infected fell sick with slight to serious typhus.
5 Apr 44:
Chart and case history completed.
25 Apr 44:
The experimental series was concluded—
5 deaths (1 Asid, 1 Weimar, 3 Control).
Dr. Ding
8 Mar 44:
18 Mar 44:
Typhus Vaccine, Experimental Series VIII
Suggested by Colonel M. C. of the Air Corps, Oberstarzt Professor Rose the vaccine “Kopenhagen” (Ipsen-Murine vaccine), produced from mouse liver by the National Serum Institute in Copenhagen, was tested for its compatibility on humans.
20 persons were vaccinated for immunization by intramuscular injection into the Musculus Glutaeus Max. on the following dates: 8 Mar 44, 0.5 cc.; 13 Mar 44, 0.5 cc.; 18 Mar 44, 1.0 cc.
10 persons were contemplated for control and comparison.
4 of the 30 persons were eliminated before the start of the artificial injection, because of intermittent sickness.
16 Apr 44:
The remaining experimental persons were infected on 16 Apr 44 by subcutaneous injection of 1/20 cc. typhus sick fresh blood. Donor: W * * * No. 763, 27 years old (6th day of sickness)
Strain Bu VII/Passage 1.
The following fell sick:
a. 17 persons immunized; 9 medium, 8 seriously.
b. 9 control persons; 2 medium, 7 seriously.
2 Jun 44:
The experimental series was concluded.
13 Jun 44:
Chart and case history completed and sent to Berlin.
6 deaths (3 Kopenhagen, 3 Control).
Dr. Ding
26 May 44:
12 Jun 44:
Taking of Blood to Produce Typhus Convalescent Serum (FFRS)
To produce FFRS, 6,500 cc. blood were taken from 15 typhus convalescents between the 14th and 21st day after the fever had subsided, and sent by courier to the SS Main Operational Headquarters, office group D, office XVI (blood conservation) attn: SS Hauptsturmfuehrer Dr. Ellenbeck, in Berlin-Lichterfelde.
Ding
22 May 44:
16 Jun 44:
Control of Blood Plasma
By order of the Military Academy for Medicine, Berlin, 44 capsules of blood plasma were tested on 44 experimental persons for their compatibility on humans.
19 Jun 44:
Test protocol sent to the senior hygienist of the Reich Medical Office of the SS and Police, Berlin.
Ding
17 Jul 44:
27 Jul 44:
Typhus Vaccine, Experimental Series IX
The typhus vaccine “Weimar”, produced by the Division for Typhus and Virus Research of the Hygiene Institute of the Waffen SS, Weimar-Buchenwald, was tested according to orders for its efficacy on humans.
This vaccine was produced from rabbit lungs according to the process Durand-Giroud. It contains virus (Rickettsia-Prowazeki) of self-isolating types deadened and suspended in 2/00 Formol.
20 persons were immunized on the following dates with 1 cc. each: 17, 22, 27 July 1944.
The vaccinations were made subcutaneously on the right or left upper arm.
For comparison 20 persons were immunized at the same time with “Weigl” vaccine, produced from lice by the Army High Command in Krakow according to regulations.
Furthermore, 20 persons were provided for control purposes.
6 Sep 44:
The 60 experimental persons were infected by subcutaneous injection of 1/10 cc. fresh typhus-infected blood each into the right upper arm.
All persons fell sick as follows:
a. “Weimar”—9 slightly, 7 slightly to medium, 4 medium.
b. “Weigl”—6 slightly to medium, 8 medium, 6 seriously.
c. Control—1 medium, 19 seriously.
17 Oct 44:
The experimental series was concluded.
4 Nov 44:
Chart and case history completed.
24 deaths (5 “Weigl”, 19 Control).
Dr. Schuler
13 Oct 44:
31 Oct 44:
Taking of Blood to Produce Typhus Convalescent Serum (FFRS)
To produce FFRS, 20.8 liters of blood were taken from 44 typhus convalescents between the 14th and 21st day after the fever had subsided, and sent by courier to the SS Main Operational Headquarters, office group D, office XVI (blood conservation)—SS Sturmbannfuehrer Dr. Ellenbeck, Berlin-Lichterfelde.
Schuler
26 Oct 44:
Special experiment on 6 persons according to instructions of SS Oberfuehrer Lecturer Dr. Mrugowsky and RKPA (report on this orally).
Schuler
13 Nov 44:
Therapeutic Experiment with Typhus Vaccine
By order of the senior hygienist of the Waffen SS of 12 August 44, it is to be determined whether the course of typhus can be tempered by the intravenous or intramuscular injection of typhus vaccine.
For the experimental series 20 persons were considered, of these, 10 for intravenous injection (Series A), 10 for intramuscular injection (Series B) and, in addition, 5 persons for control.
On 13 Nov 44, the 25 experimental persons were infected by subcutaneous injection of 1/10 cc. each fresh typhus-infected blood. All persons fell sick as follows: Series A—10 serious; Series B—1 medium 9 serious; Control—5 serious.
22 Dec 44:
The experimental series was concluded.
2 Jan 45:
Chart and case history completed.
19 deaths (9 Series A, 6 Series B, 4 Control).
Dr. Schuler
TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT NO-257
PROSECUTION EXHIBIT 283
EXTRACT FROM THE AFFIDAVIT OF DR. ERWIN SCHULER, 20 JULY 1945, CONCERNING TYPHUS EXPERIMENTS
Hoven’s Share in Block 46
In February 1942 the order to conduct typhus experiments came through. I was chosen to carry out these experiments. Since I had my office in Berlin, a deputy had to be appointed for my absence in Buchenwald. Reichsarzt SS Dr. Grawitz, in agreement with the leading doctor of the concentration camps, Lolling, appointed SS 1st Lt. Dr. Hoven as station doctor at Buchenwald. My presence in Buchenwald always lasted only a few days, while the experiments and the typhus epidemic lasted about 10 weeks.
Dr. Hoven had orders to get the prisoners (professional criminals sentenced to death), who had been released for the experiments from the Reich Security Office and the chief of the concentration camps, for vaccination or infection after an examination of their physical fitness.
As deputy, he often ordered Dr. Plaza to take over the guard of Block 46. Dr. Plaza, in addition, continued to work independently under Kapo Dietzsch.
For experiments that did not result in death, such as the effectiveness of yellow fever vaccine, 200 to 300 volunteers stood in readiness. This I know from rosters that Dietzsch showed me once. Such experiments did not only take place in the block but also, in a certain case, in the camp itself. For that experiment about 80 Dutchmen were taken; they did not have to work and they were given extra rations. For that they had to have their temperature taken three times daily and every two days they had to give 10 cc. blood for a blood count.
Hoven worked as my deputy until my permanent entrance into Buchenwald in August 1943. In September he was arrested.
In the year 1942 he had to work a lot by himself, since I contracted typhus and after that was sent to a rest home. Immediately after that I was detailed to the Pasteur Institute in Paris. During this time the sick reports bore the signature of Hoven or Plaza.
[Signed] Dr. Schuler
TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT NO-571
PROSECUTION EXHIBIT 285
1943 WORK REPORT FOR DEPARTMENT FOR TYPHUS AND VIRUS RESEARCH
Weimar-Buchenwald, January 1944.
Hygiene Institute of the Waffen SS
Department for Typhus and Virus Research
Work Report for the Year 1943
I. Division for Typhus and Virus Research, Clinical Section
1 December 42 to 20 February 43Experiment with typhus vaccines “EM” of the Behring Works, carried out on 20 experimental subjects.
10 January to 20 FebruaryExperiment with typhus therapeutics, Acridine and Methylene Blue, carried out on 47 experimental subjects.
10 January to 17 MayTests with yellow fever vaccines, carried out on 435 experimental subjects.
25 January to 28 AprilExperiment with typhus vaccines “Riga” and “Zuerich,” carried out on 40 experimental subjects.
24 March to 20 AprilPerformance of a large-scale experiment according to the scheme of the Hygiene Institute of the Waffen SS, carried out by SS Standartenfuehrer Lecturer Dr. Mrugowsky, with smallpox, typhoid, paratyphus A and B, cholera, typhus, and diphtheria, on 45 experimental subjects.
31 March to 11 AprilExperiment with typhus therapeutics Acridine Granulate and Rutenol, carried out on 40 persons.
11 April to 24 MayPreliminary experiments with fresh blood infected with typhus for the purpose of investigating an infallible method of infection, carried out on 41 persons.
11 April—not yet terminatedInfections with typhus so far applied to 47 persons.
24 April to 1 JuneExperiment with typhus therapeutics Acridine Granulate (2) and Rutenol (2) carried out on 40 experimental subjects.
28 May to 9 SeptemberExperiment with typhus vaccines “Asid,” “Asid-Adsorbat,” and “Weigl” carried out on 70 persons.
10 June to 8 AugustExperiment with typhoid therapeutics “Otrhomin,” carried out on 40 experimental subjects.
8 November—not yet terminatedGangrene—high immunization experiment, carried out on 15 experimental subjects.
19 November—not yet terminatedExperiments with burns by means of phosphorus rubber incendiary bombs carried out on 5 persons.
21 November—not yet terminatedControl of blood conservation.
23 December to 31 DecemberSpecial experiment carried out on 4 persons.
II. Division for Typhus and Virus Research, Production of Vaccines
10 AugustTermination of the exterior alterations on the prisoners’ Block 50 in Buchenwald concentration camp.
16 AugustOpening of the Division for Typhus and Virus Research. Transfer of the head of the department, SS Sturmbannfuehrer Dr. Ding to Buchenwald. Beginning of the preliminary work for production.
20 SeptemberFirst infection of 3 guinea pigs with typhus-infected blood, strain Bu I. Up to the end of the year 8 successful infections from this strain and positive adaptation of the strain to mice (with only 2 infections due to lack of these experimental animals), as well as to the lungs of rabbits through mice with the brains of guinea pigs as starting material.
24 SeptemberIsolation of the strain Bu II on 3 guinea pigs with typhus-infected blood. After successful adaptation at the end of the year 8th infection. Performance of 4 infections of mice. Great quantities of standard type Rickettsia. Furthermore successful adaptation of the strain Bu II to the lungs of rabbits through mice.
9 OctoberDue to lack of mice experiment to adapt the mixed strains Bu I and Bu II directly from infected brains of guinea pigs to the lungs of rabbits. At the end of the year this strain is contained fully virulent in the 6th infection of rabbits. Since the 5th infection, particularly, great quantities of Rickettsia on the lungs of rabbits. The results of the direct adaptation experiments are being checked by pathogenic and skin virulence tests.
12 OctoberReported to the Hygiene Institute of the Waffen SS that the experiments for the breeding of Rickettsia strains on the lungs of rabbits were successful and production was only handicapped by the lack of the refrigerator and of the Calabeius meat-triturator model.
22 OctoberIsolation and transfer to guinea pigs of the strain Bu IV of subjects infected with typhus after strain Bu III had died during the first infection. In this case the lack of mice was once more especially noticeable.
First half of NovemberOutbreak of an epidemic among 375 recently supplied mice to which 289 animals succumbed within a few days. As the remaining mice were not healthy either, they were killed.
11 NovemberVaccination of rabbits with infected lungs of mice. Later on, performance of two more infections of rabbits. Experiments are a complete success; large quantities of Rickettsia with well-developed bacilli-shaped elements on the lungs of the rabbits.
30 NovemberSuccessful direct adaptation of the strain Bu IV from the brains of infected guinea pigs to the lungs of rabbits. After performance of another infection of rabbits, mixing of the strain with the strain Bu I and Bu II. All infections continue to be successfully carried out.
4 DecemberExperiment, by making use of the night frosts and by using the handshake technique without refrigerator and without Calabeius, to produce the first sample of vaccine. For this purpose, lungs of rabbits of the 5th or 6th infection series of the mixed strain Bu I and Bu II, which are rich in Rickettsia, were used.
14 DecemberCentrifugation of the suspension produced on 4 December.
15 DecemberStarting of the refrigerator which had arrived in the meantime. Result of the examination of the sediment of the vaccine produced on 4 December: after 2 hours of centrifugation great quantities of Rickettsia (bacilli-shaped, point-shaped, dumbell-shaped). The sterility control proved the suspension free from bacteria.
17 December4 guinea pigs were given intraperitoneal injections of 1 cc. of vaccine each, in order to check whether the vaccines produced on 4 December agreed with them. The guinea pigs did not show any alterations of voracity nor of temperature and were still alive at the end of the year.
24 DecemberVaccination of a series of 10 guinea pigs, with our own vaccine and Giroud vaccine, in order to infect them later on with typhus-infected blood.
29 DecemberThe reactions for skin virulence according to Giroud show a virulence of the suspension at a dilution of 1:2.000 to 1:4.000.
For the performance of the breeding experiments 56 mice, 134 guinea pigs, and 112 rabbits were used up to the present date.
In the serological department 1226 proteus OX 19 agglutinations, 3 Gruber-Widal tests, and 4 Takata-Ara reactions were performed for the SS infirmary and Buchenwald concentration camp and its branch camps.
For our own requirements up to this date, about 1,500 cubic cm. of typhoid-paratyphus B deposits have been produced, in order to reduce the power of resistance of the experimental animals.
III. Inspections of the Division for Typhus and Virus Research
8 FebruaryInspection of the clinical section by Oberstabsarzt Dr. Eyer of the Institute for Typhus and Virus Research of the Army High Command, Krakow and by Oberstabsarzt Dr. Schmidt of the Army Medical Inspectorate.
24 AugustInspection of the department by the Director of the Central Building Section of the Waffen SS and Police, SS Obersturmfuehrer Huehnefeld, and discussion of necessary improvements.
26 AugustInspection by the Higher SS and Police leader in Kassel, SS Obergruppenfuehrer and General of the Waffen SS, the Prince of Waldeck and Pyrmont, and by the commandant of Buchenwald concentration camp.
3 SeptemberInspection by the head of the Hygiene Institute of the Waffen SS, SS Standartenfuehrer Lecturer Dr. Mrugowsky.
29 SeptemberInspection by the Chief of Office D III in the SS Economic and Administrative Main Office (WVHA), SS Obersturmbannfuehrer Dr. Lolling and Professor Dr. Schenk.
IV. Official Trips by the Head of the Division for Typhus and Virus Research
28 February to 6 MarchSS Obersturmbannfuehrer Dr. Ding ordered to Paris for the purchase of laboratory equipment for the Division for Typhus and Virus Research Weimar-Buchenwald, and for the Hygiene Institute of the Waffen SS.
27 April to 1 MayOnce more on detached service to Paris for the same purpose.
25 June to 15 AugustOrdered sick leave at Sellin on Ruegen.
27 AugustConferences with the Zeiss firm at Jena, with the Landesgewerbearzt and in the University Library.
4 SeptemberInspection in the village of “X” with the Head of the Hygiene Institute, SS Standartenfuehrer Lecturer Dr. Mrugowsky, with the Standortarzt of the Waffen SS Weimar-Buchenwald, and with the adjutant of the commandant of the Buchenwald concentration camp.
8 SeptemberAnother inspection in the village of “X”.
16SeptemberPurchase of laboratory requisites at Jena, conference with the Zeiss firm concerning the alteration of 2 microscopes.
23 SeptemberPurchase of laboratory requisites at Erfurt.
29 September to 4 OctoberConference in Berlin with the Head of the Hygiene Institute of the Waffen SS, SS Standartenfuehrer Lecturer Dr. Mrugowsky.
13 OctoberInspection at “Dora” and “Laura” with the commandant of the Buchenwald concentration camp.
21 OctoberInspection of the branch commands Leipzig Wernigerode, Schoenebeck, and “Dora” with the camp commandant.
25 October to 15 NovemberOn detached service with the German Hygiene Institute for the Eastern Territories in Riga, and subsequently conference with the Madaus firm in Dresden at the instance of SS Obergruppenfuehrer and General of the Waffen SS von Woyrsch.
SS Sturmbannfuehrer.
TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT NO-121
PROSECUTION EXHIBIT 293
LETTER FROM HAAGEN TO HIRT, 15 NOVEMBER 1943, CONCERNING PRISONERS TO BE USED AS EXPERIMENTAL SUBJECTS FOR TESTS WITH TYPHUS VACCINE
15 November 1943
Secret
To: Professor Dr. Hirt
Anatomical Institute of the Reich University
Strasbourg
On 13-11-43, an inspection was made of the prisoners that were furnished to me in order to determine their suitability for the tests which have been planned for the typhus vaccines. Of the 100 prisoners that have been selected in their former camp, 18 died during transport. Only 12 prisoners are in such a condition that they can be used for these experiments, provided their strength can first be restored. This should take about 2-3 months. The remaining prisoners are in such a condition that they cannot be used at all for these purposes.
I might point out that the experiments are for the purpose of testing a new vaccine. Such experiments only lead to fruitful results when they are carried out with normally nourished subjects whose physical powers are comparable to those of the soldiers. Therefore, experiments with the present group of prisoners cannot yield usable results, particularly since a large part of them are apparently afflicted with maladies which make them unsuitable for these experiments. A long period of rest and of good nourishment would not alter this fact.
I request, therefore, that you send me 100 prisoners, between 20-40 years of age, who are healthy and who are so constituted physically that they furnish comparable material.
Heil Hitler!
Stabsarzt Prof. Dr. E. Haagen
TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT NO-122
PROSECUTION EXHIBIT 298
LETTER DICTATED BY ROSE, ADDRESSED TO HAAGEN, 13 DECEMBER 1943, CONCERNING EXPERIMENTAL SUBJECTS FOR VACCINE EXPERIMENTS
Professor Rose, Chief Surgeon.
O. U., 13 December 1943.
Stabsarzt Professor Haagen
Institute of Hygiene of the Reich University
Strasbourg, Alsace, Adolf Kussmaulstrasse 3
Dear Herr Haagen,
Many thanks for your letter of 8 December. I regard it as unnecessary to make a renewed special request to the SS Main Office in addition to the request you have already made. I request that, in procuring persons for vaccination in your experiment, you requisition a corresponding number of persons for vaccination with the Copenhagen vaccine. This has the advantage, as also appeared in the Buchenwald experiments, that the testing of various vaccines simultaneously gives a clearer idea of their value than the testing of one vaccine alone.
With best wishes,
Heil Hitler!
Yours
(Dictated by Prof. Rose and signed after his departure)
By order
[Signed] Schwarze
Private, 1st Class (Med. Corps)
TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT NO-123
PROSECUTION EXHIBIT 303
LETTER FROM HAAGEN TO HIRT, 9 MARCH 1944, CONCERNING EXPERIMENTS CONDUCTED WITH TYPHUS VACCINE AND REQUESTING EXPERIMENTAL SUBJECTS
9 May 1944
Main Office SS
through Professor Dr. Hirt
Anatomical Institute of the Reich University Strasbourg
I enclose herewith a carbon copy of a paper on our experiments with a dry typhus vaccine. The paper was sent to the Chief of the Luftwaffe Medical Service as a manuscript, with the request for permission to publish it. It constitutes a report concerning further experiments with a typhus vaccine which has not been made sterile by chemical agents or by heating. As may be seen from the results, it has been possible to produce a vaccine which provides not only an antitoxic immunity but also a definite anti-infection immunity which is of particularly practical significance. However, it is clearly pointed out that vaccination is followed by a rather long fever reaction and, therefore, its introduction cannot yet be recommended. Further tests are now in progress to alter the vaccine so that, without losing its antigenic property, it will produce so weak a reaction that no general indisposition will result. These tests will be made by reducing the dose or by storing the vaccine for a longer interval.
To carry out this research, experimental subjects will again be needed. I, therefore, again request that subjects be furnished to me for this purpose. In order to obtain results which are accurate and which can be statistically evaluated, I ask that 200 persons be furnished to me for inoculation. I may point out that they must be in a physical condition similar to that of members of the armed forces.
It is highly desirable that I again be permitted to carry out these experiments at camp Natzweiler.
Professor Dr. E. Haagen
TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT NO-139
PROSECUTION EXHIBIT 317
LETTER FROM DR. GRUNSKE TO HAAGEN, 7 MARCH 1944, CONCERNING REPORTS ON YELLOW FEVER VIRUS EXPERIMENTS REQUESTED BY A JAPANESE MEDICAL OFFICER
High Command of the Navy
Flottenarzt Dr. Grunske
Berlin, 7 March 1944
Landgrafenstr. 12
Tel: 24 9591 Ext 241
To: Professor Dr. Haagen
Strasbourg
Hygiene Institute of the University
Dear Professor:
In connection with my letter of 26 February and your long distance telephone call of 6 March, I must advise you that the Japanese Oberstabsarzt has in the meantime contacted Oberstarzt Professor Dr. Rose of the Luftwaffe Medical Service, and that the latter has promised to secure for him from Strasbourg all the accounts concerning the yellow fever virus experiments which are important to him. Therefore, Oberstartz Dr. Rose will give you further details. I therefore ask that the matter be considered closed between us.
With fraternal esteem and
Heil Hitler!
Respectfully yours
[Signed] Dr. Grunske
Flottenarzt
TRANSLATION OF ROSE DOCUMENT 16
ROSE DEFENSE EXHIBIT 12
EXTRACTS FROM THE AFFIDAVIT OF PROFESSOR OTTO LENZ, DIRECTOR OF THE ROBERT KOCH INSTITUTE IN BERLIN
Professor Rose was not the “typhus expert” of the Robert Koch Institute, nor did he work on typhus there. But he was the Chief of the Department of Tropical Medicine, and was in this capacity, with the exception of one field of research, (that of the transmission of dysentery and typhoid bacilli by insects) exclusively concerned with tropical diseases and parasites (insects).
The typhus expert of the institute was rather Professor Haagen, the Chief of the Virus Division. After his departure, following his appointment to the Chair of Hygiene at Strasbourg University, Professor Gildemeister, the then President of the Institute, continued the research on typhus.
Thus, various physicians, among them Dr. Ding, received instruction on typhus from Professor Haagen in the Virus Division, but not from Professor Rose.
Owing to the destruction by air raids of many of the files of the Robert Koch Institute, I can no longer ascertain whether Professor Rose was associated with the decisions taken on typhus experiments.
Several of the men who were at that time departmental chiefs, however, assured me unanimously, that this had not been the case.
Finally, nothing is known of Professor Rose’s having had the opportunity to become aware of Geheimrat Lockemann’s chemo-therapeutical experiments (chemo-therapy of abdominal typhoid with otrhomin). The only research on abdominal typhoid carried on in Rose’s department consisted of the experiments on the role of the house fly in the transmission of dysentery caused by bacteria and of abdominal typhoid.
TRANSLATION OF ROSE DOCUMENT 46
ROSE DEFENSE EXHIBIT 20
EXTRACT FROM A CERTIFIED STATEMENT, 4 MARCH 1947, OF J. OERSKOV, M. D., DIRECTOR OF THE STATE SERUM INSTITUTE IN COPENHAGEN
In answer to questions asked us about the visit of Professor Rose, I can say the following:
to 1. Did Professor Rose, when he visited the Institute at the end of September 1943, request the Copenhagen Institute to take up the production of the typhus vaccine from R. pr. in order to help overcome the great shortage of typhus vaccine? Yes.
to 2. Was this request refused by Director Oerskov for valid reasons? Yes.
to 3. Was R. then taken to visit Dr. Ipsen’s section?
I do not remember this, but it is apparent from Dr. Ipsen’s experimental records that Professor Rose actually was in Dr. Ipsen’s laboratory on 24 September and probably discussed these problems with him. Unfortunately, Dr. Ipsen is at present in America on a study trip and will not return before June or July. It is, however, apparent from our records that if Profesor Rose ever received samples of our vaccine it could only have been a small quantity, and neither I nor Dr. Ipsen’s colleagues have ever heard anything of the possible effects of our vaccine.
Through the Danish Red Cross we sent our vaccine to Danish as well as to Norwegian prisoners of war camps, so that the vaccine was given only to Danish or Norwegian colleagues. We heard from Danish colleagues that the effect of these vaccinations was good.
I can add that I am grateful to Professor Rose because he probably helped to prevent our Institute’s being compelled to take over the production of typhus vaccine. It is entirely unpredictable what calamities might have arisen if we had been forced to take up the production of this vaccine.
[Signed] J. Oerskov
Director of the State Serum Institute
Not. K. J. No. 1974/47
EXTRACTS FROM THE TESTIMONY OF PROSECUTION WITNESS EUGEN KOGON[63]
DIRECT EXAMINATION
Mr. McHaney: Now, will you please explain to the Tribunal in your own words exactly how these typhus experiments were carried out.
Witness Kogon: After 40 to 60 people, sometimes up to 120, had been detailed for a series of experiments, one-third of them were separated, and the other two-thirds were either vaccinated with a protective treatment, or it was otherwise administered to them, if it was a chemical therapeutical treatment. Those people who were protected against typhus remained in Block 46 for several weeks until their infection with Rickettsias Prowazeki, the typhus agent. The first selection, that is to say, the first third, was also infected together with them. They served as so-called control persons, with the help of whom it was possible to ascertain whether the infection took and what course the disease took in their cases, so that this course could be compared with that of those who had been vaccinated and then infected. The infection was performed in various ways. Either typhus was transferred through fresh blood injected intravenously or intramuscularly. At the beginning, too, by scratching the skin, or by making a small incision in the arm. In the initial stages, two cubic centimeters of fresh blood infected with typhus were used for the infection, unless the infection concerned was one with an infectious solution. Two cubic centimeters of fresh blood containing typhus were then usually injected into the veins. Later on that dosage was reduced to 1/20 of 1 cubic centimeter because the large quantity of 2 cubic centimeters would penetrate any security achieved by the vaccination. Even 1/20 of a cubic centimeter of fresh blood containing typhus was usually enough to produce a very high degree of typhus if injected into the veins. In the course of years the typhus cultures used at Buchenwald had been cultivated from man to man and had increased their strength, their virulence to a considerable degree, so that the very smallest quantity was sufficient. I suggested to Sturmbannfuehrer Dr. Ding in 1944 that in order to increase the scientific value he should reduce the quantity of these injections to the extreme minimum so that the so-called threshold value could be ascertained—in other words, so that the artificial infection should be as similar to normal infection by lice as possible. He turned this suggestion down because he believed that then no convincing proof could be achieved of the real strength of the protective treatment used. A third category of the experimental persons was used to maintain the typhus cultures. Those were the so-called passage persons, amounting to three to five persons per month. They were merely infected for the purpose of ensuring a constant supply of fresh blood containing typhus. Very nearly all those persons died. I do not think I am exaggerating if I say that 95 percent of these cases were fatal.
Q. Witness, do you mean to say that they deliberately infected three to five persons a month with typhus just to have the viruses alive and available in blood?
A. Just for that particular purpose.
Q. Can you tell the Tribunal approximately how many of those persons died who were infected just to keep the viruses alive?
A. From the so-called passage persons, as I have already said, between three to five were used per month, that is, when I was working for Dr. Ding-Schuler—every month until the end of the Buchenwald concentration camp. That is to say, from April 1943 until March 1945. As far as the previous period is concerned, I only know that passage persons had been used, but I do not know the figures.
Q. Now, Witness, were experimental persons also infected with lice?
A. As far as I know, only one single experiment took place in Buchenwald where an original infection with typhus was performed with lice. The infected lice were brought from the OKH Institute in Krakow by a courier and were taken to Block 46. There they were kept in small cages which were applied to the thighs of the experimental persons, and a number of persons, I do not know how many, were infected. Some of our comrades let a few lice escape in a room of Block 46, but they kept them under control and reported to the Kapo that infected lice had escaped from the cages. Kapo [inmate trusty] Arthur Dietzsch immediately reported this to the camp physician, Dr. Hoven, who was deputizing at that time for Dr. Ding-Schuler. Dr. Hoven, following Dietzsch’s advice, then ordered the destruction of these infected lice. A second delivery from Krakow was also burned because it was not desired that experiments should be performed which entailed such danger for the camp.
Q. Can you tell the Tribunal whether these experimental subjects suffered to any appreciable extent during the course of these typhus experiments?
A. There we must draw a strict dividing line between the general mental condition of such experimental persons and the physical condition caused by this disease. Every man in the camp knew that Block 46 was a dreadful place. Only a very few people in the camp had an exact idea of what was going on in Block 46. A dreadful horror seized anyone who was brought into any kind of connection with this block. If people were selected and taken to Block 46 through the sick bay, then they knew that the affair was a fatal one. The untold horror which was attached to this block made things even worse. Apart from this, it was generally known in the camp that Kapo Arthur Dietzsch exercised iron discipline in Block 46. There the cat-o’-nine-tails really ruled supreme. Everyone, therefore, who went to Block 46 as an experimental person did not only have to expect death, and under certain circumstances a very long drawn out and frightful death, but also torture and the complete removal of the last remnants of personal freedom. In this mental condition these experimental persons waited in the sick bays for an unknown period of time. They waited for the day or for the night when something would be done to them; they did not know what it would be, but they guessed that it would be some frightful form of death. If they were vaccinated, then sometimes the most horrible scenes took place, because the patients were afraid the injections were lethal. Kapo Arthur Dietzsch had to restore order with iron discipline. After a certain period, when the actual illness had set in after the infection, ordinary symptoms of typhus would appear, which, as is well known, is one of the most serious illnesses. The infection, as I have already described to you, became so powerful during the last two and a half years that the typhus almost always appeared in its most horrible form. There were cases of raving madness, delirium, people would refuse to eat, and a large percentage of them would die. Those who experienced the disease in a milder form, perhaps because their constitutions were stronger or because the vaccine was effective, were forced continuously to observe the death struggles of the others. And all this took place in an atmosphere hardly possible to imagine. Just what happened to those people who survived the typhus was something which they did not know during the period of convalescence. Would they remain in Block 46 to be used for other purposes? Would they be used as assistants? Would they be feared as surviving witnesses of the experiments on human beings and therefore killed? All this was something which they did not know and which aggravated the conditions of these experiments.
EXTRACTS FROM THE TESTIMONY OF DEFENDANT ROSE[64]
CROSS-EXAMINATION
Mr. McHaney: When did you first learn that Haagen was conducting experiments on concentration camp inmates?
Defendant Rose: That Haagen was performing experiments on concentration camp inmates? I don’t believe that even today, but I knew that he carried out vaccinations in concentration camps. I cannot remember when I first learned of it—probably in 1943.
Q. Well, you remember the letter in December 1943?
A. I certainly must have known it by then because there I refer to it.
Q. Well, did you know about this sordid occasion when Haagen had 18 men who had been assigned to him die on transport?
A. I never learned anything about that at the time. I found it out from the files. I never knew that prisoners were especially taken to these concentration camps in order to be vaccinated.
Q. What would you have done if you had known about it? Wouldn’t that have given you an indication that maybe things were not so nice in the concentration camp, or maybe proper care wasn’t being taken of the inmates in these experiments?
A. If I had learned anything about it I probably would have reacted exactly as Haagen did. The documents he wrote to the SS office prove that one cannot conduct any experiments of any consequence on such unfortunate people. The record is in the documents here. If I had learned about it, I would probably have reacted in exactly the same way, perhaps more violently.
Q. Well, I should have hoped so.
A. I beg your pardon. I didn’t understand you.
Q. I should have hoped you would have reacted somewhat more violently than Haagen apparently did.
A. That is possible. Our temperaments are different.
Q. You recall Fraeulein Eyer testified that Haagen sent reports every three months to the Medical Inspector of the Luftwaffe. Do you agree to that testimony?
A. I heard the testimony. Yesterday in my direct examination I commented on it. If Haagen had reported every three months I certainly wouldn’t have forgotten it. I had many things on my mind during the war, but such an exemplary condition of reporting would certainly have impressed itself on my memory. It is quite out of the question that the Medical Inspectorate received a report from Haagen every 3 months. I said yesterday that I consider Fraeulein Eyer’s testimony quite credible, because in view of the number of offices with which Haagen was in connection, and from which he received reports, there were so many reports and accounts necessary that it is a marvel that Fraeulein Eyer didn’t say she had to write a report every month. I explained with the aid of the documents what obligation to report is apparent from the documents alone. You probably haven’t had an opportunity to read the record yet, but as soon as the record is ready you will be able to see that. I don’t think there is any purpose in holding up the proceedings with that any further.
Q. And you are quite clear that Haagen never suggested to you that he was going to carry out infection experiments with typhus after vaccination?
A. That is not known to me.
Q. Let’s have a look at Document NO-1059. This will be marked as Prosecution Exhibit 490 for identification. Now, will you please read this letter in a loud and resonant voice?
A. Perhaps I may see the photostat.
Q. Will you read the letter aloud, please?
A. (Reading)
“29 November 1943—Registered
“To Oberstarzt Professor Dr. Rose
“Inspectorate of the Medical Service of the Luftwaffe
“Saalow (Post Office Zossen-Land)
“Dear Herr Rose:
“Enclosed I am sending you the report about our experiments with dehydrated typhus vaccine which I promised you several days ago. As I intend to publish the findings, I have already written the report in manuscript form. After it has been reviewed, I would like it to be submitted to the competent authorities for their approval of its publication in the ‘Zentralblatt fur Bakteriologie’ [Central Periodical for Bacteriology].
“One hundred persons from a local concentration camp were put at my disposal for immunization and subsequent infection. Unfortunately, these people were in such a poor physical condition that eighteen of them already died during transport; the remainder were likewise in such bad physical shape that they could not be used for inoculation purposes. In the meantime I have requested 100 additional persons from the SS Main Office, who should, however, be in a normal physical and nutritional condition, so that the experiments can be carried out on material which at least approaches the physical condition of our soldiers.
“For the time being, we will concentrate on an epidemic culture in the form of a virus, which we have received from Giroud in the meantime. This seems to be a very good culture.
“With best regards,
“Heil Hitler!
“Yours—
“Enclosure: one report.”
And no signature.
This is the matter which I discussed yesterday. Haagen’s plan to test the inoculation reactions to his live and virulent dry vaccine by prevaccination with dead vaccine to weaken the reaction. That is the same matter.
Q. I thought you said about two minutes ago that you didn’t know of the incident where eighteen of the inmates put at Haagen’s disposal had died during transport.
A. Yes, that’s true. That’s what I said. I had forgotten about it. I thought that I had learned it for the first time from the records. If I had remembered it, I would, of course, not have exposed myself by denying it. But now I see this letter. It is obviously a carbon copy. I must assume that on 29 November 1943 the mail was still fairly normal, and that I received the letter, since a report is mentioned which I was to deal with. It was apparently one of Haagen’s papers on his dry vaccine, on which my knowledge is based and on account of which I can give any information here at all as to Haagen’s experiments. This knowledge of mine goes back to these papers of his which he wanted to publish.
Q. It would appear that in spite of your fiery temperament your reaction was even less significant than Haagen’s himself, wouldn’t it?
A. Since I was not concerned in the matter, as it was something between Haagen and the concentration camp, there was no reaction in this case. If somebody else tells me that he has had direct contact with abuses, then there is no occasion for me to interfere, since that is settled between the persons concerned. I had nothing to do with the concentration camps. I did not have to carry out any inoculations there.
Q. And you insist that the words, “one hundred persons from a local concentration camp were put at my disposal for immunization and subsequent infection” really don’t mean subsequent infection at all, but a subsequent immunization?
A. With the live and virulent dry vaccine, yes.
Q. Well, that is certainly an inarticulate way of saying that, isn’t it?
A. This is correspondence between experts, and they know what it’s about.
Q. You state yourself that you are still not sure exactly what Haagen did, although you were down there in the middle of 1943 and got him back on the pay roll of the Luftwaffe, and you knew he was staying at the laboratory and you knew he was going to work on typhus vaccines, but you now sit here and say you don’t know exactly what he was doing.
A. Yes. That is true. I have given considerable information here about Haagen’s work, and I have gone to considerable pains to get it all together; but of course I can’t give you complete information, simply because all these experiments were not under our direction and supervision.
Q. Herr Professor, the first time the question of subsequent infection came up was in a letter dated 1944, and you spent the best part of a day rationalizing “subsequent infection” as meaning something entirely different—that it was simply a subsequent vaccination, after the man had already been vaccinated by the dead vaccine. Now, if you were told on 29 November 1943 that he was going to carry out immunization and subsequent infection experiments, you certainly would have known as a matter of fact what he was doing, and you would not need to speculate on this stand as you did yesterday. These words are entirely susceptible to the meaning that they mean exactly what they say.
A. At this stage of his experiments Haagen did not yet have a fully developed vaccine. He was working exclusively on the problem of weakening the reaction to this live virulent vaccine. That was the problem he was dealing with at the end of 1943 and the beginning of 1944. He was looking for various methods of achieving this aim.
Q. What does he mean in the last paragraph when he says, “For the time being, we will concentrate on an epidemic culture in the form of a virus, which we have received from Giroud in the meantime”?
A. That means that up to that time he had worked with a murine strain, and that now for the development of the dry vaccine he wanted in addition to use a strain of Rickettsia-Prowazeki.
Q. Well, I now want to point out to you again that I am having considerable difficulty in construing the word “infection” to mean vaccination.
A. Yes. I admit that many of these documents are written in a confusing way, but I believe that I can remember the whole matter adequately enough to know what the problem is. The vaccine was not developed enough to be used in vaccination without reaction and then to determine the effect. There were strong fever reactions, and the problem was how to avoid this fever reaction.
Q. Well, why call that infection?
A. That is a similar condition biologically. An injection of a live, a virulent vaccine, from the biological point of view, is an infection. This expression is used often enough, but it is an infection which one can absolutely control.
Q. And after receipt of this letter, you then wrote him on the 13th of December—and this is Document NO-122, Exhibit 298—you sent him the Copenhagen vaccine, didn’t you, and asked him to test it in his experiments on his concentration camp inmates, didn’t you, just as they did in Buchenwald, as you put it?
A. I beg your pardon?
Q. You sent him the Copenhagen vaccine after receiving this letter of 29 November, and asked him to test that in his experiments on concentration camp inmates.
A. When this discussion of the Copenhagen vaccine took place, Haagen was specially interested in it, because it was a murine vaccine; and since he could not yet control fever reaction with murine vaccine—he only succeeded in doing that at the beginning of 1944 by storing the vaccine for a considerable time—he was no longer interested in this Copenhagen vaccine. But at the end of 1943, when he still had the same difficulties as Blanc with the reactions with the live murine vaccine, he was considerably interested in the Copenhagen vaccine. For it was the only vaccine from murine virus available in Europe at the time.
Q. You sent it to him, told him to test it just like they did in a series of experiments in Buchenwald, didn’t you?
A. I don’t remember that.
Q. Well, you remember mentioning Buchenwald to Haagen in your letter of 13 December 1943?
A. Oh, that’s what you mean. Yes, I pointed it out as a parallel, because several vaccines were tested in Buchenwald for their effect against infection, and Haagen in Strasbourg wanted to test various vaccine for their reaction effect.
Q. You sent that Copenhagen vaccine to Buchenwald also to be tested?
A. No.
Q. Herr Professor, did Mrugowsky ever request you to give him vaccines for use in typhus experiments?
A. No.
Q. Did you ever discuss the question as to whether the louse could be infected by a vaccinated typhus patient with the defendant Mrugowsky?
A. That could be possible. This question played an important role for a time in the discussion about the vaccines and their effectiveness. We had some old Polish observations available to the effect that if vaccinated persons received typhus in spite of the vaccination, no further illnesses could be transferred by such persons. It is possible throughout, since this question was of considerable importance that something like that could well have been discussed by Mrugowsky and myself. We talked a lot about that question.
Q. Did you ever negotiate with Mrugowsky concerning vaccines to be tested in Buchenwald?
A. No.
Q. Let’s look at Document NO-1754.
(Document submitted to the witness.)
Mr. McHaney: I will ask that document NO-1754 be marked as Prosecution Exhibit 491 for identification.
Q. (Continuing) Herr Professor, will you read this document aloud?
A. “Hygiene Institute of the Waffen SS; Journal No. 795/42
“Berlin W 15, Knesebeckstrasse 43/44; 16 May 1942
“To Oberfeldarzt Professor Dr. Rose; Berlin N. W., Foehrerstrasse 2
“Robert Koch Institute
“Dear Professor:
“The Reich Physician SS and Police has consented to the execution of experiments to test typhus vaccines. May I therefore ask you to let me have the vaccines?
“The other question which you raised, as to whether the louse can be infected by a typhus patient vaccinated for protection, will also be dealt with. In principle, this has also been approved. There are, however, still some difficulties at the moment about the practical execution, since we have at present no facilities for breeding lice.
“Your suggestion to use Olzscha has been passed on to the personnel department of the SS Medical Office. It will be given consideration in due course.
“With kind regards, and
“Heil Hitler!
“Yours
“Dr. Mrugowsky, SS Obersturmbannfuehrer.”
There is a footnote to this letter, and I quote:
“According to telephone inquiry, Dr. Mrugowsky asks to be called by telephone after Professor Dr. Rose’s return. Dr. Mrugowsky will not be in Berlin in June. His deputy, Dr. Ding, is informed. 20 May 1942.”
This letter shows that Dr. Mrugowsky once informed me that the Reich Physician SS and Police had consented to the testing of typhus vaccines. He then asks me to send him these vaccines. I cannot recall what vaccines he is speaking of.
Then the question is discussed about lice being infected by typhus patients vaccinated for protection.
I admitted that a possibility exists, and I said that this question was at one time discussed with me.
The final paragraph says that one of my assistants had been drafted into the Waffen SS and that I endeavored to have him used in the hygiene service.
Q. Herr Professor, let’s go to the footnote first. What are the initials “B. L.” at the end of that footnote for? Isn’t that Frau Block?
A. Yes, that would be Frau Block, yes.
Q. And Frau Block has been in touch with Dr. Mrugowsky. She notes that Dr. Ding, who I suppose you will admit is Dr. Ding, has been informed. In view of this note we can pretty well disregard the testimony of your witness Frau Block before this Tribunal, can’t we? She testified that you had not corresponded with Mrugowsky, didn’t she?
A. She said that she could not recollect any correspondence with Mrugowsky, but you will see from my documents which you have before you, that this correspondence in effect was so small that it is quite understandable if she does not remember it in detail. It is a result of my express order that you have these documents available. I ordered that in my institute at Pfaffenrode no documents should be destroyed under any circumstances. There is a written document available to show that I gave such an order.
Q. Herr Professor, this letter is in response to one which you wrote to Mrugowsky, isn’t it?
A. That’s possible.
Q. And in the letter that you wrote to Mrugowsky you asked him to have the Bucharest vaccine tested in Buchenwald, didn’t you?
A. I told you before in great detail that I could not remember this matter about the Bucharest vaccine. If you have a letter before you about this matter, it would, of course, give me a possibility to refresh my memory.
Q. I should think this letter would refresh your memory, Herr Professor, particularly in view of the Ding diary, which has an entry shortly following the date on this letter where Ding carries out his experiments with the Bucharest vaccine among others, and says in the diary that the vaccine was obtained from you; and Mrugowsky in this letter asked you to send him the vaccines which you have mentioned in your previous letter. There’s really no doubt about it, is there, Professor?
A. This possibly becomes apparent.
Q. And was this person Olzscha mentioned in the letter? Was he to assist in Buchenwald?
A. He was to be used in the hygiene service. Since he particularly dealt with entomological questions, I asked that he should work on these questions there.
Q. You got a report from Ding, too, on these experiments testing the Bucharest vaccine, didn’t you, Professor?
A. I cannot remember that, and I already told you once that had I received any such report, I would have drawn the conclusions from it; and since I did not do that, I think it is improbable that I received such a report.
Q. In view of this letter, Doctor, do you want to go back and change your testimony about the Copenhagen vaccine? Didn’t you also suggest those experiments, and didn’t you also supply the Copenhagen vaccine for the experiments in Buchenwald?
A. No. I have no intention of doing that.
Q. Well, in that event I will ask that Document NO-1186 be passed up to you, and this will be marked as Prosecution Exhibit 492 for identification. Will you read this letter aloud please?
A. “Oberstarzt Professor Rose
“O. U., 2 December 1943
“To Standartenfuehrer Dr. Mrugowsky,
“Head of the Hygiene Institute of the Waffen SS
“Berlin-Zehlendorf 6
“Spanische Allee 10
“Dear Herr Mrugowsky:
“At present I have at my disposal a number of samples of a new murine virus typhus vaccine which was prepared from mice livers and proved in animal experiments to be quantitatively a thousand times more effective than the vaccine prepared from mice lungs. In order to decide whether this first-rate murine vaccine should be used for protective vaccination of human beings against lice typhus, it would be desirable to know if this vaccine showed in yours and Ding’s experimental arrangement at Buchenwald an effect similar to that of the classic virus vaccines. Would you be able to have such an experimental series carried out? Unfortunately, I could not reach you over the phone. Considering the slowness of postal communications I would be grateful for an answer by telephone. My numbers, all of which go through the same switchboard, are: Berlin 278313; Rapid Exchange Berlin 90, Zossen 559; Luftwaffe Exchange 72, there you ask for RLM, L In 14.
“With best regards
“Heil Hitler!
“Yours
“Rose”
The signature which you see on this photostatic copy is, in effect, my signature. This letter shows that I also informed Mrugowsky about the Copenhagen vaccine, which I did not remember up to this point.
Q. And you asked him to test the vaccine in Buchenwald didn’t you?
A. The question of whether this vaccine can be tested in Buchenwald is dealt with here.
Q. Do you see the name “Ding” written at the bottom of the letter?
A. Yes, it is at the bottom of the page.
Q. And it appears that the testimony of Kogon was very precise, wasn’t it, because Ding got a copy of this letter, didn’t he?
A. Yes. Ding’s utterances do not only refer to my memorandum but also to the correspondence between Mrugowsky and myself. Apparently it was then transferred to the Reichsarzt SS.
Q. Is the date on this letter 2 December 1943 or 12 February 1943—and I direct your attention to the receipt stamp on the letter which is 21 February 1944?
A. The difference between the two dates can be explained by the fact that a considerable time had elapsed between the sending of my letter and when this letter finally reached Ding. During this time the competent agency dealt with the matter of the approval and execution of the experiments on human beings.
Q. So you maintain that 2 December 1943 is the correct date on the letter?
A. Certainly. That is certainly the correct date.
Q. On the basis of the two letters which I have exhibited to you, you will concede that the Ding diary was precisely accurate in what it said, won’t you?
A. No, one can’t conclude that just like that. The order to carry out experiments in Buchenwald could not be issued by me in any way.
Q. That’s very clear—
A. That vaccines were requested from me seems to be evident from one letter. I didn’t remember it and I still don’t remember it now, but on the basis of this letter one has to consider that fact proved. Then it also becomes evident that in this case I drew the attention of Herr Mrugowsky to this vaccine, and that I mentioned a discussion dealing with human experiments regarding these vaccines.
Q. Professor, 6 persons died in this experiment with the Copenhagen vaccine, didn’t they?
A. Yes. These were 6 persons who were furnished by the Reich Criminal Police Office through the regular channels after they were chosen by the competent agencies.
EXTRACT FROM THE TESTIMONY OF DEFENDANT MRUGOWSKY[65]
DIRECT EXAMINATION
Dr. Fleming: Will you please draw the necessary conclusions from what we have discovered about Ding’s diary?
Defendant Mrugowsky: The various erroneous entries in this document and the facts which the handwriting experts have discovered prove that this document is not a diary in which entries were made from time to time. Rather there are long periods of time that are missing, sometimes periods of more than one year before the entries were made. Pages 1 to 3, I believe, were all written at the same time, and also the subsequent pages. The document has 27 pages, which were written down on only a few occasions. That is testified to by the handwriting expert. This explains the various discrepancies between the entries and the actual facts; for instance, calling the Robert Koch Institute a Reich Institute, when it wasn’t, etc. The testimony of a prosecution witness, Balachowsky, corroborates this affidavit.
Q. This affidavit is Document NO-484, Prosecution Exhibit 291. Balachowsky said, under number 29: “The file notes which were copied into the diary shortly before the collapse, give the precise number of the pages and the number of the experiments.” Now please continue.
A. In these words Balachowsky corroborates the fact that this diary, namely, this diary of Block 46, was drawn up shortly before the collapse, apparently on several days, consequently the difference in the typewriters used. Now, as to why he did this I can only conjecture—I do not know. That there was some reason for making the entries in this form would appear to be obvious.
Q. For the explanation of why Ding wrote this diary on Block 46 let me remind you of Kogon’s testimony, namely, that after 1943 Ding was sure that the war would be lost.
A. Yes. That is true. During his testimony Kogon often stated that from the beginning of 1943 on, Ding made efforts to cover himself. He also said that from that moment on, the oral assignments that he received were not sufficient, but that he must insist on receiving written orders. All the more remarkable is it then that the so-called diary, this NO-265, says only very infrequently who initiated the various lines of experimentation. And, if I recall correctly, he does not once say who ordered them.
Q. Then do the contents of this diary meet the normal requirements of a scientist’s diary?
A. The diary of a scientist has the purpose of setting down the precise course of the work undertaken. Consequently, all efforts regarding the initiation and course of experiments should be set down. That is a perfectly comprehensible custom in all institutes because subsequently the evaluation of the experiments is based on entries in the scientific institute’s diary. In this Document NO-265, however, which is allegedly such a diary of Block 46, there is not one entry regarding the actual course of the experiments; not even the results of the experiments are set down there. That is really the least that you could ask of such a diary. Dr. Kogon thought that the number of fatalities which are set down with clear precision were a result, to be sure, an unhappy result, of these experiments. That these events are found lamentable can hardly be disputed, but it is a false point of view if one orients oneself on the basis of this result toward something, the purpose of which was entirely different. The real experimental result can be seen in the following: as a consequence of the protective vaccination, what happens during a subsequent case of infection is that firstly, the period of incubation is prolonged, namely, that period of time which lapses between the actual infection and the first appearance of the disease. Secondly, the period of fever is shortened, whereas usually the period of fever in typhus is 17 days. This protective vaccination reduces it to 12, 10, and even 6 days, depending on the strength of the protective vaccine. At the same time, the height of the temperature is reduced. In other words, the symptoms that are associated with fever, which effect the blood circulation and the heart, as well as those which effect the central nervous system, are less pronounced or altogether absent after the protective vaccine. There are various other small clinical indications which a doctor readily recognizes as a result of the protective vaccine, and it must be said that as the result of less serious clinical manifestations, the number of fatalities from typhus is smaller. That is not a direct but an indirect consequence of vaccination. Therefore, when Ding asserts in this block diary of Block 46 that the most important result of the experiments was the number of fatalities, then every doctor will recognize this as such an erroneous and distorted statement that even if it is made by a doctor so reliable as Ding, it is completely unworthy of credence.
Q. I now show you Mrugowsky 9 and I put it in as Mrugowsky Exhibit 23. It is a photostat of a paper by Dr. Ding on the protective action of various vaccines on human beings and the course of typhus after immunization. I do not wish to read the document but simply desire to bring it to the attention of the Tribunal. Would you care to make any statement about the inadequate way in which this diary was worked on? Would you like to say that perhaps Ding was not in a position to carry on such work?
A. This paper is 13 pages long. First, there is the manner of the patient’s tolerance for the vaccine, then the individual points which I just mentioned as the consequences of the protective vaccination are gone into. Tables are presented which give statistics in these matters. There are eight sketches giving graphs showing the results; and at the very bottom on the next to the last page, in the next to the last paragraph, there are three lines which say that the fatalities in the cases of those vaccinated were fewer in number than among those not vaccinated. That is all mentioned in the summary—there is a final summary. This is also an indication that he was perfectly capable of carrying on scientific work. I should like to point out that at the top of this paper it is mentioned that this work was done in my institute in Berlin. I say that as an indication that I laid no stress on keeping these matters secret in any way or that it was my point of view that these experimental results which had been achieved on the most expensive of all material, namely, human beings, should be carried through to conclusion and that results should be made available to all who are interested.
Q. The prosecution also charges you with the fact that Ding infected persons in Buchenwald who had not previously received the protective vaccination. Would you like to make a statement on that subject?
A. The following cases come into question here on the basis of Ding’s diary entries. First of all, there are the so-called “preliminary experiments”. In Document NO-265, four such preparatory experiments are mentioned on nonvaccinated persons. These were done in order to ascertain what method was possible in order to artificially infect human beings with typhus. I always found that the lay person who had never concerned himself with these matters assumes it to be a matter of course that it is always possible to infect a human being with a disease. That, however, is by no means the case. Even in the case of such a toxic material as the typhus germ, successful infection can only occur if it is not directed directly into the blood stream. Unless another way is chosen, it is usually impossible to bring about infection with such a disease. Consequently, when such experiments are to be carried out on human beings—and this is a point of view which I express without any reference to my own person—then such preliminary experiments cannot be dispensed with. The second case is the so-called “controlled cases”.
Q. Did you know anything of these preliminary experiments?
A. No. I found out about them only through the diary.
Q. Ding says in his diary under the 20th of February 1942: “Case histories and curves on the preliminary experiments were sent to Berlin.” Did you receive this report?
A. No. Nor do I believe Ding sent it to me, because he was not subordinate to me in these experiments and it seems, therefore, more probable to me that he sent them to Grawitz. I, at any rate, did not see them.
Q. How can this be reconciled with your letter of 5 May 1942 to Conti and others which I put into evidence this morning as Mrugowsky 10, Mrugowsky Exhibit 20?
A. This letter corroborates what I have just testified to, because the report on this series of experiments was sent to Grawitz, and I received Ding’s report to Grawitz from Grawitz himself with the order to rewrite it in a suitable form, since Grawitz did not wish outside persons to be able to see, without any further trouble to themselves, that these were really experiments on human beings with artificial infection. He knew that, to some extent, I could master the style which he used in his official communications, whereas he did not know whether Ding could or not. Consequently, he commissioned me to take Ding’s original report and to cast it in a suitable form for the purpose of making communications to the manufacturing firm. This I did, and the result is this document dated 5 May 1942.
Q. Your letterhead here is “Reich Physician SS and Police, Chief Hygienist”. In other words, this is one of the cases in which Grawitz made use of you when you still belonged to the medical staff of the Waffen SS?
A. Yes.
Q. Why didn’t Grawitz rephrase the letter himself?
A. There may have been two reasons for that. Firstly, Grawitz was not a hygienist but an internist and since the letter was being sent to specialists, namely, to those people who manufactured the vaccines, he wanted to be sure that the letter contained everything they needed to know and, on the other hand, no more than they needed to know; secondly, this is quite in line with his customary manner of working, namely, to let his collaborators write letters which dealt with their particular sphere of work, and for this reason, he commissioned me to indite this letter.
Q. On this occasion did you not once again express objections to Grawitz regarding experiments on human beings?
A. That I did not do because this series of experiments had been concluded and because I knew that they had been carried out on Himmler’s specific orders. This was the first series of experiments which had ever been carried out and it was the reason for my very violent show-down with Grawitz at that time. I assumed that this job was now completed and I had no reason to raise further objections.
Q. Were the vaccines of the Behring Works in an experimental stage when Dr. Ding used them in his experiments?
A. No; these vaccines had already been tested in the plant as to a person’s tolerance for them. All such preparations of the Behring Works were worked on in their own laboratories before they were sent out into the world.
Q. I submit to the Tribunal Mrugowsky 44, and I put it in as Mrugowsky Exhibit 24. This is an affidavit by Dr. Demnitz, the manager of the Behring Works, regarding the way in which the vaccines of the Behring Works were developed and how they were tested in the institute itself. On the fourth page, it reads:
“Naturally, the Behring Works also carried out tests to establish whether the vaccines agreed with human beings for (a) it was necessary to vaccinate those people working in the typhus laboratories in order to protect them against typhus; (b) it was necessary to protect those people who attended the experimental animals; and (c) the undersigned himself was vaccinated against typhus on several occasions with vaccines of the Behring Works. These vaccinations had to be repeated from time to time. This concerned both German and Russian assistants. About 20 to 25 persons were employed in our typhus department.”
And Number 6: “The animal experiments according to Otto proved: (a) the harmlessness and (b) the effectiveness or insufficient effectiveness.”
It stated previously, “the question of whether the animals showed a positive reaction is incomprehensible.” It stated also that animal experiments were carried out in the Behring Works. I submit this document to prove these were not vaccines which had not been previously tested, but were vaccines which had gone through the necessary preliminary and effective testing. Do you remember Kogon’s testimony that volunteers were used in the first two series of experiments? This testimony is on page 1,162 of the English transcript and on page 1,197 of the German transcript. If we base our assumptions on Ding’s diary, what two series of experiments must these have been for which volunteers were used?
A. If we base our statements on Ding’s diary we can only consider that these two series were, first of all, the preliminary series A which began on 5 January, and the first series of vaccine experiments with 145 persons regarding which the letter of 5 May 1942 that was previously read concerns itself. (Mrugowsky 10, Mrugowsky Ex. 20.) This series began on the next day, namely, on 6 January 1942. Any other experiments took place at a later date. Thus, when Kogon says that two series of experiments were carried out with volunteers, it can only be these two series of experiments.
Q. The experiments with which the letter of 5 May concerned itself were carried out on volunteers?
A. Apparently they were.
Q. Can you remember the communication of 11 April 1943 to the effect that the Mateska serum could no longer be used for experiments?
A. No, I don’t remember that and I consider it out of the question that I ever received any such communication. In all bacteriology, particularly in virology, there have been efforts for centuries to breed live germs which are no longer pathogenic (which do not infect human beings), in order to use these live germs for the manufacture of vaccine, namely vaccines with live attenuated strains, because these are a complete protection against the disease.
Q. In other words, you want to say that if you had received this communication, you would have seen to it that further experiments were carried out with this serum which was no longer so virulent?
A. I should not like to put it quite that way, but I should certainly have contacted the person whose institute had developed this strain, that was the Robert Koch Institute, Professor Gildemeister. However, I never spoke to him about this matter, and I should like to believe that he found nothing out about this matter because Gildemeister was one of our best virus researchers and was very familiar with the value such a really unique occurrence would have had.
Q. Did you see reports on the C and D series of experiments concerning the discovery of a safe method of infection, which were said to have taken place on the 11th and 13th of April?
A. No, I only found out about them here while looking through this document and I also saw that Ding does not assert that he sent a report on this to Berlin.
Q. On what further typhus experiment series did you then see reports?
A. In the diary of Block 46, Document NO-265, Ding says that only in the case of a few experimental series did he send reports to Berlin, namely the new experimental series, series I, II, VII, and VIII. I saw the report on series I, having received it from Grawitz, and as I said before, I rephrased it in another form, and it constitutes the document here submitted. Series II was carried out with the vaccine of Durand-Giroud of the Parisian Institute. That was the vaccine we intended to produce in our own institute. I really cannot recall ever having seen this report, but it is possible that I was informed of it by Grawitz, because I remember that Grawitz one day told me that he was convinced of the effectiveness of this vaccine and had no further objection to my suggestion that we manufacture the vaccine according to that process. The immunization in the course of this series was carried on by Ding between 19 August and 4 September 1942. From 10 September to 9 October he was in Paris with Professor Giroud to learn his method, and when he returned, he infected persons and sent the charts to Berlin on 20 November. It was probably then, toward the end of 1942, that Grawitz spoke to me about this matter.
Q. Ding was ordered to report to Giroud in Paris in the autumn of 1942, although, as you have stated, it was already decided at the end of 1941 to manufacture your own vaccines according to Giroud’s process. Now how do you explain this delay?
A. In the infections carried out in series I on 3 March 1942, Ding infected himself and fell seriously ill of typhus, despite his protective vaccination. Subsequently, he went on leave to recover, and when his health was somewhat restored, the business of going to Paris was discussed, which was only possible in the autumn.
Q. There were 4 specific fatalities in the control cases. Now you say that Grawitz probably discussed this matter with you. Did you do nothing about the fact that there had been fatalities?
A. When Grawitz spoke to me about this matter, [I] could do nothing because the series of experiments had already been concluded. But I do remember pretty clearly the situation in his office there. I remember that I brought up the matter of these 4 fatalities and told him that that would probably be the last series that he instigated. He answered that Himmler had ordered these experiments and that I had specifically objected to being included in the matter, and consequently no longer had any right to interfere in his business.
Q. The report on the typhus experimental series VII was concluded on 7 September 1943, and when finished a report was sent to Berlin on 9 September, according to Ding’s diary. Did you see this report?
A. No.
Q. But according to Ding’s work report, on the third of September, at a time when this series was completed but the report not yet written, you were in Buchenwald, according to this diary, visiting Ding. Did you talk about this matter then?
A. This entry is apparently correct. This was the period in which Block 50 was being prepared for the production of the vaccines. Ding writes in one of his documents that on the 10th of August this block was occupied and that work in producing the vaccine was begun. Kogon corroborated that in his testimony. Then 3 weeks after the beginning of this work, I went to Buchenwald to look over the laboratory and to see how his work was getting along. Kogon also described at some length how I inspected the institute, how I went into every room. It was a rather extensive inspection. I asked many questions, had many conversations with the inmates there; he further testified that I was with Ding in his room for only a very brief period of time, and that is also correct. In other words, at that time he did not submit any material to me.
Q. Did you know anything else about this experimental series VII?
A. This series was carried out with a vaccine similar to the Behring vaccine, manufactured by a different firm. I knew nothing of this experimental series.
Q. I submit to the Tribunal as the next document, Mrugowsky 12, and I put it in evidence as Mrugowsky Exhibit 25. This is an affidavit by Dr. Karl Ludwig Wolters of Hamburg, from the Asid Works. After the customary introduction the statement reads:
“The above person requested the notary to draw up an affidavit and declared and deposed the following under oath and after having been duly informed of the meaning of an affidavit:
“1. The production of typhus vaccines based on the egg culture process began as early as 1941. Later on, the prescribed process according to Gildemeister and Haagen was introduced.
“2. Experiments on animals for the purpose of testing the manufactured vaccines were taken up simultaneously with the beginning of the production and were carried out continuously. The results of the animal experiments were not always clear. The vaccine tolerance was tested by protective vaccinations of employees; all employees connected with the typhus department or who came in contact with employees working therein, were vaccinated. In addition, all other employees had the privilege of receiving protective vaccination against typhus on demand and without charge. In the course of time, about one thousand employees were vaccinated against typhus.”
To figures 3 and 4 I simply draw the attention of the Tribunal. Figure 5 reads:
“5. As far as I know, there was no correspondence between the firm of Asid, Serum Institute G.m.b.H., Dessau, on the one hand, and the former Hygiene Institute of the Waffen SS, or the Institute for Typhus and Virus Research at Buchenwald, or its chief, Dr. Ding, or the Grawitz Agency, on the other hand.
“6. I made the acquaintance of Dr. Ding during a trip from Berlin to Krakow.
“7. I could not say how the test of the typhus vaccines in question materialized. In any case, as far as I know, I never discussed that question with Professor Mrugowsky, nor did I forward the vaccines to him for testing. It is quite possible that the vaccines reached Dr. Ding through Professor Gildemeister of the Robert Koch Institute in Berlin, who received them in his capacity as expert consultant of the Ministry of the Interior for the fight against epidemics.
“8. During a discussion with Professor Mrugowsky in the Hygiene Institute of the Waffen SS in Berlin, I only talked about general questions of hygiene concerning the occupied eastern territories, and I asked for assistance in the work of developing the serum institute at Kiev. At the same time, the organization of delousing by the Asid Serum Institute Koenigsberg was discussed. There also may have been discussion of general questions in connection with active immunization, especially against scarlet fever, diphtheria, and tetanus.”
Then there is the usual conclusion and signature.
It can be seen from this that the vaccines for this series did not go via you from Ding; is that true?
A. Yes.
Q. According to Dr. Ding’s work report, which is Document NO-571, Prosecution Exhibit 285, you were present with him on the 3d of September in Buchenwald. Did you visit Block 46?
A. Yes. Ding invited me to take a look at Block 46. I went over there with him; and I remember quite well that I was led to the lower floor of a stone building, where there were a number of room-like partitions.