PART II.

A FEW REMARKS ON THE PROVINCE OF YÁURI, AND ON THOSE OF MÁURI AND ZABÉRMA.

Mohammed, the elder brother and predecessor of Khalílu, granted imána to Dan-Ay, a Nyffáwi by birth, who ruled Yáuri for thirty years, and was succeeded by Mafóri, who governs Yáuri at the present time.

The annual tribute which Yáuri pays to Gandó consists of 500 shirts, and from thirty to fifty slaves; while that of Núpe consists of 1000 shirts and 300 slaves.

I will here add a few remarks with regard to Núpe or Nyffi. The northern frontier of Núpe or Nyffi is Fáshi; the eastern border towards Gwári is Líffe; the southern one, Kóro, towards Yúguchi and Búnu. The large town Charági, inhabited half by Yorubáwa, half by Nyffáwa, is two days from Rába by way of Karákará. It is the Yorubáwa who call the Núpe people, Tápa. The Nyffáwa themselves call the Háusáwa, Kenchi, and the Fúlbe, Goy. The Háusáwa call the Nyffáwa, as well as some other related tribes, Baibay. The rivulet or fáddama called Kontagóra separates the territory of the Abéwa or Ebbáwa from that of Núpe, while on the other side it borders upon Yáuri. On the Kontagóra is the large town Kúra, belonging to the Kámbari. The Abéwa live especially on the Manjára, are said to have an idiom of their own, and are armed exclusively with arrows. The people of Núpe Proper are exclusively cavalry.

Principal towns and villages in the province of Yáuri, beginning from Bessekúttu:—Shenga, Kákaté, Dukku, B. Yáuri, Gangwo, Sáwasi, Tondi, Funtu-n-dúchi, Fombo, Sombo, Árgidá, Shóbbonó, Rábakó, Bágedé, Mofóngi, Lúchi, Móchipá, Ngáski, Águrá, Óbaká (large place), Berway, Kwéne, Zente, Mojínga, all near to B. Yáuri; Mófiló (domain of the heir apparent or “dan serkí,” half a day E. from Yáuri), Wára (a place of embarcation, “báki-n-makétare,” on the Kwára), Jatáwu, Kawóje, between Yáuri and a place called Dandi Féllani; Bokki-júrurú, Lanne, Sonwuay, Dúchi- or Dútsi-n-Mári. Now follow the islands, or “gúngu,” in the river, all of which are inhabited by Kámbari: Shíshiya, Rópiya, Gabáilo. The principal towns of the independent Kámbari are: Rejó, Béto, Fantandáchi, Áchira, Shébbenó, Rába-n-Kámbari, Ubakka.

I here add the seats of three particular tribes settled in the neighbourhood of Yáuri: the Bangi, between Yáuri and Kotórkoshe; the Shengáwa in Jakwa, between Yáuri and Haúsa; and the Dekérkeri settled in Tabé, Zúru, Bangen-jatáwa, and in Kagaye.

From Bunza to Yáuri.

(a.) Western road.

1st day. Tsáru.

2nd. Állelú, on a river of the same name.

3rd. Dáji, perhaps the word meaning wilderness; no town.

4th. Gangu (gúngu, “the island” [on the Kwára?]).

5th. Yáuri.

(b.) Eastern road.

1st day. Bussukúttu, according to this information, a village of Kebbi; but generally regarded as belonging to the territory of Yáuri.

2nd. Kúsará, lying on the other side of a rivulet called Gulbi-n-Chúso; here you sleep, when the river is full of water, the crossing of it occupying a long time; else proceed, and halt in Zángo-n-dúmmia.

3rd. Gangwo.

4th. Yáuri.

I here give, as I have no other place, a short itinerary from Yáuri to Kotú-n-kúra, or rather Kotá-n-koró.

1st day. Rágadá, belonging to the territory of Yáuri.

2nd. A hamlet of the Kámbari.

3rd. Kotá-n-koró, a place larger than Zínder, under the dominion of Kátsena, with a daily market.

ZABÉRMA.

The province of Zabérma, or Zérma (Jérma) is bordered towards the south-west by the Niger: towards the south by the province of Déndina and the district of Támkala; and towards the south-east by the province of Máuri. Its northern, or rather north-western, border cannot be well defined with the insufficient knowledge which we possess of that quarter; although thus much is clear, that the district of Ímmanan, which lies between the former and Kidal, the province of the Debbákal, or the Benú Sékki, is to be sought for in that neighbourhood. It is inhabited by a race of Songhay and Tawárek, but, apparently, of a degraded and mixed character, who give to the country, or at least to the eastern portion of the province, the name Chéggazar, which however seems to attach to one locality in particular; the people of this tract appear to have a chief of their own named Hatta. The country, with the exception of one or two open places, appears scarcely to have any centres of a settled population; and the chief interest attaching to it seems to be the broad valley, rich in natron, which intersects the province. (See Itineraries in the note.[152]) The trees most common in the province are the góreba or dúm-palm, the ákkora, and the gʿaó, and the valley is said to be girt by fine tamarind trees. This province is also famous on account of its rich pasture-grounds, and is for this reason frequented also by a good many sections of the Fúlbe or Féllani, during some months of the year, if the state of the land is favourable, even the cattle of the Féllani-n-Kátsena pasturing in that country.

I here give a list of the sections of the Fúlbe or Féllani who usually pasture here.

Féllani-n-Zabérma:

Jelgóbe, Démbubé, Kurmé, Señínankoye, Módibankoye, Wárbe, Fíttuga, Nibángankoyen, Kúlasankoyen, Jáborinkoyen, Chenbángankoyen, Dárëankoyen, Fármaké[153], Báliyankoyen, Túkankoyen, Kúdurankoyen, Gargánga.

The Féllani-n-Háusa call all those countrymen of theirs who are scattered over these western districts by the nickname Menénnata Háusáre (properly, “I do not understand Háusa”); proving by such a name, which is an opprobrium to themselves, their own loss of nationality, and that they, although Fúlbe, usually address their own people more in Háusa than in their own idiom, the Fulfúlde language.

List of Places in MÁURI or ÁREWÁ.

Zormakoye (residence of a special governor), Lokoye (the capital of the province in former times), Gíwaye, Dámana or Dammána, Tiwellíje (Séberi), Gómbora, Birni-n-Máuri, Bébe (with caverns), Gálewa, Degéji, Sákari, Báki-n-dútsi[154], Lóga.

APPENDIX VI.

INFORMATION WITH REGARD TO THE PROVINCES OF GURMA, MÓSI, AND TOMBO.

The whole triangle interposed between the Niger towards the north, and the country of the Eastern Mandingoes or Wángaráwa towards the south, appears to be inhabited by a single race of people, whose language, although they are divided into several different states and nations, nevertheless appears originally to have been of the same stock. It is very probable, that this race in ancient times occupied the whole upper course of the Niger, and that this tract may have been wrested from them in later times by the Songhay, and the Mandingoes, especially that section of the latter which is generally called Bámbara. These are the Gurma towards the N.E., the Tombo towards the N.W., and between them the Mósi, or, as they appear to call themselves, Móre. Gurma, also, does not appear to be the indigenous name by which those people designate themselves, but is, I think, of Songhay origin. The Gurma, on account of the neighbourhood of the centres of the Songhay empire, appear to have lost almost their whole independence and nationality, the Songhay conquering from them great part of their territory, and wasting the remainder by continuous predatory expeditions; but the former seem to have recovered part of their strength since the weakening of the power of the Fúlbe in these quarters, who followed upon the heels of the Songhay, and who appear to have formed settlements all along the great high road from Másina to Háusa, having established themselves firmly in the latter province from very remote times. The strongest among these pagan kingdoms five centuries ago, and even at the present moment, is that of the Mósi, although the country is split into a number of small principalities, almost totally independent of each other, and paying only some slight homage to the ruler of the principality of Wóghodogó. The Mósi are called Morba (perhaps originally Móre-bá; bá being, as Mr. Cooley informs me, a formative of personal nouns in the Mandingo language) by the Bámbara; they themselves give peculiar names to the tribes around them, calling the Fúlbe, Chilmígo; the Songhay, Marénga; the Gurma, Bimba; the Wángara, Tauréarga; the Háusa people, Zángoró; the Asanti or Asianti, Santi. The inhabitants of Gurma call the Háusáwa, Jongoy; but the name of the Fúlbe they have changed only very slightly, calling them Fuljo in the singular, Fulga in the plural form. The Bámbara give to the Áswánek or Swanínki the name Marka. With regard to the line of Mandingo or Wángara settlements, which extend through the whole breadth of this tract along about the tenth meridian of north latitude, I shall say more further on. I will here only remark that Mr. Cooley (“Negroland of the Arabs,” p. 79) seems to have been right in his supposition respecting the original settlements of that eminent African race.

Besides the nationalities mentioned, there are in the tract described several smaller tribes, the degree of whose affinity it is not so easy to determine, especially as the names are more or less corrupted by the traders: Tuksáwa, Gurúnga, Basánga, well known also from other sources, with the chief places Lárabu and Tangay, the Susámga, Samgay, Kántantí, Kárkardí, Chókoshí, whose chief place situated on an eminence seems to be Gambága, formerly supposed to be the name of a country; Choksáwa is probably only the Háusa form of Chókoshí.

The Tombo[155] seem to have been very powerful in former times, extending probably to the very banks of the Niger at Timbúktu, and became known to the Portuguese from the end of the fifteenth century; but having still, in the latter half of the last century, constituted an important political power, they seem since to have suffered very severely by the continual attacks of the Fúlbe, who have invaded their territory from two different quarters at the same time, from Másina towards the N.W., and from Gilgóji towards the N.E., the latter province being entirely wrested from them, so that they have lost all national independence, although they still retain a large territory of about 150 miles in every direction. I will here at once proceed to communicate the little information which I have been able to collect with regard to them, in order then to subjoin a network of routes which will constitute a fair framework whereupon to lay down in an approximate manner the topography of Gurma and Mósi.

The country of the Tombo at present extends from the province of Gilgóji in the N.E., the greater part of the inhabitants of which belong to the same race, and Dwentsa in the N., and from near Konna towards the N.W., to the territory of Benendúgu, or country of the Beni, in the S., and to that of Yádega in the S.E. From the latter they seem to be separated by the territory of the Urbá and Tinógel, who, however, evidently belong to the same stock. The eastern and western portion of the region thus included is mountainous, the central part more level, and clothed with a rich vegetation of tamarind and other trees. The chief place of the whole territory is said to be Árre, situated fifteen days from Gilgóji, and fifteen from Dámmajé, a place on the road to Wóghodogó, nine days from Sofára; and the next in importance are said to be the following towns or villages:—Nínge, one day south from Dwentsa, Bambar, Kája, Nayámma, Hónduk, Dímbilí, Kong, Shóle, Ámmalá, Kómmogam, Shógo, Kaulu, Yelme, Kul, Tiyaugu, Shanger, Wódibú, (apparently inhabited, at least partly, by Mandingoes), Kána, Andúl, Gímle, Índe, Káwar, Fanjékkara, Kommaige, Tamtóngo, Mówe, Tímmin, Ulúl. All these places or towns are said be of considerable extent, and to have each its own chief.

I now proceed to give the itineraries illustrating the geography of Gurma and Mósi. But I must first say a word about Mr. Duncan’s route from Abóme to Ada-fudia[156], or, as he writes, Adda-foodia, which will be found to coincide partly with the region here described by myself. This route of Mr. Duncan will be found in course of time to contain a few gross mistakes, to say the least. It is quite impossible for an African traveller to go over such distances in so short a time as Mr. Duncan did, who one day counts his journey at not less than forty-four miles.[157] It is not clear from his journal whether the population of the places visited by him be Mandingo or Fulfúlde; although it appears to be evident from certain hints which he throws out, that he supposes it to consist of these two elements[158], but in reality the more northern part of the route travelled over by him is entirely inhabited by native tribes. Supposing the population of the country thus traversed consisted of Felláta or Fúlbe, it seems very unlikely that these people, who are so suspicious, should allow a traveller to hurry on at this rate, without any stoppages. Moreover, I doubt very much whether in any of the countries hereabout dromedaries and elephants will be found tamed, such as Duncan found in Sogbo; and whether the sugar-cane and the oil-palm grow there. I have not been able to connect any of the towns between Assafúda and Adá-fudía, as laid down by Duncan, with my itineraries, nay, I have not been able to learn the names, or become aware of the existence, of any such places; but this I leave to future travellers, who may have the fortune to visit that quarter.

I now give first an itinerary from Komba on the Niger to Sansánne Mangho, in order to circumscribe the country of Gurma on its south-eastern side, and thence to Selga, the great entrepôt of the gúro-trade.

A.—Route from Komba to Sansánne Mangho.

1st day. Korkojángo garí-n-ʿAbdu Féllani, a Púllo settlement.

2nd. No village.

3rd. Mákuru, on a watercourse without a current, numbers of wild beasts.

4th. Dágu, a village, belonging to Gurma, and skirted by a fáddama on its west side.

5th. Sófo-n-Dágu “Old Dágu,” at present uninhabited.

6th. Bizúggu or Bisúgu, large place, residence of chief Yanjo. Between Dágu and Bizúggu, one day perhaps is left out; at least, other travellers make three stations between these two towns, the first in Súdo-melle, the next in Zokóga a Gurma village, the third in Mekkéra, another Gurma village.

7th. Tanga, a hamlet, bordered towards the south by a mountain, and skirted on the east side by a watercourse running from W. to E.

8th. Majóri, a hamlet, on the north side of a large mountain.

I here add another direct road from Komba to Majóri without passing by Bizúggu:

1st day. Korkojángo.

2nd. Féllalé, a mountain, and therefore called Féllalé-n-dútsi (dútsi meaning mountain in Háusa), with a watercourse.

3rd. Small watercourse, with water occasionally.

4th. Dágu, a village of Gurma.

5th. Súdo-melle, a large market-place of Gurma, probably a settlement of the Wángara, who are always called by the natives of this district Wángara-Melle; “súdo” means dwelling, in Fulfúlde.

6th. A village belonging to Barba or Búrgu.

7th. A village of idolaters, in a mountainous district.

8th. Sabálga, a pagan village, still under Gurma. Bizúggu, one day west from here.

9th. Sabálgu, a small village, the whole country mountainous.

10th. A small watercourse.

11th. Majóri now deserted.

9th. Halt in the wilderness “on the bank of a river” (baki-n-gulbi), which is crossed on skins.

10th. Barbar, a hamlet.

11th. Famma; a mountain towards the east.

12th. Halt “on the bank of a river” (baki-n-gulbi) in the wilderness.

13th. Fálalé or Féllalé, a large village, inhabited by native Gurma, naked and only protecting their hind quarters with a wisp. Mountainous. “Fálalé,” as I have said, means mountain or rock.

14th. Belgu, called by the Háusa-traders “maigigíña,” on account of its being so rich in deléb-palms. Situated on the bank of a river in a mountainous district.

15th. Sansánne Mangho or Mango (“the camp of Mohammed”), an old settlement of the Mandingoes or Wángaráwa, who seem to have been settled in this quarter from ancient times, engaged in the gold trade between Kong and Kúkia (the old capital of Songhay), which received its gold from hence. Even now a peculiar weight of mithkál (see Vol. V. p. 23) is still used here. The number of inhabitants about 3000. The name of the present governor is Kancho. From hence a track leads to Wóghodogó.

16th. Halt on the border of a river, having crossed another river in the course of the day.

17th. A well inhabited (probably Mandingo or Wángara) place called by the Háusa traders “garí-n-maíbéndega,” on account of the people being all armed with muskets. Territory of governor Mangha.

18th. Sakoiga, territory of Yendi.

19th. Yendi, an important place, but not near so large as was believed formerly, from the account given by the travellers to Asianti, it appearing in reality to have a population of about 5000. They are idolaters, and drink búza or péto in great quantity. The name of the governor is Kirgángu, before whose house two baskets of meat are daily given to the vultures, to whom a sort of worship seems to be paid.

20th. Sambo, a village situated on the other side of the river.

21st. Kóbier or Kóbia.

22nd. A halt on the bank of a river, no village.

23rd. Sungúngu.

24th. Túru, a village.

25th. Yánsalá.

26th. Salga, or Selga, capital of the province of Gonja, residence of a governor; population about 1000 inhabitants, the market of the gúro trade, and destitute of water, which is brought from a rivulet at some distance called “gulbi-n-baráwu,” on account of its being occasionally infested by robbers.

I will now give at once the route from this place, which is connected with Kumássi the capital of Asianti by a tolerably ascertained route, to Tañéra or Tangréra, an important point approximatively laid down according to Caillié’s route.

B.—Route from Selga to Tañéra by way of Kong, very short marches.

1st day. Súgunkollo, a small town belonging to the province of Gonja, but ruled by a governor of its own.

2nd. Kónkorosú, a place in a district rich in gúro trees.

3rd. A rivulet called by the Háusa traders “kúrremi-n-fítta,” on account of its banks being richly clad with the tree which supplies the leaves called “fítta,” wherein the gúro is packed up in the little baskets called “wágha.”

4th. Halt in the wilderness, traversed by a rivulet, and frequented by elephants.

5th. A rivulet containing gold particles in its sand, and therefore called “gulbi-n-zinária.” Territory of Gonja.

6th. Bitúgu, a large town, residence of a governor of the name Adángara, who acknowledges the supremacy of Asianti.

13th. Another river with gold, called therefore “gulbi-n-zinária.”

26th. Kong, a large town, the houses consisting entirely of clay dwellings. The inhabitants, Mandingoes or Wángara, and most of them Mohammedans. Also Fullán or Fúlbe are found there. They have a good deal of weaving, and their cotton is very celebrated, especially the kind called “el harrotáfe” in Timbúktu, with alternating stripes in red and black.

27th. Náfaná, a village.

28th. Halt in the fields of Náfaná.

29th. A village belonging to the territory of Tágonó, which stretches southward to the neighbourhood of a considerable place called Árna.

30th. A large place, likewise in Tágonó.

31st. Halt on the bank of a rivulet running from N. to S., navigable during the rainy season, and then animated by river horses, but without water in the dry season.

32nd. Kému, a large town of the territory of Tágonó, with a considerable mountain towards the south, and many small watercourses.

33rd. Another village of Tágonó.

34th. Village belonging to the territory of Fúluná.

35th. Another village of the same.

36th. A village of the territory Kurdúgu. All these different territories are inhabited by Mandingoes or Wángara.

39th. Kanyénni, a large town situated on a kúrremi or a small watercourse and an important market-place, the most important one of this whole tract with the exception of Furá. The inhabitants Wángaráwa, moslemín, and idolaters.

40th. Ségganá, on a watercourse, as it seems, the same as that of Kanyénni.

50th. Ganóni, an important market-place of the Fúluná.

59th. Tañéra, another place of the Fúluná larger than Ganóni, and built of clay. This is evidently Caillié’s Tangréra (i. p. 385, et seq.). In going from Tañéra to Yámina, or Nyámina, a journey of twenty-nine short marches, the traveller reaches on the fourth day a large river (probably the Bagoë of Caillié), on the other side of which the territory of Yámina commences.

C.—From Kirotáshi, a town on the east side of the Niger, one day south of Say, to Wóghodoghó.

1st day. Halt on the west side of the Kwára or Ísa.

2nd. Bóti, residence of a chief of Gurma.

3rd. Wilderness.

4th. Wilderness.

5th. San-katatúgu.

7th. Bizúggu, called by the Háusa traders “Fáda-n-Gurma,” “palace of Gurma,” and residence of a chief called by them Tobáni-n-kífi.

8th. Yenga, the frontier town of Mósi in this direction.

9th. Bennanába (or rather Be-nába) or Nungu, called Nomma by the Fúlbe, Fáda-n-Gurma by the Háusa people, the residence of Bojjo the supreme chief of Gurma: the name of his predecessor, it seems, was Chenchírma or Yengírma. The distance from Bizúggu to the latter place seems rather long for two common marches, although it certainly does not exceed sixty miles; other people make four halts, the first in Landó; the second in Burgu; the third in Kankancháli, a large town; and the fourth, in a place called by the traders “Garí-n-Magájia.”

I here subjoin a route leading from Champagóre to Landó or Lendó, a place which is of considerable importance on account of its being the residence of the warlike chief Wintélle, whose princely title is Fan-du. From Champagóre:—Mayánga a hamlet inhabited by slaves of the Fúlbe; Champelga, already belonging to the territory of Lendó; Lendó.

10th. Tánkurgú.

13th. Kulféla, a well-frequented market-place of Mósi, and of greater importance than all the other towns of Mósi; the governor’s name is Nábere Gáger. The inhabitants are celebrated archers. Another informant going from Kulféla to Tánkurgú makes three stations, the first in Ligílde Málgumá, a large town, the second in Lúlugú, and the third in a village called Kógo.

15th. Wóghodoghó.

N.B.—If this were a tolerably direct road it would have a great influence upon the position of the various places mentioned; but it would seem that my informant turned away from his direct track in order to visit the market-place Kulféla. Other people, in going slowly from Kulféla to Wóghodoghó, spend eight days on the road, sleeping the first night in Páshipánga, the second in Tángay, the third in Zorógo, the next in a place ruled by a man called Máne Bogónje, the fifth in another village called Tángay, and reach Wóghodoghó on the eighth. I shall here join Tánkurgú with Sansánne Mangho by an itinerary, which, however, does not lay claim to completeness.

1st day. Benda, belonging to the territory of Busánga.

2nd. Samga, a large town.

3rd. Kántantí, residence of a chief of its own.

4th. Yanga.

5th. Sansánne Mangho.

D.—From Yágha to Belánga (long marches).

1st day. Kábo, a village of Yágha.

2nd. Selúngu, a Gurma village belonging to the territory of Belánga.

3rd. Jafánge, a large Gurma place (long march).

4th. On the bank of the river Shirba in the wilderness.

5th. Beláng or Belánga, residence of one of the Gurma chiefs, styled Bélem-béttu (béttu means chief, king, in the Gurma language), who at present is one of the most powerful rulers of that country; his territory extending about four days’ good march in every direction,—the more important places being Yamba, Sírbalé, Jepángalé, Basérilú, Balga, Tubga, Déngo, Tampódo, Mokka, Yopónga, Japángo, Béla.

From Belánga to Nungu or Be-nába there are four very short days, passing by Yamba, a large place, Yébel-yébel, and Tubga.

E.—From Jíbo, capital of the province of Gilgóji or Jilgódi (about 60 miles S. from Mundóro, 55 W.S.W. from Áribínda, and 35 S.S.W. from Tínge), by way of Kaye, to Máni and Wóghodoghó (very short marches).

1st day. Káje.

2nd. Sebbe.

3rd. Gánkomá (not Gaikomá).

4th. Tóngomelle or Tóngomaye, a market-place of some importance, which may be reached on horseback in one day from Jíbo.

5th. Nyange.

6th. Kóbay.

7th. Surgúsumá, the last place of the territory of Gilgóji.

8th. Kélbo, the first village of the territory of Mósi. The border-district in general is regarded as very unsafe.

9th. Déffia.

10th. Sokkopéndu.

11th. Kondu-bétto (probably not the name of the place, but that of the chief; this is perhaps the place Kondu or Kamgo, which is said to have resisted successfully an expedition of Sheikho Áhmedu).

12th. Sába.

13th. Mákkeri.

14th. Kaye, an important place, where several roads meet.

From Kaye to Wóghodoghó.

1st day. Jetínga.

2nd. Nessemetínga.

3rd. Lúda.

4th. Máku.

5th. Bússumo (or as it is called by the traders “Fádan Bússumo”), an important place, residence of a powerful chief, probably the most powerful of the Mósi chiefs at the present time, especially with regard to cavalry.

6th. Kurzumógo, residence of a governor (“yeríma”) under Bússumo.

7th. Máni, another residence of a powerful chief who, however, in a certain degree seems to acknowledge the supremacy of Bússumo.

8th. Yáko, a considerable place.

10th. Wóghodogó.

F.—From Máni—Yádega.

1st day. Yáko.

2nd. Kurzomógo, not identical, as it appears, with the synonymous place mentioned in the previous itinerary; residence of a governor under Yádega.

3rd. Jegá, a considerable place, with huts of reed.

4th. Zámche.

5th. Damméko.

6th. Píssela.

7th. Yerímchí (probably only a name given to the place by the traders as being the residence of a yeríma or governor).

8th. Yádega.

G 1.—From Máni to Kong and back by a more easterly road.

1st day. Temma.

2nd. Yáko.

3rd. Lá.

4th. Sarma.

5th. Bófori.

6th. Sáfané.

7th. Langaféra.

8th. Ditóri.

9th. Téberé.

10th. Kong, a large place, according to informant, inhabited by Bámbara. It can scarcely be identical with the well-known town Kong, if the itinerary be correct; but nevertheless it may be the case.

G 2.—Return from Kong.

1st day. Furá, a large market-place.

2nd. Dálo.

3rd. Kebéne.

4th. Dúllugu.

5th. Dakay, a place belonging to the territory of Mósi.

6th. Kamshégo.

7th. Neténga.

8th. Lúmbilé.

9th. Jéngaré.

10th. Tenga.

11th. Yáma.

12th. Ímigu.

13th. Máni.

H.—From Kaye to Belússa, and thence to Belánga.

1st day. Dimla, a large town of Mósi, with a warlike population, therefore called “maimáshi” (mistress of spears) by the traders.

2nd. Ponsa, also a considerable place.

3rd. Píssela.

4th. Belússa, a large town, seat of an independent Gurma chief who possesses numerous cavalry.

From Belússa a person on horseback reaches Belánga comfortably the second day, the great station between these two towns being Alitínga, still belonging to Mósi, and an important place, inhabited by Mósi and Háusa traders; but common native travellers generally halt twice between Belússa and Alitínga, in Nyennyéga and Kobúri, and once between Alitínga and Belánga in a Gurma village called Yamba. Belússa seems to be situated from Belánga not true W., as I have placed it in the map which I sent home, but a little more to the N.

Between Belússa and Kulféla lie the following places:— Jíga, Zámche, Sálugu (still belonging to the territory of Belússa), Kumshégu, Sóre (a market-place), Wunógo, Yirnába (residence of a Mandingo or Wángara chief, whom the traders call Yergáwa), then a village belonging to a Púllo resident in Kulféla (“ungwa serkí-n-Féllani-n-Kulféla”); Futínga, Nakálba, Ligíddemél-demá, and Kulféla.

I.—From Píssela to Dóre in Libtáko (very short marches).

1st day. Nagabíngo.

2nd. Ponsa, a large place, the same as that mentioned in the preceding itinerary.

3rd. Gungay.

4th. Nantínga.

5th. Lógu.

6th. Sambánga.

7th. Nákorí.

8th. Kéum.

9th. Belga.

10th. Néba.

11th. Kwála.

12th. Tambo.

13th. Marárraba, belonging to Libtáko, and inhabited by Fúlbe. Marárraba means “half-way” in the Háusa language; and it would be important to know what the names of the two places are between which this village is considered as lying half way.

14th. Kála, also inhabited by Fúlbe.

15th. Débbero-ónkoy, Fúlbe.

16th. Láraba.

17th. Dóre.

K.—Route from Ségo on the Niger to Méggará in Mienka or Menka.

1st. day. Fenya, having crossed a considerable river called Bábelé Sirsénkené.

2nd. Fáraní, a place inhabited by Dhiúli, Júli, or Mandingoes.

3rd. Fínyaná (ditto).

4th. Kaya, inhabited by Júli and Bámbara.

5th. Gondígasó.

6th. Sinsúnkoró, Bámbara.

7th. Enjénené.

8th. Furá, a village inhabited by slaves of the Fúlbe.

9th. Konobúgu, Bámbara.

10th. Sanánkoró, Bámbara.

11th. Kónina, Bámbara.

12th. Segebúgu.

13th. Yensa, in the territory of the Fóngfoná.

14th. Yessímaná.

15th. Jinna or Jinniná, in the territory of Menka.

16th. Jitámaná, residence of the chief of Menka.

17th. Méggará. Here the territory of Bóbó begins. Tenyéra from here ten days S.S.W., and Kong about twenty-three, by way of Fó and Natkhe, S.E.

APPENDIX VII.

PEDIGREE OF THE SHEIKH SÍDI ÁHMED EL BAKÁY.

Sídi ʿUkbå, son of ʿOmár with the surname El Mústajáb, the great conqueror of Barbary.

Sakéra.

Yadrúba.

Sʿaíd.

ʿAbd el Kerím.

Mohammed.

Yakhsha.

Domán.

Yahia.

ʿAlí.

Sídi Áhmed, or Mohammed, el Kuntí, born of a Limtúna mother called Yágedásh. He is said to have died in Fask, a district W. of Shingít.

Sídi Áhmed el Bakáy, died in Waláta.

Sídi ʿOmár e’ Sheikh, is said to have changed the cruel custom, prevailing in the family before him, of murdering all the (male) children except one,—and to have left all his three sons alive. For this reason it is that his name occupies a prominent position in El Bakáy’s poem. He was a great friend of ʿAbd el Kerím ben Mohammed el Maghíli, and is said to have visited, in his company, the learned Sheikh e’ Soyúti in Egypt. He is said to have died A.H. 960 (A.D. 1553), in the district of Gídi or Ígídi, E. of the Sákiet el hamra.

Sídi el Wáfi, although Sídi ʿOmár’s second son, succeeded his father as Welí, while the Sheikhdom rested with his elder brother Sídi Mukhtár, who died in the sanctuary or chapel called Zawyet Kunta, situated in the neighbourhood of Bú-ʿAlí, the ksar or village of Tawát where the family of El Maghíli resided. El Wáfi’s younger brother was Sídi Áhmed e’ Regá.

Sídi Haiballa (Habíb-allah). ⎫ ⎪ ⎬ ⎪ ⎭ These four were only Welíye, without having the dignity of Sheikh.

Sídi Mohammed.

Sídi Bú-Bakr.

Bábá Áhmed.

Mukhtár, also called Mukhtár el kebír, in order to distinguish him from his grandson. With him the dignity of Sheikh was transferred into this branch of the family. He died, A.H. 1226 (A.D. 1811). A dream, or sacred vision, which he had in the year 1209, is very famous in those parts of Negroland.

Sídi Mohammed e’ Sheikh died 2nd Shawál, 1241 (10th May, 1826), during Major Laing’s residence in the hilleh in Ázawád.

Mukhtár, his eldest son, died 1263, in Timbúktu.

Sídi Áhmed el Bakáy, Mukhtár’s younger brother, the present chief.

APPENDIX VIII.

TWO POEMS OF THE SHEIKH EL BAKÁY, WHEREIN HE SATIRIZES THE FÚLBE OF MÁSINA.

الحمد لله وحده وصلى الله على من لا نبى بعده

ولشيخنا وسيدنا احمد البكاى بن شيخنا وسيدنا محمد بن شيخنا وسيدنا المختار يخاطب الجماعة الفلانية الماسنية لما ارادوا ضيفه عبد الكريم بارث الانكليزى النصرانى

رِمْتُ امْراً امْراً عظيما فظيعـــا قُلْ لِجَيْشِ الفُلَان قُلْتُ شَنِيعا

يَوْمَ تلقَوْنَهُ عزيزا منيعـــا قد طلبتُمْ ضيفى سَتَلْقَوْنَ ضَيْفِى

وابوه حرٌّ اجاد الصنيعـــا ضيفَ حُرٍّ لحرّة بنتِ حرّ

لم تَلِدْنى إِماؤٌ ثم ما ربْــــــبَيْنَنِى فى حجورهِنّ رضيعـــا

ما عردنا مِنْ سامَ الّا رفيعـــا وابى مَنْ عَرَفْتُمُ وابوه

أَبْيَضَ الوجه سيّدا او قريعـــا ما عردنا من سام الّا كريما

تَحْمل الفَحْمَ مِثْلَها أَنْ تَبيعـــا ليس فى اُمَّهاتهمْ بنتُ عبدٍ

ربُّه بَتَّ عتْقَه مُسْتَطيعـــا ابنها ربها ولاكِنْ ابوه

لبنى حامَ الأَلِىِ لَنْ اطيعـــا لم تلدنى بنتٌ لِحامَ ولا ٱبْنٌ

لبى حام الالى لا يرون الضْــــــضَيْفَ الّا شهيرةٌ وبديعـــا

بمضاعٍ فضيفُه لَنْ يضيعـــا انّ ضيفى عِرْضى وما كان عرْضى

انّ عبد مناف بن قُصَى بــــــن كِلاب بن مُرّة المستنيعـــا

ولوى بن غالب ونرار بــــــن معدّ أَوْصوُا بِأَنْ لا أَكيعـــا

ونهانى فَهْرُ بنُ مالكِ بْنِ النْــــــنَضْرِ أَنْ أَسْتَرِيبَ او أَسْتَرِيعـــا

عمرَ الشيخ من بنى احمد البكــــــاءِ يَنْمى الوافِىُّ حُرّا نصيعـــا

كان من عُقْبَةَ المجاب صريعـــا ونماه الكُنْتِىُّ نجلُ علِىٍّ

ضيفُهُمْ لا يَمُوتُ فى الدَهْرِ ضَيْعـــا تِلْكَ آبائِىِ الكِرامُ وكانوا

أَنَّ بَيْعَ السلطانِ لَيْسَ مَبِيعـــا لا يَخافُ السلطانُ أَنَّ حَيْفَ أَوْ

منكم لن يراع الا اذا السلــــــطان عبد المجيد من نكمه ريعـــا

وطعانٌ فى الزِنْجِ يُزْجِى النجيعـــا دُونَ ما تَطْلبونَ حَرْبٌ وضَرْبٌ

ومصاعُ السُيُوفِ حَوْلًا كتيعـــا دون ذاك الفتى وسمر العوالى

كَرُعُودٍ قَصَفْنَ ريحًا وريعـــا واحْتِباطُ لأَنْفَاط هنّا وهنّا

تَحْسِبُ الموتَ رَوْضَةً وربيعـــا تَحْمِلُ الموتَ فيه فِتْيانُ ضَرُّوا

وكهولٍ شاختْ فى العزّ جميعـــا مِنْ رَعاريعَ أَوْ غطاريفَ مُرْدٍ

فَوْقَ جُرْدٍ من الجياد عناجيــــــجِ يَعابيِب عُوِّدَتْ انْ تميعـــا

كان غُرْبًا سكْبا ذريعا سريعـــا من سِبَطْرٍ نُمْرٍ رباع شناحٍ

ونشاصيةٍ مطهّمةٍ سلــــــهبةٍ أَوْ ثَقَتْ قَرًى ودسيعـــا

او كِدالٍ تُسْقُوا الحَليبَ النقيعـــا من عِرابٍ للْحوض او لثكانَتْ

لِشِقاقى اضْحى قميعا قليعـــا شَحْمتى فى قَلَعَتِى مَنْ تصدّى

والنبيين أَنْ ارانى كنيعـــا حَسَبى الله ربُّ موسى وعيسى

فاظلّ الجموع منه الجميعـــا آيَدَ الواحدَ الفريدَ بنصرٍ

ضَلَّ فى اليمّ والجموع صريعـــا إِنَّ فِرْعَوْنَ كان أَغْوَى وأَقْوَى

مِثْلَ بَلِّ ٱلإِمامِ خِلًّا تَبِيعـــا ماسِنَى عَقِّلوا اخاكم يكُنْ لى

إِنْ هُما لَمْ يُصابِرا لَمْ يليعـــا او يكُنْ لى كما مضى ابواه

إِنَّ خيرا فى الشرّ أَنْ لا يشيعـــا أَوْ يَدَعْنِى مِنْ شَرِّهِ وَأَدَعْهُ

آلُ فُودِىَّ ما تَبَنُّوا رفيعـــا إِنَّ الاعْلامَ اهل الاحْلامِ مِنْكُمْ

فى طريقِ العلِى بصيرا سميعـــا ماتبنّوا الَّا فَتًى أَحْوَذِيًا

ثم لا يصحبون خلقا خليعـــا يُكْرِمون الكِرامَ إِذْ مِنْهُمُ هُمْ

عالمًا شارعاً تقيًا وريعـــا ثم لا يصحبون الّا ولِيًّا

فلَدَيْنا الوِدادَ أَبْقوا وديعـــا احْنوا مِنْ جوارنا ما أساتُمْ

ولدينا الإخاءَ أَبْقوا وضيعـــا ولَدَيْنا الثناءَ أَبْقوا ربيطا

فَأَجَرْتُمْ رايًا مَعًا وصنيعـــا لَوْ تَشاعونَ مِثْلَهُمْ فيه كُنْتُمْ

ع جبنُ الوَرَى لأَضْحَى شجيعـــا لا كِنِ ٱلطَّبْعَ مالِكٌ فَلَوَ ٱسْطَا

وله ايضا يخاطب الفلان فى شان ضيفه

محمّد سِيد العَبْد والعبد اسْوَد أَحَقًّا اتى مِنْ عِنْدَ أَحْمَدَ احمد

فَيَسْلبه من ماله ويُقَيَّدُ يُسَايِلُ عن ضيفى لِيَرْجعَ ضيفَه

وصن شِرْفُ ما ضَيْفِى لِهَذَا مُعَوَّدُ ويجعله ضيفًا لِكاوُورِ عنْدَه

بلى حالمٌ والله احمد احمد أَيقطانُ قال القول ام هم حالم

وَرِضْوَى وهَمْلانٌ وقُدْسُ وذُرْوَدُ ومن دون ضيفى عاقِلٌ ويَلَمْلمٌ

على راسِه والمَشْرَفِىُّ المُهَنَّدُ اياخذه من قَبْلَ أَنْ تاخُذَ الفَنَى

على سَرَقٍ إِنَّ الوشيجَ مُقَصَّدُ اياخذه والسيف والرمح نائمٌ

ومِنْ عَرَبٍ شيخٌ وكَهْلٌ وأَمْرَدُ اياخذه أَيْنَ التوارقُ كلُّها

ومِنْ جُنْدِنا موسى بنُ بوضالَ يَشْهَدُ بنو الشيخِ عُثْمانَ بْنِ فُودِىَّ جُنْدُنا

لِكاوَى بن ام القُطْبى يُبْرِقُ يُرْعِدُ وتَرْغَيْتَمُوتُ الُاسْدُ يَقْدُمُ حَيَّهُمْ

ولِلْوَغْدُ أَݤَّ الحِنَّ جيشٌ محشّد وإِخْبِى بْنُ سالَمْ حَوْلَمُ إِيݤَوَدَّرَنْ

بنو حَمَّلاسِ القومُ فيها تَسَوَّدُ وفى تِنْݤِرِيݤِيفٍ رِجالٌ أَعِزّةٌ

لهم أَسَدٌ فى النايِباتِ وأَسْوَدُ وتَنْصُرُ ضيفى مِنْ كَلَسّوقِ فِتْيَةٌ

وهم اخوتى اجدى الىّ وانجد هُمُ القوم فى الإسلام لا يَخْذَلُونَنىِ

الى نصْرِ دينِ الله تَسْعى وتحفد ولى من بنى الفلان الارض عصبة

وأَنْفُسِهِمْ دينُ ٱلْإِلَهِ يُؤَيَّدُ أَحَبُّ اليهم مِنْ بَيْتِهم واهْلهم

ابوا ونبوا من كلّ مَنْ هو هومُفْسِدُ اذاما راوا كفرا وعصْيانَ ربّهم

ملائكةٍ نصرٌ وجيش مشرّد ولى من رجال الله فى الا رض ثم مِنْ

فما النصر الّا مِنْه والله أَمْجَدُ وحَسْبى فَحَسْبى اللهُ جلّ جلالُه

وإِنْ كَثَرُوا جِدًّا وعَزُّوا وحُمِّدُ (وا) فما النصر الّا منه لا من مَلايِكٍ

على كلِ جبارٍ يَضُرُّ ويَعْنَدُ هو الله جلّ الله عَوَّدَ نصْرَه

إِلى الله فى جَوْفٍ مِنَ اليل تَصْعَدُ وانّى لَتَكْفِينِى مِنْ احمدَ دَعْوَةٌ

فَيُصْبِحُ منها وَهْوَ بِالْمَوْتِ مقْصد ٱسَدِدُها سَهْمًا اليه بِسُحْرَةٍ

ابى لم يَتِبْ فَٱلأَمْرُلِلّه مَسَنَّدُ فإِنْ تابَ يومًا فَهْو خير له وان

وعاد وشدادُ بْن عاد تَمَرَّدُ وا فمن قبله فرعونُ نمرودُ قبله

ففادوا وبادوا كلّهم وتَفَرَّدُ وا فكلٌّ عليه قَدْ دعى انْبِيَاءُهُمْ

وهود وابراهيم ثم محمد دعى ربَّه موسى وعيسى وصالح

اجيبوا يُجِيبُ المومنين وينجد فَمَدْعُوُنا سُبْحَانَهُ واحدٌ كَمَا

فإِنَّك لا حجرٌ عليك ولا يَدُ فيا ربِّ اُنْصُرْنِى كَمَا قَد نَصَرْتَهُمْ

فما مِنْهُمُ الا حمِيدُ وأَحْمَدُ وصَلِ عليهم ثم سَلِّمْ مُبارِكًا

TRANSLATION OF THE TWO POEMS OF ÁHMED EL BAKÁY.

By Dr. John Nicholson, Penrith.

“In the name of God,” &c.

“And our Sheikh and Lord, Áhmed el Bakáy, the son of our Sheikh and Lord Mohammed, the son of our Sheikh and Lord El Mukhtár, said, addressing the assembly of the Fulán of Másina, when they attacked his guest, ʿAbd el Kerím Barth, the Englishman, the Christian. (The metre is khafíf.)

“Tell the host of the Fulán,—I say, shameful! I am attacked in a great and weighty matter. Ye have sought my guest: you will find him, when you do find him, mighty, protected, the free guest of a free man, who is the son of a free woman who was daughter of a freeman, and whose father was a freeman, who lavished benefits. No slave bore me, nor did such foster me in their bosoms as a suckling; and my father is he whom you know, and his father. We have not descended from Sém, except as noble, as munificent, as white of face, as lords or chieftains. Among their mothers there is no daughter of a slave who bears coals, like herself, that she may sell them; whose son is her master, whereas his father is his master; who effected his manumission, as being obedient. No daughter nor son of Hám was my parent, nor will I obey the sons of the lazy Hám. Among the sons of the lazy Hám none but fat women and corpulent men see guests [?]. My guest is my honour, and my honour never was in jeopardy; therefore its guest shall never be imperilled. ʿAbd Menáf ben Kosay ben Kiláb ben Morra, my ancestor, and Luway ben Gháleb, and Nizár ben Mʿadd, admonish me not to fear; and Fehr ben Málik ben El Nadhr[159] forbids me to entertain alarm or suspicion. El Wáfi increases ʿOmár, the Sheikh of the sons of Áhmed el Bakáy, by the addition of a fair, freeborn man; and El Kuntí increased him—the progeny of ʿAlí—who sprang from ʿUkbå the Accepted, who perished heroically. Such were my ancestors, noblemen, and their guest never died in agony.

“The Sultan is not alarmed that the homage and allegiance of the Sultan will not be duly paid.[160] He will not be afraid of you, until the Sultan ʿAbd el Mejíd is afraid of Nukmah.[161] War and blows are to be found elsewhere than where ye seek; and wounds among the Zinj drive forth the flowing blood,— without molesting this man,—and long spears and cuts of swords round about on all sides, and the explosion of cannons hither and thither, like thunders which crash in blasts and reverberations. They consider the death in which men are destroyed,—they count it a garden and a vernal season of noble youths and gallant lads, and mature men who have grown old together in dignity, mounted on sleek, swift horses, steeds, coursers, trained to run, tall piebalds, five-year-olds, tall, fleet, wide-stepping, rapid, apple-rumped, plump, long-boned, strong in back and neck, Arabian blood-horses of El Hódh, or Tagánet, or Kidál[162], that are fed upon cooling milk.

“I am secure in my position.[163] He who attempts to contend with me will be cut off, overwhelmed. I rely on Allah, the Lord of Moses, and Jesus, and the Prophets, that I may see myself contented. He aids the solitary and deserted with His help, so that He overwhelms the multitude altogether. Lo! Pharaoh was very wicked and very mighty: he lost his way in the sea, and the host were laid low.

“Oh, Másina! reprove your brother, that he may become a submissive friend to me, like the Imám Bello; or that he may be to me as both his parents were before: if they did not suffer, they did not fear. Or, let him leave me alone with his evil, and I will leave him alone. The best of evil is that it should not manifest itself.

“Behold! the learned and the humane among you, the Ál Fódiye[164]; they do not adopt a chief; they do not adopt any but one who is wise about the way of the Most High, and who sees and hears. They respect the honourable, because they are themselves such. They do not associate with the ignoble: they only consort with those that are saints, learned, poets, pious, abstemious. Repair the evil ye have done our neighbour; and preserve affection for us, preserve for us unfailing gratitude and inviolate brotherhood. If ye were willing, like them, ye should be in it, and would earn both fame and benefits. But nature is queen. If cowards only could, they certainly would be brave.”

“And he said again,—addressing the Fullán on the subject of his guest. (The metre is Tawíl.)

“Did Mohammed Síd, the slave, and that slave a black one, really come from Áhmed [ben] Áhmed, to inquire about my guest, in order to make him return as [become] his guest, that he might plunder him, and fetter him, and make him a guest of Kaúri with him, and with San-Shirfu?[165] My guest is not accustomed to this! Or did Yaktán say the speech? Is he not a dreamer? Yes, a dreamer, by Allah! Áhmed, Áhmed! And, besides my guest, there is ʿAákil, and Yalamlam, and Ridhwa, and Hamlán, and Kudsu, and Dhurwad.[166] Will he take him before death and the Indian scimitars seize on his own head? Will he take him while the sword and the spear are asleep, by stealth? Lo, the lances do not miss their aim! Will he take him where all the Tawárek are, and of the Arabs, a Sheikh, and a mature man, and a lad?

“The descendants of the Sheikh ʿOthmán ben Fódiye are our army; and of our army Músa ben Bodhál is a witness; and Targaitamútu, the lions, whose tribe Likáway[167], the nephew of Alkúttabu, leads, who lightens, thunders; and Ákhbi ben Sálem, round whom are the Igwádaren, and Woghdu Agga ’l Henne has a gathered host. And among the Tinkiríkíf there are noble men, the Benu Hammalása, whose troop shows valour; and young men from the Kél e’ Súk, who are lions in calamities, and who are brave, assist my guest. These are the people in El Islám: they do not disappoint me, and they are my brothers, and very useful and helpful to me. I have among the tribe of the Fullán a body of men in the land who run and hasten to defend the religion of Allah. Dearer to them than their house and family and souls is the religion of Allah, who is mighty! Whenever they see infidelity and rebellion against their Lord, they resist, and go aside from every impious person. And I have some of the men of Allah in the land, and also of the angels, as an auxiliary and a scattering host. And my trust—my trust is in Allah, whose majesty is great! and there is no help except from Him; and Allah is most mighty! So there is no help except from Him; not even from the angels, though they be mighty and worthy of praise. He is God, who is great! He redoubles His aid against every oppressor who is violent and exorbitant. As for me, it is sufficient protection against Áhmed that I should pray to Allah in the belly[168] of this night that approaches. I will aim my prayer at Him, at the dawn, like an arrow. He shall find himself, when he sees to-morrow, smitten with death. But if he repents one day, that will be best for him. But if he refuse,—will not repent,—then the matter is referred to Allah. Before him, Pharaoh, and Nimród, and ʿAád, and Sheddád ben ʿAád rebelled: but all those on whom their prophets invoked vengeance perished, and disappeared, and were desolated. Moses, and Jesus, and Sálih, and Húd, and Abraham, and subsequently Mohammed, called on their Lord. He alone then—glory to his name!—is the One we invoke. Just as they obey, so will He answer and help the faithful. Then, help me, O Lord, in the same way as Thou didst help them: for there is no defence and no help above Thee. And bless and prosper them with benedictions; for there are not any among them but those that deserve praise and honour.

“Finished with the help of God,” &c. &c.

APPENDIX IX.

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE OF THE HISTORY OF SONGHAY AND THE NEIGHBOURING KINGDOMS.

Songhay. A.D. A.H. Neighbouring Kingdoms.

300 The kingdom of Ghána, or Ghánata, the central portion of which comprised the present province of Bághena, founded by Wakayamagha or mangha (mangho = great? Magha = Mohammed?) about three centuries before the Hejra; the ruling family whites (Leucæthiopes? Fúlbe?). At the commencement of the Hejra twenty-two kings had ruled.[169]

Zá Alayámin (Zá el Yemeni) comes to Kúkíá (El Bekrí’s Kúgha, Ca da Mosto’s Cochia), a very ancient place, and the older residence of Songhay, and founds the eldest dynasty of the Zá. The Libyan origin of this dynasty, of which that of the Sonní was a mere continuation, is very distinctly intimated by Leo Africanus, in the words “della stirpe di Libya.”[171] Begin. of 7th century. Beginning of Hejra.

679-80 60 Already at this early date an extensive Mohammedan quarter existed in Ghánata, containing 12 mosques.[170] There is considerable doubt with regard to the accuracy of the date.

837 222 Death of Tilútan, chief of the Limtúna, very powerful in the desert; he adopted Islám, and converted the neighbouring Negro tribes.

Gógó, an important commercial place, where Makhled Ébn Kaidád, with the surname of Ábú Yezíd, that great revolutionist who brought so much mischief over Northern Africa, was born. His father came often from Tózer to this place for trading purposes[172], evidently by way of Wárgelá, that most ancient trading place on the northern border of the desert. We thus see that the commerce between Northern Africa and Negroland was infinitely older than it has ever been supposed. I may here add, that I have not the slightest doubt that Wárgelá is meant by the Bakalitis of Ptolemy (lib. iv. c. 7, p. 305., ed. Wilberg.), which he describes from the side of Egypt as lying beyond Fezzán, although no Roman ruins exist in Wárgelá. 893 about 280

900 287 Death of Ilettan, the successor of Tilútan.

918 306 Temím, the successor of Ilettan, slain by the Zenágha or Senhája, after which a division takes place among the Berber tribes established on the border of the Desert and Negroland.

Kúkíá still the ordinary residence of the king of Songhay, who already at that period becomes very powerful. 961 350 Tin-Yerútán, king of, or rather a Berber chief having his residence in, Aúdaghost, an important trading colony of the Zenágha, who appear at that time to have dominated over the whole of the neighbouring part of Negroland, including Ghánata. In the very year mentioned, this place, which carried on at that time a most flourishing trade with Sijilmésa, was visited by the Arab geographer, Ébn Haúkal.[173] Kúgha (Kúkíá) was at that period so powerful that the king of Aúdaghost thought it prudent to make presents to the king of that place (the king of Songhay), in order to prevent him from making war upon him. Nevertheless twenty-three Negro kings are said to have been tributary to another king of Aúdaghost, named Tinezwa, in the fourth century of the Hejra.—The site of Aúdaghost is quite evident from El Bekrí’s excellent itinerary:—“You march five days in the sandhills of Warán, till you come to the copious well of the Bení Wáreth; then further on the well Warán; then a well watered district of three days.” At the same time the abundance of gum trees near Aúdaghost proves distinctly that the distance of fifteen days intervening between Aúdaghost, or Ghánata (near Waláta), is to be reckoned in a westerly direction, and that Aúdaghost therefore is to be sought for in the neighbourhood of Tejigja and Kasr el Barka, and not to the north-east of Waláta. I shall say more on this subject in another place.—At that time Aulíl was the great place for salt.

990 380 Intercourse established with Negroland, according to the statement of Leo.[174]

Zá Kasí, the 15th prince of the dynasty of the Zá, adopts Islám. 1009 400

1034-5 426 Ábú ʿAbd Allah, son of Tifaut, surnamed Naresht, again unites under his sway all the Berber tribes of the desert; makes a pilgrimage; dies 429.

1040-1 432 Warjábi, the Mohammedan apostle of Tekrúr, died. Among others, the inhabitants of Silla were converted by him.

1043-4 435 Jinni is founded[175], and soon becomes wealthy, owing to the trade in salt (from Tegháza) and gold (from Bítu).

1048-9 440 ʿAbd Allah Ébn Yasín begins to teach and to reform.

1052 445 Aúdaghost, which had become dependent upon Ghánata, conquered and ransacked by the Merábetín, the disciples of ʿAbd Allah Ebn Yasín, in the same year as Sijilmésa.

1055-6 447 Yahia Ébn ʿOmár, chief of the Merábetín, dies, and is succeeded by his brother Ábú Bakr. The king of Ghánata, Tankámenín, son of the sister of Besí, an excellent king, evidently dependent on Ábú Bakr.

1061 453 Ábu Bakr ben ʿOmár makes an expedition on a grand scale against the Negro tribes.

Ábú ʿObaid Allah el Bekrí’s invaluable Account of Negroland.

Gógó[176], or Gágho (the capital of Songhay), consisting of two towns, one the residence of the king and the quarter of the Mohammedans, the other inhabited by idolaters. The Mohammedan worship so predominant already, that none but a Moslím could be king; nay, on the accession of a new king three royal emblems, consisting of a ring, a sword, and a Kuran (مصحٮ), which were said to have been handed down from former times, having been sent by an Emír el Múmenín (evidently from Egypt), were given to him. Thus we see, that already at that early period the king of Songhay was a Ruler of the Faithful, and the account of Áhmed Bábá, who dates Islám in this kingdom from the year 400, is confirmed in a remarkable manner. El Bekrí calls the then ruling king Kandá, and he is most probably identical with the Zá Bayuki or Bayarkoy Kaima (of Áhmed Bábá), the third successor of Zá Kasí. Gógó already at that time was an important market place, chiefly for salt, which was brought from the Berber town Taútek, six days beyond Tademékka, which place was nine days from Gógó. El Bekrí, besides Gógó, gives a very interesting account of Kúgha, but, unfortunately, he gives[177] no particulars with regard to its situation, except the distance of fifteen days from Ghánata, and especially neglects to determine its situation with regard to Gógó; but there is no doubt that it was identical with the Kúkíá of Áhmed Bábá, the old capital, Ca da Mosto’s Cochia.[178] This town, therefore, which was lying at the very outset of the Egyptian caravan road, already at that time was inhabited exclusively by Mohammedans, while all around were idolaters. It was the greatest market for gold in all Negroland, although the quality of the gold brought to Aúdaghost was better than that exported from Kúgha. Besides gold, salt, wodʿa or shells (from Persia?), copper and euphorbium (فربيون?) were the chief articles of trade. 1067 460 The Senhája at this period ruled over the whole western part of the desert, and spread Islám over the neighbouring parts of Negroland, especially towards Ghánata. Further eastward, between the southerly bend of the Niger and the later town of Ágades, were the Seghmára, under the dominion of the Tademékka, who had a very large town (Tademékka), a great commercial centre, nine days from Gógó, and forty from Ghadámes. Between Tademékka and Ghánata there was a commercial place of importance called Tirekka (see Vol. V. p. 150.). Sáma and Hómbori, considerable seats of power.

1076 469 Ghánata conquered by the Senhája, and great part of the inhabitants, as well as the neighbouring districts of Negroland, compelled by the Merábetín to embrace the Mohammedan faith.

Towards the end of the fifth century of the Hejra, Timbúktu, or Túmbutu, founded by the Ímóshagh (Tawárek), especially the tribes of the Ídenán and the Imedídderen, after it had been for a time their occasional camping ground, just as was the case with Árawán. First settlement at Bósebángo. It was at first a small market place for the inhabitants of the province of Rʿad. (?) Ábú Bakr ben ʿOmár takes up his residence in this part of Negroland.

1087-8 480 Ábú Bakr ben ʿOmár dies.

Gógó, according to Edrísi, powerful, and dominating over the neighbouring tracts; horses and camels; the nobility well dressed, having the face veiled; the common people wearing leathern frocks. The natives of Aújila already at that period carried on a spirited trade with Gógó (Edrísí, vol. i. p. 238.). 1153 548 El Edrísi’s account of Negroland, composed at this period, is not to be relied on in general, with the exception of a few instances, where he enters into particulars: for instance, the populous state of the towns of Silla and Tekrúr (Zágha), the latter being more populous and industrious; the salt mines of Aulíl,—the only ones known at that time in Negroland! (p. 11.); the rising of the Mandingo, or Wángara race (the Wákoré), a name then first appearing. Very doubtful appear the following data:—Tirki, or Tirekka, belonging to Wángara; even Kúgha, a dependence of Wángara, while at the same time Gógó—the real Gógó[179]—is said to have been absolute and independent. The great commercial importance of Wárgelá is confirmed, the inhabitants supplying Gógó with dates, and buying up the greater part of the gold brought there to market. Rice cultivated on the Niger, in the district of the Merása.

Ghánata ruled by a descendant of Ábú Táleb[180], of the Zenágha tribe, who paid allegiance to the khalíf in the East; but, if we can believe Edrísi, he had still a large empire.

1203-4 600 Ghánata having become very weak, is conquered by the Súsu, a tribe related to the Wákoré.

1203-4 600 The tribe or dynasty of the Árúsíyin becomes powerful in the neighbourhood of Waláta.

The inhabitants of Jinni, at least the ruling portion, including the king, adopt Islám.

Timbúktu (erroneously) stated by Leo Africanus[181] to have been founded by Mansa Slímán. This is evident confusion; the reason of which is, that Mansa Slímán, who reigned in the middle of the fourteenth century, restored Timbúktu after it had been plundered by the people of Mósi. 1213 610 ?Baramindána, first Moslim king of Melle, styled king of Tekrúr by Makrízi, makes the pilgrimage.

1233-4 631-633 With the death of Ébn Ghanía the domination of the great race of the Senhája ends.[182] The remains of this great tribe in the southern part of the desert (the Limtúna and Messúfa) [the latter as Meshedúf] are gradually reduced to the degraded condition of tributaries. Islám spreads east of the Niger, and the name Tekrúr appears in Kebbi, probably in connection with the town of Zágha (see Appendix VI.). Bíru, or Waláta, at that time the great emporium of Western Negroland.

1235-1260 633-658 Mári Játah, king of Melle, on the upper Niger, conquers the Súsu, who at that time were masters of Ghánata. This is evidently the period of the beginning of the great commercial importance of Jinni, which now became a most powerful and wealthy state, as a well-frequented market of the Serracolets or Wakoré, Fúlbe, Jolof, Zenágha, the inhabitants of Western Tekrúr, and the Udáya.[183]

1259-1276 658-675 Mansa Wáli, son of Mári Játah, performs the pilgrimage to Mekka in the reign of Sultan Bibars.

1276 675 Mansa Wáli, brother of the latter.

Mansa Khalífa, succeeds him; of insane mind; is murdered by his people.

Mansa Ábú Bakr.

Some authors, such as Makrízi (Opuscl. Mscr. fol. 129 r.), attribute to this chief the conquest of Gágho or Gógó, that is to say, Songhay, by the Mellians; but from the account of Áhmed Bábá it is clear that such was not the case. 1310 710 Sákúra, or rather Sábkara, a usurper, made the pilgrimage to Mekka in the time of El Málík e’ Násir.

1311-1331 711-731 Mansa Músa (properly Kunkur Músa), the greatest king of Melle, succeeds this usurper, develops the whole military and political power of that kingdom, which, according to the expressive terms of Áhmed Bábá[184], the Songhay historian, possessed “an aggressive strength without measure or limit.” While thus extending his dominion over an immense portion of Negroland, he kept on the very best terms with the Sultan Ábú ’l Hassan of El Mághreb (Morocco).

Mansa Músa subjected to his dominion the four large territories of the Western part of Negroland; first, Bághena, formed out of the remnants of the kingdom of Ghánata, and including the whole inhabited country of Tagánet and Áderér; secondly, Zágha, or the Western Tekrúr, together with Silla; then Timbúktu, at that time still, as it seems, independent of Gógó; and finally Songhay, with its capital Gógó. Jinni, however, probably owing to its nearly insular character seems not to have become subjected to Melle even at this period, although it was engaged in continual warfare.

It is probably at the period of this pilgrimage, and not before, that both Songhay and Timbúktu became dependent on Melle, although the dependence was even at this time limited, the king of Songhay having, as it seems, quietly made his subjection on the approach of the host of Melle. Músa built a mosque and a mihráb outside the then town (Mohammedan quarter?) of Gógó. Timbúktu also, as it would seem, surrendered without resistance[185], and the king of Melle built here a palace (mʿa-dugu), and the great mosque Jéngeré-bér, or Jámʿa el kebíra, with the assistance of the same Ís-hák, a native of Granáta (the “Granata vir artificissimus” of Leo, although commonly called e’ Sáheli, as if he were a native of Morocco), who built his palace in Melle. That space of the town of Timbúktu included between the two great mosques, Jéngeré-bér in the south-western, and San-koré in the northern quarter, was at that time open, and not inhabited. The mosque San-koré is generally stated to have been the oldest mosque in Timbúktu, although Áhmed Bábá, who only states that it was built at the expense of a rich wife, is not very explicit with regard to this circumstance. Although Timbúktu thus lost its independence, it reaped a great advantage from becoming a portion of a powerful kingdom, and being thus well protected against any violence offered on the part of the neighbouring Berber population; and in consequence the town increased rapidly, it becoming soon a market place of the first rank, so that the most respectable merchants from Misr, Fezzán, Ghadámes, Tawát, Tafilélet, Darʿah, Fás, Sús, and other places gradually left Bíru or Waláta, and migrated to Timbúktu, although this was more frequently the case after the time of Sonní ʿAlí. 1326 726 Mansa Músa makes a pilgrimage to Mekka, with a very numerous cortége, resembling an army, and with great riches, going by way of Waláta and Tawát and returning by Gágho or Gógó. Melle Proper seems to have had a double principle of government, one political and the other national. In political respects Melle was divided into two provinces—a northerly and a southerly one, probably divided by the Dhiúliba; the governor of the former being called Faraná (Farengh) Súra, the other Sangharzú-mʿa.[186] But in national respects Melle formed three large provinces, Kála, Bennendúgu, and Sabardúgu, each with twelve chiefs or governors[187], and each represented at court by an inspector; the inspector of the province of Kála was called Wafála-feréngh. Kála comprised evidently the province next to Jinni along the northern side of the river, including the towns of Sáre and Sáme; and the town of Kála itself, which formed the residence of the province, will be spoken of in the Appendix to Vol. V. Bennendúgu, also, the country of the Benni, known from other accounts, lay entirely on the S. side of the river, and Sabardúgu beyond, in the direction of the central portion of Melle. The important district Bitu or Bido seems to have been included in Melle Proper.

The town of Timbúktu ransacked and destroyed by fire and sword by the king of Mósi, the garrison of Melle making their escape, and giving up the town. The power of Mósi, which up to this time has always been the successful champion of paganism, is very remarkable at such an early period, but the date is not quite certain within a year or two. If the date given be right, it happened towards the end of the reign of Mansa Músa. 1329 ?730

1331-5 732-736 Mansa Mágha succeeds to his father Mansa Músa, and reigns four years.

The Songhay prince, ʿAlí Killun, or Kilnu, son of Zá Yásebí, escapes in the company of his brother from the court of Melle, where the princes had served as pages, Songhay owing allegiance to Melle at that period. Having safely reached his native country, Songhay Proper, with the capital Gógó, he makes himself independent in a certain degree from Melle, by founding the dynasty of the Sonni.[188]

1335-6 736 Mansa Slímán, a brother of Músa and uncle of Mágha, succeeds to the throne of Melle, and restores the strength of the kingdom.

Timbúktu having been left, as it seems, to itself for seven years, relapses into a state of subjection or allegiance to Melle, and remains in this condition for the next 100 years. 737 Mansa Slímán again takes possession of Timbúktu[189], and even obliges Songhay Proper to acknowledge his supremacy.

752 A king of Tekrúr makes a pilgrimage.[190]

Travels of Ébn Batúta, who visits Waláta, the frontier province of Melle, and an important trading-place, where at that time the Masúfa formed the higher class; thence by way of Karsekho, he went to Melle, or Máli, the capital of the great empire, situated on a northerly creek of the Dhiúliba[191]; whence he proceeded by land by way of Mímah to Timbúktu. 1352-3 753-754

Timbúktu at that time was inhabited mostly by people of Mímah and by Tawárek (Moláthemín), especially Masúfa, who had a headman of their own, while the Melle governor was Farba Músa. The town of Tademékka, or rather Súk, in the territory of the Tademekket, had by this time evidently lost a great deal of its importance.

Ébn Batúta embarked in Timbúktu, or rather Kábara, and went along the river to Gógó, evidently at that time the common highroad of travellers. Gógó at that period was in a certain degree dependent on Melle.

1359 760 Mansa Ébn Slímán reigned nine months.

1360 761 Mansa Játah, son of Mansa Mágha, ascended the throne.

1360-1 762 The same king sent an embassy to Ábú el Hassan of Morocco.

The fact of Mari Játah conquering Tekádda, at that time the commercial entrepôt between Songhay and Egypt, also mentioned by Ébn Batúta, shows clearly that he was master of Songhay, and exercised over it a certain degree of supremacy. Timbúktu, as Timbuch, appears in the Mappamondo Catalan—the first time that it becomes known to Europeans. 1373 775 Mansa Músa (II.), son of the latter, a weak king, the vizier Mári Játah usurping the power and conquering Tekádda (the trading place spoken of on a former occasion, Vol. I. p. 465.) for a short time.

1387 789 Mansa Mágha, brother of the preceding king, succeeds to the throne; is killed after a reign of about a year.

1388 790 Another usurper.

1390 792 Mahmúd, a descendant of Mári Játah, the first king.

1431 835 A king of Tekrúr makes a pilgrimage, dies in the town of Tór in the peninsula of Sinai.

Timbúktu conquered by the Ímóshagh (probably not the Masúfa, at that time not yet blended with the Arabs, and who had always been powerful in that place) under Ákil (Eg Malwal). The people of Melle had been so much weakened by continual inroads that they retired before the greater force, and were driven out for ever. Ákil, however, did not reside in the town, preferring a nomadic life; but he installed as governor, or Túmbutu-koy, Mohammed Násr, a Senháji from Shingít, who had also taken part in the government of the town under the rule of Melle. This Mohammed Násr built the mosque Yáhia in Timbúktu, which was called after his friend the Weli Yáhia from Tádelest. To the Túmbutu-koy belonged the third part of all taxes and of the whole revenue of the town. In the beginning the rule of the Tawárek, which according to the distinct statement of Áhmed Bábá never extended beyond the river, was mild; but gradually they became overbearing, using even violence towards the wives of the inhabitants, and offending ʿOmár, the son and successor of Mohammed Násr, by cheating him of his revenue. 1433 837 The empire of Melle begins gradually to decline; the power being divided among three, or rather five, separate parties, the governors of each of the three national provinces and the two governors of the political provinces; the Tawárek at the same time spreading devastation everywhere.

1448 852 The Portuguese Company for opening the trade along the coast of Africa is established.

Timbúktu, or Túmbutu, an important entrepôt for the salt trade. 1454 860 Melle, in the account of Aloise Ca da Mosto, still a very powerful kingdom, the most powerful in the whole of Negroland, including the whole of the Gambia, and most important for the commerce of gold, the trade in which divided into three branches; one proceeding from Melle towards Kúkíá, and thence to Egypt; the other from Melle to Túmbutu, and thence to Tawát; the other likewise by way of Túmbutu, but thence to Wadán (Oden), which then was a very important place, not only for gold but also for the slave trade.[192] Timbúktu already at that time was a very important entrepôt for the salt, which all came from the mines of Tegháza.

1460 865-6 The town of Ágades, built according to Marmol (see Vol. I. p. 459.), and nothing is more probable than that this commercial entrepôt was built about this time, perhaps a few years later, as it is Sonni ʿAlí who is said to have destroyed the very important market-place of Tademékka, which for many centuries had carried on the commerce between the Niger and Egypt.

Sonni ʿAlí, son of Sonni Mohammed Dʿaú, “the great tyrant and famous miscreant,” but a king of the highest historical importance for Negroland, the sixteenth of the Sonni, ascended the throne in Gágho, and changed the whole face of this part of Africa by prostrating the kingdom of Melle. 1464-5 869

Invited by ʿOmár, the Túmbutu-koy, Sonni ʿAlí marches against Timbúktu, which had never before belonged to Songhay Proper. While his horsemen appear on the south side of the river, Ákil makes his escape towards Bíru or Waláta. Sonni ʿAlí then, instead of attacking immediately the town of Timbúktu, went first to El Hódh, the south-western province of Waláta. Having thence returned to Timbúktu, from whence ʿOmár also, the Túmbutu-koy, had meanwhile fled to Bíru[193], he ransacked and plundered the town, and made a terrible havoc amongst its inhabitants, even surpassing that which took place on the occasion of the pagan king of Móshi conquering the town. Sonni ʿAlí seems especially to have exercised some cruelty against the learned men. But, notwithstanding, the town seems soon to have recovered from this blow, for it was in the latter part of this century that it became more densely inhabited than before. But the reason was that, in consequence of the conquests of Sonni ʿAlí, the Arab merchants from the north broke off their traffic with Ghánata or Waláta (Bíru), and instead began to visit the markets of Timbúktu and Gógó. 1468-9 873 Waláta or Bíru becomes insignificant, all the merchants emigrating to Timbúktu and Gógó.

Sonni ʿAlí conquered Bághena, that is, the centre or original part of the ancient kingdom of Ghánata and the later Waláta, but satisfied himself with making the chief of that country his tributary. Sonni ʿAlí then made Jinni likewise tributary, which place had not been conquered even by the kings of Melle, and he there likewise caused an immense bloodshed. Jinni was at that time highly flourishing through its industry in native cloth.[194] At a later time the first Áskíá held the king of Jinni as a prisoner in his capital. (Leo, l. vii. c. 3.)

It must have been Sonni ʿAlí to whom João II. of Portugal, sent an embassy; and it was evidently that king who allowed the Portuguese to establish a factory in Wadán, or Hóden, which however they did not preserve for a long time, the place being too barren, and at too considerable a distance from the coast. But nevertheless, the establishment of this factory is a very remarkable fact. In the South-Western part of the desert the Berabísh and the Udáya struggling for the predominance. The Zenágha already in a degraded position.

1471 876 The coast of Guinea explored by the Portuguese.

1481 886 Alfonso V. dies; is succeeded by the still more energetic João II. The Portuguese build Elmina, the first European establishment on the coast of Guinea.

1488 894 The Jolof Prince, Bemoy, came to Portugal, and communicated so much information with regard to the nations of the interior of Africa, especially the Mósi, who, according to him, had much in common with Christians, that he excited the greatest interest. It was supposed that the king of Mósi was the long sought Prester John. Ogane is the native royal title of the king of Mósi. In consequence, from this time forward, numerous messengers were sent into the interior by the king João from different quarters, and a nearer alliance seems to have been concluded with the king of the Mandingoes, although it was well understood in Portugal at that time that the empire of the Mellians had fallen to ruin.

Sonni ʿAlí was drowned in a torrent on his return from an expedition against Gurma, after having conquered the Zoghorán[195] (not Zaghwána) and the Fullán. 5th Nov. 1492 15th Mohar. 898

The power of the tribe of the Fullán in those quarters, in the south of Songhay, at so early a date is of the highest interest; in the west they are noticed at the same period repeatedly by De Barros.[196]

The army of the deceased king proceeded from Bʿanebi (Benʿaba? the capital of Gurma, see Appendix VI. p. 560.) to Dangha, evidently the place (Denga) touched at by myself on my journey, and here Ábú Bakr Dʿaú, son of Sonni ʿAlí, ascended the throne. But Mohammed, son of Ábú Bakr, a native of Songhay (“Nigrita”—Leo) and officer of Sonni, collected his party and marched against the new king. But having attacked him at Dangha, he was beaten, when he escaped to the neighbourhood of Gágho, where he collected again his army, and vanquished the king in a most sanguinary but decisive battle. Sonni Ábú Bakr Dʿaú fled to Abar (Adar?), where he died. 2 Jumád, 898

Mohammed ben Ábú Bakr, surnamed e’ Thúri, on ascending the throne with the titles Emír el Múmenín and Khalífa el Moslemín, adopted as royal title, Áskíá, or Síkkia.[197] Thus the dynasty of a foreign family, Libyan, Coptic, or Himyaritic, was supplanted by a native Songhay and African—(e tornò el dominio nei Negri)—although it leaned more towards Islám and Mohammedan learning than the former one. For Áskíá was a friend of the learned, and followed their advice. 14 Jum. II. 898

The first thing which this great Songhay king felt it incumbent to do was to give his subjects some repose, by reducing his army and allowing part of the people to engage in pacific pursuits, all the inhabitants having been employed by Sonni ʿAlí in warlike purposes.

Altogether it does not appear exaggerated what Áhmed Bábá says of this distinguished king, that “God made use of his service in order to save the true believers (in Negroland) from their sufferings and calamities.”

Immediately after his accession to power, Áskíá sent for his brother ʿOmár from Bíru or Waláta, which place already at this time had so totally merged into a Songhay province, that the Songhay idiom, at least in the higher circles, where a traveller like Leo was likely to move about, had become the common language. “Questa gente,” says Leo of the inhabitants of Waláta, “usa un certo linguaggio detto Sungai.”[198] Áskíá then made his brother, in whom he had implicit confidence, Túmbutu-koy in the place of[199] Al Mukhtár ben Mohammed Násr. The Songhay language extends as far as Waláta and Jinni.

He then sent his other brother, likewise called Omár, but with the surname Kumzághu[200], the feréng of Kúrmina who conquered the important town of Zágha, and made war against “Bukr mʿa,” (Burku-mʿa?), evidently a Mandingo governor of the empire of Melle. He also, according to Leo, imprisoned the ruler of Jinni, whom Sonni ʿAlí had allowed to reside in his own capital, and kept him during his lifetime a prisoner in Gágho, ruling Jinni by means of a governor. 1494 end of 899

Having thus not only consolidated, but even extended, the empire, the first Áskíá undertook a pilgrimage to Mekka, which brought him into contact with the princes and learned men of the East, and made him more famous than any other of his enterprises. The most distinguished men of all the tribes under his command accompanied him on his great journey, especially the great Weli Múr Sáleh Júr, a Wákoré, native of the town of Tutálna[202] in the province of Tindírma, and 1500 armed men, 1000 on foot and 500 on horseback. He took with him 300,000 mithkál, but behaved so generously that, according to Leo, he was obliged to contract a loan of 150,000 mithkál more. He had an official investiture performed by the Sheríf el ʿAbási, as Khalífa in Songhay, and took the advice of the most learned and pious men, such as Jelál e’ Soyúti. He also founded a charitable institution in Mekka for the people of Tekrúr. 20th Sep. 1495 901 Safer, 902 João II., the indefatigable king of Portugal, died, whose spirit found no repose but in promoting the welfare of his people, and in distant discoveries, especially in Africa. As we learn from an occasional hint in De Barros[201], this king had already sent an ambassador to the Mansa of Melle.

Háj Mohammed Áskíá returned to Gágho. August 1497-8 Dhú el Hajja, 903

Háj Mohammed undertakes an expedition, or a formal jihád, against Nʿasi the sultan of Mósi, having sent the Weli Múr Sáleh Núr as an ambassador to that king, in order to induce him to embrace Islám. But the Mósi people having consulted the souls of their ancestors, and refused to change their native worship, Áskíá devastated their country. He came back from this expedition in Ramadhán. He (himself or ʿOthmán) then conquered the country of Bághena, the ancient seat of the empire of Ghánah, or Ghánata, the king of which had already been made tributary by Sonni ʿAlí, and slew the Féllani (Púllo) chieftain Damba-dumbi. We therefore at this early period find the Fúlbe very powerful, as well in the south (Gurma, see p. 596.) as in the north-west; while from De Barros we learn, that their power in the south-west was not less great. The Songhay king made an expedition against Abairu (?), and deprived him of his kingdom.[203] 1498-9 904

1499-1500 905

1500 906

Áskíá then sent his brother ʿOmár Kumzághu against Melle, where the Káíd Kám Fati Kalliyen seems to have exercised at the time supreme power; but ʿOmár not feeling himself strong enough to take the town of Zillen, or Zalna, where the court of Melle seems to have been, he sent for the king himself, encamping meanwhile in a place called Tánfaren, a little to the east from Zillen. Háj Mohammed Áskíá then came in person, vanquished the káíd, destroyed the town, together with the palace of the king of Melle, and sold the inhabitants into slavery. 1501 907

According to Leo[204], Áskíá made the whole of Melle tributary, laying such a heavy tribute upon that ruler that he entirely tied his hands. Nevertheless the capital of Melle still at that time was a flourishing place, and the largest town in Negroland, containing about 6000 dwellings. Perhaps this is the town called Zillen, or Zalna, by Áhmed Bábá.

In the same year Háj Mohammed Áskíá sent an expedition against Bargú, or, as it is more justly called, Barbú[205], the country enclosed between Gurma, Yóruba and the great river. The inhabitants of this country being a very warlike set of people, the struggle appears to have been very violent; and although Áhmed Bábá does not seem to intimate the whole of the result, yet it is clear, from the fact that the Songhay king was occupied with Bargú for the next four or five years, that he met with great resistance; this is also clearly indicated by traditions still extant in that country, the name Bargú being generally derived from the Songhay words five (go), horses (beri); “five horses” being the only remnant of an army led into the country by the Songhay king. Such a state of things is also clearly indicated by another document.[206] ʿAlí Ghajídéni, the powerful king of Bórnu (see Vol. II. p. 644), about this time probably undertook his expedition to the south-western frontier of his large empire, beyond the Kwára, in order to protect it against the encroachments of his powerful contemporary the Songhay king.

The Songhay king made an expedition against Kelinbút. The following years no expedition seems to have been undertaken, the Áskíá being busy with the internal affairs of his extensive empire which extended from Kebbi in the east as far as the present country of Kaarta, and from Bennendúgu as far as Tegháza. It appears that he staid the greater part of this period near Timbúktu, where he was evidently when Leo visited this part of Africa, who thought Timbúktu to be his usual residence, but nevertheless was fully aware, although he did not clearly express it, that Gágho was his other residence—“Questo signor fu preso dal detto Izchia e tenuto in Gágo fino alla morte,” l. vii. c. 3, at the end. The Áskíá staid in Kábara, “the well known harbour,” when he heard of the learned man, the fákih Mahmúd, having come to Gágho, and he immediately embarked and went there by water; for almost all the intercourse between Timbúktu and the whole western quarter on the one side, and the centre of the Songhay empire with its capital on the other, was along the river. 1506 912

Háj Mohammed sends the Bʿakukurakoy ʿAlí Fulánu and Belgha Mohammed Kirí against Mʿa Futa[207] Kaitál, the fereng of Bághena, who had revolted. 1511 917

Háj Mohammed, always extending his empire further westward, marched against a powerful chieftain, Allʿaín[208] Almatní Tíndhar, and slew him in Zárú. This is a highly interesting expedition, as the results of it exercised a powerful influence as far as the coast, where the enterprising Portuguese were at that time establishing their power. For it happened just at the time that Kolli, Allʿaín’s eldest son was absent on an expedition, and when he heard of the fate of his father he fled with his army to Fúta, which at that time belonged to the king of Jolof, and endeavoured to assume the sovereign power, in which attempt he succeeded, by the slaughter of the king of Jolof. The country of Jolof thus became divided between Kolli (Kolli Salti [Sáttigi?] Tíndhar) and Dúmala (Dámil, a common title, the Temala of the Portuguese), the most powerful of the governors of the former king of Jolof. 1512 918 The Portuguese in the Senegal quite surprised at the great flame of war (incendio di guerra) which at that time ravaged all the countries from east to west.[209]

Kolli founded a powerful Negro dynasty, and was succeeded by his son Yuríma, to whom succeeded Kalábi (Kolli Labbe) Batára, a most excellent prince, celebrated on account of his piety and justice; then followed Kata, son of Yuríma.

At the end of this year, the Songhay king marched against Kátsena, and returned from thence in the first Rebí of the following year. This is an extraordinary short time for so distant an expedition, even if he had been residing in the easternmost part of his empire at the time when he undertook it. Nevertheless, if we can believe Leo, the Áskíá conquered not only Kátsena but also Góber (which already at that time had a very large capital and a good trade, and considerable industry, especially in leather work), Zánfara, Zegzeg, Kanó, and almost the whole of Háusa[210]; but it would almost appear to me as if Leo in this case had confounded Áskíá with Kanta, the ruler of Kebbi. 1513 919 The Portuguese, under D’Ataide, take possession of Azemmúr.

The Háusa States become important—Korórofa.

1514 920 The Portuguese occupy Tednest.

About the end of this year the Áskíá marched against Al-ʿAdálet, the king of Ágades, and returned from thence the following year, having driven out, as we know from other sources[211], the Berber tribes, and transplanted there a good many of his own people, although the Songhay language may have been spoken there before this period. However, it is evident from Leo’s account[212], who seems to know nothing of this expedition, that the king of Ágades paid tribute to Áskíá already before this time. At all events this was the highest pitch of power to which not only Háj Mohammed himself, but the Áskíás in general, attained; for, on his return from this expedition, Kanta, the governor of Léka, in the province of Kebbi, who owed him allegiance, and who had accompanied him in this war, demanded his share in the booty, which, probably, was very great, and not being satisfied rose against him and vanquished him in a great battle; after which he made himself independent of Songhay, and was successful, Áskíá, who marched against him the following year, being obliged to retrace his steps without having obtained the slightest success. It is therefore next to impossible that Áskíá achieved the conquest of the Háusa provinces, as described by Leo. 1515 921

1516 922 Kanta founds an independent kingdom in Kebbi. Starting from Birni-n-Duggul in the province of Kátsena, he took up his residence first in Gungu then in Suráme, and finally in Léka.

1517 923 Kanta vindicates his independence of Songhay.

Háj Mohammed again visited the western part of his empire, and on the 15th Ramadhán stayed in Timbúktu. 1518 924

The name Songhay, not mentioned by former authors, becomes conspicuous, being employed as well by Leo as by De Barros.

The king resided again in Songhay Proper, and was in Sankar, a place beyond Kúkíá, when he learnt the death of his beloved brother, ʿOmár Kumzághu, to whom he was so much indebted for the stability of his rule. He then invested another brother named Yáhia, with the governor- or fereng-ship of Kúrmina, which certainly was the most important province of the empire. 1520 926

Háj Mohammed lost another brother, ʿOmár the Túmbutu-koy (see p. 598.); and thus having been deprived of his most faithful servants, and having passed the prime of life, became the plaything of his overbearing sons, the intrigues taking a more open turn after some affair in Banku, or Bango, the character of which is not quite clear. 1521-2 928

1524-5 931

At length affairs assumed such a serious character, that the heir-apparent, or Feréngmangha Háj Músa, the eldest son of the king, who had accompanied him on his pilgrimage, threatened to kill him; so that the aged Mohammed fled to Tindírma, and placed himself under the protection of his brother Yáhia. The latter then seems to have brought about some understanding among the members of the royal family. For in the following year we find the old king again in Gágho, when Músa revolted openly against his father, and went with some of his brothers to Kúkíá. Yáhia, the feréng of Kúrmina, being again requested by his brother to interfere between him and his sons, came to Gágho, and was sent by the latter to Kúkíá, but was openly attacked by the mutinous children, and murdered. Músa, then, seeing that his father was powerless, returned to Gágho, and towards the end of the year, on the great holiday, forced him to abdicate after a reign of thirty-six years and six months. Nevertheless, he left him in his palace, while he himself stayed in his own house. Háj Mohammed Áskíá, as Áhmed Bábá says, was too great (or too mild) to rule a (turbulent) country like Songhay. 1527-8 934

1528-9 935

That the extent of the empire, in its prime, was not exaggerated by the author of the history of Songhay, is clear from the account of Múláy Áhmed’s expedition.

Áskíá Músa began his bloody and restless reign by endeavouring to murder all his brothers, and pursued them to Kúrmina, where they had taken refuge under the protection of the governor of that province, ʿOthmán Jubábu, another son of Háj Mohammed; but he forced them all to decamp, together with the governor of the province himself, as well as the governor of Banku, or Bango, and other great men. The aged ʿAlí Fulánu, who had accompanied El Háj Mohammed on his pilgrimage, fled to Kanó.[213] 1529 935

Músa, having returned to Gágho, continued the attempt to murder his remaining brothers, as far as he was able to lay his hands on them, while they on their part, endeavoured to rid themselves of their tormentor, so that he had not a moment’s rest. 1533 940 ʿAbd el Kerím ben Maghíli, from Bú ʿAlí, in Tawát, the great apostle of Middle Negroland, where he is stated to have transplanted the power formerly grafted upon Songhay, is said to have died this year. If this be really the case, as it would seem to be, a former passage in my work about this distinguished man (Vol. II. p. 76.) has to be altered a little.

At this period, the Portuguese sent presents to the king of Melle, who was reduced to the western provinces of his empire, and therefore is now styled Mandi Mansa, and who then waged war with Temalá (the Dámil, rey dos Fullos; see above). The Portuguese endeavoured also to open communication with the king of Mósi (el rey dos Moses), of whose power they had received reports, but from the wrong side, namely, from Benín. The king of Mósi was then waging war with the Mandi Mansa.

In this sanguinary reign, it is cheering to find that the Portuguese sent an embassy, among the other princes in the interior, also to a nephew of this Músa, king of Songhay[214], from the side of Mina, or Elmina, their colony on the gold coast. 1534 941

Músa died. Mohammed Bánkoré, son of ʿOmár Kumzághu, was made Áskíá in a place called Mansur. This cruel prince drove the old Háj Mohammed from the royal palace, where even Músa had left him, and imprisoned him in a place called Kankáka. Mohammed Bánkoré was a warlike prince, but he was not successful in his career, nor was he a favourite with the people. He marched against Kanta, but was totally routed at a place called Wen-termása (a Berber name), and fled most ingloriously, having a very narrow escape through the waters of the Niger. 1535-6 942

The power of the kingdom of Kebbi more firmly established. But after the death of the first Kanta, the founder of the dynasty, his two sons, Kanna and Himáddu, fight for the royal power, when Himáddu is said to have driven back the former with the aid of the Fúlbe.

He then marched against Gurma, and sent Mári Tamiza, the feréng of Dendi, against the enemy. But the latter having laid in chains all the leading men in the army, deposed the king, 2nd Dhu el Kʿada (12th April), and installed Ismáʿaíl, a son of Háj Mohammed, on the throne as Áskíá. 1536 943

Ismáʿaíl brought his aged father from Kankáka back to Gágho, where he died in the night preceding the ʿAíd el Fotr, and was buried in the great mosque. In the same year Ismáʿaíl went to Dire.[215] 1537 944

Áskíá Ismáʿaíl then marched against the Bakabóki (the chief of Bojjo?), in Gurma, and killed and carried into slavery a great many people; so that a slave in Gágho fetched not more than 300 shells. 945

Áskíá Ismáʿaíl, a very energetic and much respected king, unfortunately reigned too short a period, and died after a reign of not more than two years, nine months, six days, in the month of Rejeb (October or November). 1539 946

The army which had just marched out upon an expedition, made Is-hák, another son of Háj Mohammed, Áskíá, on the 16th Shʿabán. The new king proved a very stern master, the severest king who ruled over Songhay; but he made himself also respected by his enemies, even in the most distant quarter. Thus, in the third year of his reign, he marched against Yaghaba (not Baghaba), the most distant place of the sultans of Banduk, or Bennendúgu, on the remotest south-westerly branch of the Niger; and two years later he waged war on the opposite side of his vast dominions against Kukurkáb (Kokoy-Kábi?)[216], in the territory of Dendi. 1542 949

1544 951 About this time Mohammed, the ruler of Bórnu, fought a celebrated and sanguinary battle with the king of Kebbi, probably Tómo, who founded here a new and large capital, Birní-n-Kebbi. (See Vol. II. p. 646.)

In the course of this year Ís-hák sent his brother Dáúd, the feréng of Kúrmina, against Melle. The Sultan (Mansa) of Melle, who, having been reduced to the position of a tributary chief by the great Háj Mohammed, seems to have conceived the hope of making himself again independent under his successors, left his palace and fled, and Dáúd remained for seven days in the capital defiling the honour of the royal palace in the grossest manner. 1545 952

At the same time, this energetic Songhay king showed his power to Múláy Áhmed, the powerful ruler of Morocco, who, looking about for a fresh source of strength, cast 1549 956

Dáúd having ascended the throne in Kúkíá one day before the death of Ís-hák, returned to Gágho on the 1st Rebí I. Dáúd was a very peaceable king, and undertook no expedition at all. He resided towards the end of his life a long time in Tindírma, the capital of the province of Kúrmina, where he had a palace and kept a large establishment. Áskíá Dáúd, who is said by the Imám e’ Tekrúri, as cited by De Slane[217], to have imitated the example of his father Háj Mohammed, died after a reign of nearly thirty-four (lunar) years. 1553 960 Sídi ʿOmár e’ Sheikh, the great ancestor of the family of El Bakáy, died in the district Gídi or Igídi.

El Háj, or El Háj Mohammed, then ascended the throne, being the eldest son of Dáúd, and named after his grandfather, whom he is said to have equalled in the qualities of bravery and patient endurance, although he remained far behind in success, and was plunged from the beginning of his reign in civil war, which began to rage the very day of his accession to the throne, the Feréng Mohammed Bánkoré preparing to oppose him; but fortunately the latter was induced by the Fáki Mohammed, the Kádhi of Timbúktu, to give up his pretensions, in order to apply himself to study. He was then arrested and lodged in the state prison in Kantú. 1582 990

Then El Hádi, son of Áskíá Dáúd, and brother of El Háj, whom, as the most faithful, the king had entrusted with the government of Kúrmina, revolted, left Tindírma, and marched against the capital, Gágho. He even succeeded in entering the town in the night before the 4th Rebí-el-awel, clad in a coat of mail, and preceded by a trumpet, drum, and other insignia of royal power, while the Áskíá, who at the time was very weak and sick, was seized with fear of losing his throne; but through the aid of Híki, the governor of the powerful province of Dendi, the revolt was overcome. El Hádi was thrown into the state prison at Kantú, and all his adherents were severely punished. 1584 Safer. 992

While the empire was thus undermined by intestine civil wars, the great enemy who was to crush it from without approached from the north; but this time the danger passed by. Múláy Hámed, or Áhmed, in order to learn the real state of affairs in Tekrúr, and especially in Songhay, whose power could not fail to attract his attention, sent an embassy with costly presents; but the Áskíá received the messengers kindly, and sent a more valuable present in return, among other articles 80 eunuchs. But shortly after the departure of this embassy, the rumour spread of Múláy Hámed having sent a large army; and this report was soon confirmed. The emperor of Morocco sent a very numerous host, said to be 20,000[218] strong, in the direction of Wadán, at that time the general caravan road, with the order to conquer all the places along the river (the Senegal and Niger, probably, regarded together)[219], and thus to proceed towards Timbúktu,—an order which clearly shows the immense extent of the Songhay empire, even at that time: and the Imám e’ Tekrúri[220] distinctly states that, even at the time of its downfall, it comprised a region of six months in extent. But this time also the danger passed by; the numbers of the army themselves causing its ruin, in consequence of hunger and thirst. In order to take at least a slight revenge, the Sultan of Morocco then sent an officer with a small troop of musketeers, to take possession of the salt-mines of Tegháza, which at that time supplied the whole of Western Negroland with that necessary article[221], and thus to deprive the inhabitants of Songhay of it.[222] It was in the month of Shawál (September) that the news reached Gágho that all intercourse with those salt-mines had been cut off. It was then that people went and dug salt in Taödénni, and other places.[223] Together with Móshi, the ruler of Búsa, on the Niger, is mentioned by Áhmed Bábá under this reign as a powerful king. The power of Kebbi, therefore, probably had begun to decline.

While the danger was gathering from without, a new intestine war broke out, which does not appear to testify to the great courage and energy for which Áhmed Bábá praises this Áskíá. 1586 994 The salt-mines of Tegháza shut, and those of Taödénni opened, on this occasion.[224]

For in the last month of this year, the brothers of El Háj Áskíá revolted, and brought Mohammed Bána, another of the numerous sons of Dáúd, with them from Kará (كَرَى?) to Gágho, and, deposing El Háj, installed the former in his place as Áskíá, on the 4th Moharrem. El Háj, probably, notwithstanding his original bravery and energy, was suffering from disease all the time of his reign. He died (a natural death apparently) a few days after his deposition, having reigned four years and five months. 1587 995

Immediately after the accession of Mohammed Bána to the throne, a new conspiracy was formed, issuing from the state prisoners in Kantú, especially the two pretenders, El Hádi and Mohammed Bánkoré, and aiming at the installation of Núh, another son of Dáúd, the Farma of Bantal; but the rebellion was successfully suppressed, most of the conspirators killed, and Núh, together with his brother Mústapha, whom El Háj had designated as his successor (Feréngmangha), laid in chains, and imprisoned in the province of Dendi.

The Balmʿa, Mohammed e’ Sádik, son of Áskíá Dáúd, having punished the oppressive governor of Kábara, and vanquished his own brother Sáleh, the Feréng of Kúrmina (24 Rebí II.), and being joined by the troops of the latter, and by many other bodies of the great army of the West, the Feréng of Bághena, Mansa, the Hómborikoy, and others, left Kábara on the 1st Jumáda. Áskíá Mohammed Bána marched out of Gágho on the 12th, in order to meet the rebel, but died the same day, either from the effects of wrath, or in consequence of the heat of the weather and his own corpulency. He reigned one year, four months, and eight days. 1588 976