INDEX.

Abergavenny, Lord, 90, 92-6, 177. d'Aguilar, 139. Alexander, Mr., 296. Alva, Duke of, 139-43, 165, 171, 210, 275, 276, 285, 292. Annates, payment of, 239, 240. Arnold, Sir Nicholas, 114, 260. Arras, Bishop of, 38, 60, 61, 85, 119, 150, 155, 208. Arundel, Lord, 13, 18, 21, 22, 28, 42, 43, 116, 171, 313, 314. "Arundel's," 262. Ashley, Mrs., 217. Ashridge, Elizabeth at, 217. Ashton, Christopher, 260-2. Askew, Anne, 201, 202. Astley Park, 101. Aucher, Mr., 296. Augsburg, Cardinal of, 190. Aylmer, 70.

Bagenall, Sir Ralph, 170. Baker, 308. Baoardo's History, 1, 10, 20, 28, 35, 40, 92, 100, 102, 111, 112, 141-3. Barlow, Bishop, 47. Bath, Earl of, 11, 71. Baynard's Castle, 18. Bedford, Lord, 34, 83, 129, 136. Bedingfield, Sir Henry, 11, 215. Bedyll, 267, 268. Bembridge, 310. Bentham, Thos., 311. Berkeley, Sir Maurice, 109. Binifield, 268. Bird, Bishop, 47. Bishops Authority Bill, 133; creation of new, 119; requests to the, 176, 177; Mary's letter to the, 212. Blacklock, 263. Bocher, Joan, 135. Bonner, Edmond, 32, 47, 83, 155, 190, 197, 201, 202, 212, 223, 232, 235, 245, 246, 257, 278, 280, 311. Bourne, Dr., 34, 37, 68, 116, 180. Bradford, Bishop, 37, 191, 196. Bradford, John, 220-2. Bray, Sir Ed., 95, 268. Brett, Captain, 95, 107-9, 114. Bromley, Sir Thos., 46, 132. Brookes, Bishop of Gloucester, 224. Brown, Sir Anthony, 141. Brydges, Sir John, 104, 112, 119, 126, 135, 178, 194, 252. Bucer, Martin, 281. Burghley, Lord, 320. Burnet, referred to, 67, 118, 149, 150, 157, 189, 193, 211, 212, 281, 288, 309. Bush, Paul, 47. Bushing, 296.

Calais, 294-305, 314. Caraffa, Cardinal, see Paul IV. Cardmaker, 191, 213. Carew, Sir Gawen, 110. Carew, Sir Peter, 11, 87-90, 120-2, 140, 157. Castaldo, John Baptiste, 145. Castro, Alphonse, 197. Cathie, Catherine, 281. Causton, Thos., 201. Cava, meeting at, 292. Cecil, Sir Wm., 15, 23, 161, 315. Celi, Medina, 139. Celibacy of clergy, 47, 70. Cercamp, conference at, 313. Cervino, Marcellus, 206, 210. Champernowne, Sir Arthur, 88, 89. Chandos, Lord, see Brydges. Chappelle, Admiral, 136. Charles V., 24, 25, 29, 30, 51, 55-7, 67, 83, 84, 94, 110, 114-19, 144, 151, 159, 161, 218, 223. Cheke, Sir John, 6, 15, 20. Cheny, 70. Cheyne, Sir Thos., 15, 16, 91, 92, 95, 96, 104, 116. Chichester, Bishop of, see Scory. Chichester, Sir John, 88, 89, 262. Cholmley, Judge, 28. Christopherson, Bishop, 281. Church property secularised, 176, 178, 179. Clarence, Lady, 72, 216. Clarke, George, 93. Clinton, Lord, 23, 106, 311, 312, 315. Cobham, Lord, 13, 90, 91, 94-6, 109, 114, 127, 164. Cole, 253, 254. Colebrook, meeting at, 215. Coligny, Admiral, 290. Commendone, Cardinal, 53, 54, 67. Commons Journals, quoted, 133, 232, 239, 240. Conquêt, plundering of, 312. Convocation, demands of the Lower House, 176, 177. Cornwallis, Sir Thos., 97, 107, 114, 116, 123, 295. Coronation Oath, 60. Corry, Thos., 120. de Courières, 2, 83, 85. Cotton MSS., 81, 225, 243, 306, 307. Courtenay, Lord, 6, 24, 30, 37-9, 59, 69-71, 76, 87-91, 103, 107, 110, 113-16, 130, 131, 162, 198, 262, 272. Coventry, 100. Coverdale, Miles, 47, 134, 206. Cowling Castle, 96, 164. Cranmer, Thos., 15, 20, 48, 74, 110, 118, 134, 165, 212, 224-34, 245-59. Crofts, Sir James, 23, 87, 102, 110, 114, 157.

Dalaber, Anthony, 203. Daniel, John, 262, 263, 266, 268. Darcy, 116. Day, Bishop, 32, 47. Debts of the Crown, 33. Delaware, Lord, 268. Dennys, Sir Thos., 90. Derby, Earl of, 11, 36, 37, 71, 83, 116, 136. Derick, 267, 268. Desmond, Earl of, 278. Devonshire, Earl of, 273, 274. Dives, Louis, 296. Doria, Andrea, 145. Drury, Sir Wm., 11. Dudley, Lord Ambrose, 23, 28, 74. Dudley, Sir Andrew, 17, 40-2. Dudley, Lord Guilford, 4, 5, 10, 74. Dudley, Lord Henry, 12, 74. Dudley, Sir Henry, 260, 263-7. Dudley, Lord Robert, 23, 28. Dunkirk, plundering of, 311. Durham, Bishop of, 164. Dymocke, Sir Ed., 61.

Edgecumbe, Sir Richard, 90. Edward VI., 1-3, 35, 36. Egmont, Count, 83, 85, 98, 115, 139, 311. Elder, John, 141. Elizabeth Tudor, 30-2, 57, 76-8, 93, 94, 103, 110, 114, 115, 122-31, 136, 155, 162, 199, 200, 213-19, 236, 315-320. d'Enghien, Duc, 291. Englefield, Sir Francis, 71, 267, 268, 308. d'Estampes, Duke, 312. Exeter, Marchioness of, 69.

Fagius, Paul, 281. Famine in England, 277. Feckenham, Abbot, 68, 111, 277. Feria, Count de, 139, 310, 315. Ferrars, Robert, 47, 134, 203-6. Fitzgerald, 23. Fitzwalter, Lord, 129. Fitzwarren, 23. Flanders MSS., 85. Flower, Wm., 206. Foxe, quoted, 16, 17, 22, 23, 48, 68, 70, 130, 173, 191, 196, 197, 200, 202, 213, 214, 216, 224, 225, 232-5, 245, 246, 253, 269, 270, 281, 282, 309. Framlingham, 21.

Gage, Sir John, 107, 108, 116, 126, 130. Gardiner, Stephen, 28, 30, 33, 36, 41, 47, 56-63, 72-6, 83, 89, 91-7, 103, 106, 109, 114-23, 132-5, 162, 171, 172, 175, 177, 190, 196-7, 208, 223, 237, 238. Gates, Sir Henry, 40-2. Gates, Sir John, 14, 40-5. Goldwell, Thos., 81. Gomez, Ruy, 171, 185, 186. Gonzaga, Hernando de, 139, 145. Goodman, 309. Granvelle Papers, 3, 8, 13, 18, 19, 25, 27, 32, 37-9, 47, 55, 56, 61, 64, 85, 92, 97, 105, 115, 116, 119, 137, 139, 147, 150, 151, 155-7, 162, 176, 178, 179, 185, 186, 197-9, 200, 214, 216, 313. Gravelines, Cardinal Pole at, 162. Great Bill, the, 180-2. Greenwich, disturbance at, 60. Gresham, Sir Thos., 84, 139, 208, 209, 308. Grey, Lady Jane, 4-20, 31, 39, 44, 74, 100, 110, 111. Grey, Lord John, 87, 92, 102, 110, 178. Grey, Lord Leonard, 87. Grey, Lord Thomas, 87, 90, 92, 101, 102, 106, 110, 116, 135. Grey, de Wilton, Lord, 12, 23, 28, 295-304. Grey, Sir Arthur, 296. Grey Friars Chronicle, see Machyn. Griffin, Maurice, 212. Guise, Duke of, 285, 291, 297-305. Guisnes, 294-9, 302, 303. Gybbes, Mr., 88, 89.

Hambletue, 298. Hammes, 294, 296, 299, 303. Hampton Court, Mary at, 208; Elizabeth at, 215. Harding, 269. Harleian MSS., 20, 24, 35, 42, 45, 61, 112, 127, 130, 153, 166, 170, 244, 252-4, 257, 258. Harley, Bishop of Hereford, 67. Harper, Sir George, 93, 95, 105, 107. Harpsfeld, 69, 163, 212, 234, 309. Harrington, Sir John, 263. Hastings, Sir Ed., 11, 34, 83, 97, 114, 116, 123, 160, 162, 267. Hastings, Lord, 163. Hawkes, 201. Heath, Bishop, 32, 43, 47. Heneage, 266. Henry of France, 24, 25, 86, 121, 138, 144, 275-7, 312, 313. Heresy Bill, 134. Heresy, Commission on, 280, 281. Higbed, Thos., 201. Hoby, Sir Philip, 24, 83. Holgate, Archbishop, 47. Holinshed quoted, 8, 9, 22, 98, 108, 124, 128-31, 216, 242. Holyman, Bishop of Bristol, 224. Hooper, Bishop, 47, 134, 190-6. Hormolden, Edgar, 120. Horn, Count, 115, 139. Horsey, Ned, 262, 263. Hot Gospeller, see Underhill. Howard, Lord Wm., 25, 85, 95, 99, 104, 108, 114, 116, 129, 136, 140, 155, 178, 198, 199, 215, 269, 271, 287. Hunter, 201-3. Huntingdon, Earl of, 100-2, 110, 136, 163.

Inglefield, 116. Irish, Mr., 231. Isly, Sir Henry, 92, 110. Italy, Philip's invasion of, 290.

Jenkins quoted, 224, 250, 252, 253. Jerningham, Sir Henry, 15, 93, 116, 267. Joanna of Castile, 215. Julius III., Pope, 53-5, 81, 148, 175, 206.

Karne, Sir Ed., 287, 288. Keninghal, 3. Killegrew, Henry, 272, 273. Kingston, Sir Anthony, 193, 194, 260-2, 266. Kingston, Wyatt at, 105. Knight, 201. Knox, John, 16. Knyvet, Anthony, 93, 105-9.

Lalaing, Count de, 83, 85. Lansdowne MSS., 21. Latimer, Bishop, 48, 110, 118, 134, 161, 224-34. Lawrence, 201. Lee, Sir Henry, 233. Leicester, rising at, 100. Lennox, Lady, 76, 77. Lingard, Dr., 223. Loans, raising of, 308. Lodge quoted, 239, 267. Lollard statutes, 178. London Bridge, closing of, 99, 104. Longueville, Duke de, 291. Lords Journals quoted, 132, 135, 240. Lorraine, Cardinal of, 208, 236. Low Countries, campaign in, 144, 207.

Machyn, 1, 12, 28, 30, 32, 33, 85, 137, 208, 209, 219, 270, 277. Markham, Wm., 107. Marsh, George, 206. Martin, Dr., 224. Martyn, Peter, 46, 47, 231, 281. Mary, Chronicles of Queen, 100, 109, 111-13, 127, 130, 153. Mary, Queen of Scots, 79, 122. Mason, Sir John, 13, 19, 35, 145, 161, 176, 295. Mendoza, Diego de, 65, 139. Merchant adventurers, loan of the, 308. Mewtas, Sir Peter, 260. Michele, Giovanni, 98, 241, 306. Mildmay, Sir Walter, 308. Mohun's Ottery, 88-90. Money, shortage of, 239. Mordaunt, Lord, 11. Moreman, Dr., 70. Montague, Judge, 28, 46. Montague, Lord, 163, 165, 178, 236. Montmorency, 86, 208, 210, 269, 291. Montpensier, Duke de, 291. Morgan, Bishop, 206. Morone, Cardinal, 148, 149, 151. Mortmain, Statute of, 176; suspended, 184. Mountain, Thos., 62.

Namur attacked, 144, 145. Navas, Marquis delas, 138. Newhall, 27. Newnham Bridge, 299. Nichols, John Gough, 6. de Nigry, 83, 85. Noailles referred to, 7, 12, 19, 25, 30, 36, 46, 57-9, 60-2, 67, 74, 77-80, 86, 87, 90, 92, 98, 99, 103, 114, 121, 122, 125, 129, 130, 135, 137, 138, 140, 141, 153, 154, 166, 180, 187, 192, 206, 209, 210, 214, 218, 219, 220, 222, 236, 237, 239, 241, 242, 244, 264, 265, 269, 271, 272, 285. Norfolk, Duke of, 28, 30, 39, 93. North, Lord, 178, 214. Northampton, Marquis of, 23, 28, 31-42, 87, 127. Northumberland, Duke of, 3, 11-22, 28, 31, 39-42, 43, 44. Norton, Anthony, 90, 91. Nowel, Alexander, 67.

Oatlands, Mary at, 219. Oldcastle, Sir John, 96. Oliver, Dr., 228. Ormaneto, 150, 281, 289. Ormond, Lord, 23, 93. Oxford, Earl of, 18, 177, 264. Oxford, Annals of University of, 282. d'Oysel, 86, 87.

Paget, Lord, 15, 21, 28, 68, 71, 73, 76, 79, 80, 93, 103, 116, 118, 123-7, 132-5, 139, 160, 162, 197, 208, 269. Paleano, seizure of, 275. Pallavicino, quoted, 53, 175. Palmer, Sir Henry, 13, 296, 297, 304. Palmer, Sir Thomas, 13, 40-2, 45, 46. Parker, Archbishop, 319. Parsons, 41. Paul IV., 210, 236, 239, 275, 287-9, 292. Peckham, Sir Edmund, 11. Peckham, Sir Henry, 260-4, 266-8. Pelham, 105. Pembroke, Earl of, 14, 16, 18-20, 36, 37, 98, 106-8, 116, 135, 154, 208, 277, 287. Perrot, Sir John, 262. Peto, Wm., 80, 289, 292. Petre, Sir Wm., 6, 33, 92, 94, 114, 116, 270, 308. Pexall, Sir Richard, 310. Philibert of Savoy, 144, 145, 155, 162, 213, 290. Philip of Spain, 38, 71-4, 137-42, 153, 165, 171, 185, 197, 198, 217-24, 268, 269, 303, 312-14. Phillips, Dean of Rochester, 70. Phillips, 223. Philpot, Bishop, 70, 134, 234. Pigot, 201. Plots against Mary, 263-8. Pole, Reginald, 51-4, 65-8, 80, 81, 147-52, 158, 159, 162-70, 178, 188-90, 206-8, 210, 212, 219-22, 231, 234, 278-80, 284, 287-90, 292, 309, 316. Pollard, Sir Hugh, 262. Pomfret, 136. Ponet, Bishop, 32, 47, 105, 107, 118, 134, 165, 215. Potter, Gilbert, 7, 10, 24. Premunire, Act of, 184, 187. Prideaux, John, 90. Property of Church, 176, 178, 179. Protestants, set-back to, 69, 70; hanging of, 84.

Radcliff, Sir Humfrey, 105. Rampton, Thos., 100. Regency Bill, 185, 186. Register introduced, 189. Religious houses rebuilt, 243. Religious Persecution Bills, 132. Renard quoted, 2, 7, 8, 10, 12, 17-21, 24-6, 28-32, 36-40, 46, 47, 49, 51, 55, 57-64, 68-84, 91, 93-7, 102, 103, 106, 108-19, 122-37, 139, 147, 153-9, 162, 176, 178, 185, 186, 197-200, 214, 223. Renty, attack on, 145. Repeal, Act of, 179. Rich, Lord, 18, 177. Richmond, Mary at, 137. Ridley, Bishop, 16, 23, 28, 32, 46, 47, 68, 110, 118, 134, 190, 191, 224-34. Rochester, Sir Robert, 71, 116, 135, 192, 267. Rochester, rising at, 93. Rogers, Canon, 190-2. Rolls House MSS., 6, 10-12, 15, 17, 20, 21, 26, 28, 30, 37, 39, 40, 46, 47, 49, 51, 57-61, 64, 67-9, 70-4, 78-80, 83-4, 86, 91, 93, 94, 97, 102, 103, 106, 108, 110, 114-19, 123, 127, 128, 133, 135. Rome, supplication to, 172. Rosey, 266-8. Russell, Lord, 37, 122, 178. Rutland, Earl of, 300, 301. Rymer quoted, 82. Rysbank, 298-300.

St. André, Marshal, 291. St. Leger, Sir Anthony, 63. St. Lowe, Sir Wm., 114. St. Mary Overy, Church of, 190. St. Quentin, battle of, 290, 291. Salkyns quoted, 165. Sandars, Laurence, 134, 191, 195. Sanders, Ninian, 7. Sandgate, 299. Sandys, Edwin, 16, 21, 22, 28. Scarborough, occupation of, 286, 287. Scheyfne, 2, 6, 15. Schoolboys, fight between, 122. Scory, Bishop, 32, 47. Scot, Bishop, 281. Senarpont, 276, 297, 312. Shrewsbury, Earl of, 19, 71, 116, 136, 140, 141, 154, 164, 239, 309. Sidney, Sir Henry, 23. Simson, Cuthbert, 309. Six Articles, the, 318. Skelton, Sir John, 11. Sloane MSS., 286. Smith, Benet, 242. Smith, Sir Thos., 287, 309, 310. Somerset, Duchess of, 30. Soto, P., 231, 232. Southwell, Sir R., 90-6, 104, 116. Stafford, Sir Thos., 286, 287. Stanley, Sir George, 62. Stanton, Captain, 268. Story, Dr., 224. Stourton, Lord, 178. Stow quoted, 130. Strangways, 264, 265. Strozzi, Pietro, 144. Strype quoted, 36, 48, 49, 63, 94, 137, 208, 221, 222, 243, 280, 286-90, 309-11. Subsidy Bill, 239, 240. Succession, question of the, 68, 132, 182, 185, 186, 199, 200, 214, 218. Suffolk, Duchess of, 76, 77, 102. Suffolk, Duke of, 19, 20, 31, 87, 92-100, 110, 114, 157. Sussex, Earl of, 11, 71, 116, 123-7, 136. Swift, Robert, 267, 268.

Talbot, Lord, 239. Tanner MSS., 21, 62, 107, 238, 241. Tate, Richard, 164. Taylor, Bishop, 67, 134. Taylor, Rowland, 191, 195. de Thermes, 311, 312. Thirlby, Bishop, 69, 245, 246, 280, 313, 314. Thomas, Wm., 105, 114. Thornton, Bishop, 212. Throgmorton, Sir Nicholas, 87, 88, 114, 131, 132, 266. Throgmortons, the, 264. Toledo, Antonio de, 139. Tomkins, 197, 201. Treason, Act of, 69. Tregonwell, Dr., 67. Tremayne, Edmund, 129. Tremaynes of Colacombe, the, 262, 264. Tucker, Lazarus, 84. Tunstal, Cuthbert, 32, 47, 92, 190. Tytler quoted, 80, 116, 131, 136, 160, 162, 316.

Underhill, Ed., 33, 61, 105, 320. Uvedale, 264-7.

Valles, Marquis de los, 139. Vannes, Peter, 273, 274. Vaughan, Cuthbert, 131. Villegaignon, Admiral, 87.

Waldegrave, Sir Ed., 71, 83, 116, 267, 268, 308. Walpole, 267. Warne, 213. Warner, Sir Edmund, 87, 90. Warwick, Earl of, 39-43. Watson, Bishop, 281. Watson, Dr., 41, 46, 70. Wentworth, Lord, 116, 162, 178, 296-300. Westmoreland, Lord, 154, 177, 264, 287. Weston, Dr., 36, 70, 103, 130, 134, 176. Wharton, Lord, 11. White, Bishop, 224. White, Rawlins, 206. White, Thomas, 266, 267. Wight, Isle of, 122, 264. Wilkins quoted, 177, 315. Wilkinson, Mrs., 229. Williams, Lord, of Thame, 15, 119, 178, 232, 233, 252, 258, 259, 261. Willoughby, Lord, 264. Winchester, Bishop of, see Ponet. Winchester, Marquis of, 9, 16, 116, 124, 136, 178. Windsor, Lord, 83. Woodhouse, Sir Wm., 302, 303. Woodstock, Elizabeth at, 136, 137, 155, 215. Worcester, Dean of, 316. Worcester, Lord, 107, 178. "Worthies, the nine," 153. Wotton, Dr., 80, 86, 121, 140, 144, 147, 260, 267, 271-6, 285, 286, 313, 314. Wyatt, Sir Thos., 23, 87-114, 122, 123, 130, 131, 189.

Young, 70.

Comme n'avons peu communiquer verbalement avec elle, l'avons advertie desdicts difficultés.... Que si la noblesse ses adhérens, ou le peuple la desiroit et maintenoit pour royne, il le pourroit démonstrer par l'effect; que la question estoit grande mêsme entre barbares et gens de telle condition que les Angloys ... luy touchant ces difficultez pour le respect de sa personne et pour suyvre la fin de la dicte instruction qu'est de non troubler le royaulme au désadvantaige de vostre Majesté—The Ambassadors in England to the Emperor: Papiers d'État du Cardinal de Granvelle, vol. iv. pp. 19, 20.(Back to Main Text)

"Sir, said he, I have commandment from the council to apprehend you and bring you unto them.

"Why, said I, it is now ten of the clock at night; you cannot now carry me unto them.

"No, sir, said he, you shall go with me to my house in London, where you shall have a bed, and to-morrow I will bring you unto them in the Tower.

"In the name of God, quoth I, and so went with him, requiring him if I might understand the cause. He said he knew none."

Underhill, however, conjectured that it was the ballad. He "was nothing dismayed;" and in the morning went readily to the Tower, where he waited in the presence chamber talking to the pensioners.

Sir Edward Hastings passed through, and as he saw him, "frowned earnestly." "Are you come?" said Hastings, "we will talk with you ere you part, I warrant you." They were old acquaintances. Underhill had been controller of the ordnance at Calais when Lord Huntingdon was in command there. The earl being in bad health, his brother Sir Edward was with him, assisting in the duties of the office; and Underhill, being able to play and sing, had been a frequent visitor at the Government House. The earl, moreover, "took great delight to hear him reason" with Sir Edward, on points of controversy—chiefly on the real presence—where the controller of the ordnance (according to his own account) would quote Scripture, and Sir Edward would "swear great oaths," "especially by the Lord's foot;" on which Underhill would say, "Nay, then, it must needs be so, and you prove it with such oaths," and the earl would laugh and exclaim, "Brother, give him over, Underhill is too good for you."

Hastings, it seemed, could not forgive these passages of wit, and Underhill was too smart for them. While he stood waiting, Secretary Bourne came in, "looking as the wolf at the lamb," and seeing the man that he had sent for, carried him off into the council room. Hastings was gone, Bedford sat as President, "and Bedford," says Underhill, "was my friend, for that my chance was to be at the recovery of his son, my Lord Russell, when he was cast into the Thames by Lymehurst, whom I received into my house, and gate him to bed, who was in great peril of his life, the weather being very cold."

Bedford, however, made no sign of recognition. Bourne read the ballad; on which Underhill protested that there was no attack on the queen's title in it. No! Bourne said, but it maintains the queen's title with the help of an arrant heretic, Tyndal. Underhill used the word Papist. Sir John Mason asked what he meant by that: "Sir," he says that he replied, "I think, if you look among the priests in Paul's, you shall find some old mumpsimusses there.

"Mumpsimusses, knave, said he, mumpsimusses! Thou art an heretic knave, by God's blood!

"Yea! by the mass, said the Earl of Bath, I warrant him an heretic knave indeed.

"I beseech your honours," Underhill said, "speaking to the Lords that sat at the table (for those others stood by and were not of the council), be my good Lords. I have offended no laws. I have served the Queen's Majesty's father and brother long time, and spent and consumed my living therein. I went not forth against her Majesty, notwithstanding I was commanded."

He was interrupted by Arundel, who said that, "by his writing," "he wished to set them all by the ears." Hastings re-entered at the moment, telling the council that they must repair to the queen, and the Hot Gospeller was promptly ordered to Newgate.

The sheriff led him through the streets, his friend Joy "following afar off, as Peter followed Christ." He wrote a few words to his wife at the door of Newgate, asking her to send him "his nightgown, his Bible, and his lute;" and then entered the prison, his life in which he goes on to describe.

In the centre of Newgate was "a great open hall." "As soon as it was supper time," the board was covered in the same hall. The keeper, whose name was "Alisander," with his wife, came and sat down, and half a dozen prisoners that were there for felony, Underhill "being the first that for religion was sent unto that prison." One of the felons had served with him in France. "After supper," the story continues, "this good fellow, whose name was Bristow, procured me to have a bed in his chamber, who could play well upon a rebeck. He was a tall fellow, and after one of Queen Mary's guard; yet a Protestant, which he kept secret, for else, he said, he should not have found such favour as he did at the keeper's hands and his wife's, for to such as loved the gospel they were very cruel. Well, said Underhill, I have sent for my Bible, and, by God's grace, therein shall be my daily exercise; I will not hide it from them. Sir, said he, I am poor; but they will bear with you, for they see your estate is to pay well; and I will shew you the nature and manner of them; for I have been here a good while. They both do love music very well. Wherefore you with your lute, and I to play with you on my rebeck, will please them greatly. He loveth to be merry, and to drink wine, and she also. If you will bestow upon them, every dinner and supper, a quart of wine and some music, you shall be their white son, and have all the favour they can shew you."

The honour of being "white son" to the governor and governess of Newgate was worth aspiring after. Underhill duly provided the desired entertainments. The governor gave him the best room in the prison, with all other admissible indulgences.

"At last," however, "the evil savours, great unquietness, with over many drafts of air," threw the poor gentleman into a burning ague. He shifted "his lodgings," but to no purpose; the "evil savours" followed him. The keeper offered him his own parlour, where he escaped from the noise of the prison; but it was near the kitchen, and the smell of the meat was disagreeable. Finally, the wife put him away in her store-closet, amidst her best plate, crockery, and clothes, and there he continued to survive till the middle of September, when he was released on bail through the interference of the Earl of Bedford.—Underhill's Narrative: Harleian MSS. 425.(Back to Main Text)

Let it be read, and speak for itself.

"As the devil, Christ's antient adversary, is a liar and the father of lying, even so hath he stirred his servants and members to persecute Christ and his true word and religion, which he ceaseth not to do most earnestly at this present. For whereas the most noble prince, of famous memory, King Henry VIII., seeing the great abuses of the Latin masses, reformed some things therein in his time, and also our late sovereign lord King Edward VI. took the same wholly away, for the manifold errours and abuses thereof, and restored in the place thereof Christ's holy supper, according to Christ's own institution, and as the Apostles in the primitive Church used the same in the beginning, the devil goeth about by lying to overthrow the Lord's holy supper, and to restore the Latin satisfactory masses, a thing of his own invention and device. And to bring the same more clearly to pass, some have abused the name of me, Thomas, Archbishop of Canterbury, bruiting abroad that I have set up the mass at Canterbury, and that I offered to say mass before the Queen's Highness at Paul's Cross and I wot not where. I have been well exercised these twenty years, to suffer and to bear evil reports and lies, and have not been much grieved thereat, and have borne all things quietly; yet where untrue reports and lies turn to the hindrance of God's truth, they be in no ways to be tolerated and suffered. Wherefore these be to signify to the world that it was not I that did set up the mass at Canterbury, but a false, flattering, lying, and dissembling monk, which caused the mass to be set up there without my advice and counsel: and as for offering myself to say mass before the Queen's Highness, or in any other place, I never did, as her Grace knoweth well. But if her Grace will give me leave, I shall be ready to prove against all that will say the contrary, that the Communion-book, set forth by the most innocent and godly prince King Edward VI., in his High Court of Parliament, is conformable to the order which our Saviour Christ did both observe and command to be observed, which his Apostles and primitive Church used many years; whereas the mass in many things not only hath no foundation of Christ, his Apostles, nor the primitive Church, but also is contrary to the same, and containeth many horrible blasphemies."(Back to Main Text)

"Quid aliud hoc significavit nisi me ab his libris divulgandis penitus abhorruisse ut certe abhorrui."—Epistola ad Edwardum Sextum: Poli Epistolæ. The book being the sole authority for some of the darkest charges against Henry VIII., the history of it is of some importance.

This was not the only instance in which his recollection of his own conduct was something treacherous. In the apology to Charles V., speaking of a war against Henry, he had said: "Tempus venisse video, ad te primum missus, deinde ad Regem Christianissimum, ut hujus scelera per se quidem minime obscura detegam, et te Cæsar a bello Turcico abducere coner et quantum possum suadeam ut arma tua eo convertas si huic tanto malo aliter mederi non possis." For thus, "levying war against his country," Pole had been attainted. The name of traitor grated upon him. To Edward, therefore, he wrote: "I invited the two sovereigns rather to win back the king, by the ways of love and affection, as a fallen friend and brother, than to assail him with arms as an enemy. This I never desired nor did I urge any such conduct upon them. Hoc ego nunquam profecto volui neque cum illis egi."—Epistola ad Edwardum Sextum; Ibid.(Back to Main Text)

"Sunday, October 8," Mountain says, "I ministered service, according to the godly order set forth by that blessed prince King Edward, the parish communicating at the Holy Supper. Now, while I was even a breaking of bread at the table, saying to the communicants, Take and eat this, Drink this, there were standing by several serving-men, to see and hear, belonging to the Bishop of Winchester; among whom one of them most shamefully blasphemed God, saying:

"Yea, by God's blood, standest thou there yet, saying—Take and eat, Take and drink; will not this gear be left yet? You shall be made to sing another song within these few days, I trow, or else I have lost my mark."

A day or two after came an order for Mountain to appear before Gardiner at Winchester House. Mountain said he would appear after morning prayers; but the messenger's orders were not to leave him, and he was obliged to obey on the instant.

The bishop was standing when he entered, "in a bay window, with a great company about him; among them Sir Anthony St. Leger, reappointed Lord Deputy of Ireland."

"Thou heretic," the Bishop began; "how darest thou be so bold as to use that schismatical service still, seeing God hath sent us a Catholic queen. There is such an abominable company of you, as is able to poison a whole realm with heresies."

"My lord," Mountain replied, "I am no heretic, for in that way you count heresy, so worship we the living God."

"God's passion," said the Bishop, "did I not tell you, my Lord Deputy, how you should know a heretic. He is up with his living God as though there was a dead God. They have nothing in their mouths, these heretics, but the Lord liveth; the living God; the Lord! the Lord! and nothing but the Lord."

"Here," says Mountain, "he chafed like a bishop; and as his manner was, many times he put off his cap, and rubbed to and fro up and down the forepart of his head, where a lock of hair was always standing up."

"My good Lord Chancellor," St. Leger said to him, "trouble not yourself with this heretic; I think all the world is full of them; God bless me from them. But, as your Lordship said, having a Christian queen reigning over us, I trust there will shortly be a reformation and an order taken with these heretics." "Submit yourself unto my lord," he said to Mountain, "and you shall find favour."

"Thank you, sir," Mountain answered, "ply your own suit, and let me alone."

A bystander then put in that the parson of St. Michael's was a traitor as well as a heretic. He had been in the field with the duke against the queen.

"Is it even so?" cried Gardiner; "these be always linked together, treason and heresy. Off with him to the Marshalsea; this is one of our new broached brethren that speaketh against good works; your fraternity was, is, and ever will be unprofitable in all ages, and good for nothing but the fire."—Troubles of Thomas Mountain: printed by Strype.

The portraits of Gardiner represent a fine, vehement-looking man. The following description of him, by Ponet, his rival in the See of Winchester, gives the image as it was reflected in Ponet's antipathies.

"The doctor hath a swart colour, hanging look, frowning brows, eyes an inch within his head, a nose, hooked like a buzzard's, nostrils like a horse, ever snuffing in the wind; a sparrow mouth, great paws like the devil, talons on his feet like a gripe, two inches longer than the natural toes, and so tied with sinews that he cannot abide to be touched."(Back to Main Text)

"As I was in hand with other matters," the paragraph runs, "was delivered such letters as in times past I durst not have opened; but now, somewhat heated with these treasons, I waxed bolder, wherein I trust I shall be borne with; wherein hap helpeth me, for they be worth the breaking up an I could wholly decypher them, wherein I will spend somewhat of my leisure, if I can have any. But this appeareth, that the letter written from my Lady Elizabeth to the Queen's Highness, now late in her excuse, is taken a matter worthy to be sent into France; for I have the copy of it in the French Ambassador's packet. I will know what can be done in the decyphering, and to-morrow remit that I cannot do unto you."—Gardiner to Petre: MS. Mary, Domestic, State Paper Office.(Back to Main Text)

"When Wyatt was come to Southwark," he says, "the pensioners were commanded to watch in armour that night at the Court.... After supper, I put on my armour, as the rest did, for we were appointed to watch all the night. So, being all armed, we came up into the chamber of presence with our pole-axes in our hands, wherewith the ladies were very fearful. Some lamenting, crying, and wringing their hands, said, Alas! there is some great mischief toward: we shall all be destroyed this night. What a sight is this, to see the Queen's chamber full of armed men: the like was never seen nor heard of! Mr. Norris, chief usher of Queen Mary's privy chamber, was appointed to call the watch to see if any were lacking; unto whom, Moore, the clerk of our check, delivered the book of our names; and when he came to my name, What, said he, what doth he here? Sir, said the clerk, he is here ready to serve as the rest be. Nay, by God's body, said he, that heretic shall not watch here. Give me a pen. So he struck my name out of the book."(Back to Main Text)

"La Greca era tale. La morte dara la pena al mio corpo del fallo ma la mia anima giustificara inanzi al conspetto di Dio la innocenza mia.

"La Latina diceva. Se la giustitia ha luogo nel corpo mio l'anima mia l'havera nella misericordia di Dio.

"La Inglese. Il fallo e degno di morte ma il modo della mia ignoranza doueva meritar pieta e excusatione appresso il mondo e alle leggi."(Back to Main Text)

On the 24th of March Thomas Corry writes to Lord Grey that "two hundred vessels be in readiness" in the French harbours. "There is lately arrived at Caen in Normandy Sir Peter Carew, Sir William Pickering, Sir Edward Courtenay, John Courtenay, Brian Fitzwilliam, and divers other English gentlemen. It is thought Sir Peter Carew shall have charge of the fleet. There be three ships of Englishmen, which be already gone to sea with Killegrew, which do report that they serve the king to prevent the coming of the King of Spain."—Calais MSS.

On the 28th of March, Edgar Hormolden writes from Guisnes to Sir John Bourne: "The number of Sir Peter Carew's retinue increaseth in France by the confluence of such English qui potius alicujus præclari facinoris quam artis bonæ famam quærunt; and they be so entreated there as it cannot be otherwise conjectured but that they practise with France: insomuch I have heard credible intelligence that the said Carew used this persuasion, of late, to his companions: Are not we, said he, allianced with Normandy; yea! what ancient house is either there or in France, but we claim by them and they by us? why should we not rather embrace their love than submit ourselves to the servitude of Spain?"—Calais MSS.

April 17, Dr. Wotton writes in cypher from Paris to the queen: "Yesterday, an Italian brought a letter to my lodging, and delivered it to a servant of mine, and went his way, so that I know not what he is. The effect of his letter is, that for because he taketh it to be the part of every good Christian man to further your godly purpose and Catholic doings, he hath thought good to advertise me that those fugitives of England say to their friends here that they have intelligence of great importance in England with some of the chiefest on the realm, which shall appear on the arrival of the Prince of Spain. Within few days they go to Normandy to embark themselves there, so strong, that, if they do not let the Prince of Spain to land, as they will attempt to do, yet they will not fail, by the help of them that have intelligence with them, to let him come to London."—French MSS. bundle xi.(Back to Main Text)

At present religion is no longer under the control of law, and is left to the conscience. To profess openly, therefore, a faith which we do not believe is justly condemned as hypocrisy. But wherever public law extends, personal responsibility is limited. A minority is not permitted to resist the decisions of the legislature on subjects in which the legislature is entitled to interfere; and in the sixteenth century opinion was as entirely under rule and prescription as actions or things. Men may do their best to improve the laws which they consider unjust. They are not, under ordinary circumstances, to disobey them so long as they exist. However wide the basis of a government, questions will ever rise between the individual and the state—questions, for instance, of peace or war, in which the conscience has as much a voice as any other subject; where, nevertheless, individuals, if they are in the minority, must sacrifice their own opinions; they must contribute their war taxes without resistance; if they are soldiers, they must take part as combatants for a cause of which they are convinced of the injustice. That is to say, they must do things which it would be impious and wicked in them to do, were they as free in their obligations as citizens as they are now free in the religion which they will profess.

This was the view in which the mass was regarded by statesmen like Cecil, and generally by many men of plain straightforward understanding, who believed transubstantiation as little as he. In Protestantism, as a constructive theology, they had as little interest as in Popery; when the alternative lay between the two, they saw no reason to sacrifice themselves for either.

It was the view of common sense. It was not the view of a saint. To Latimer, also, technical theology was indifferent—indifferent in proportion to his piety. But he hated lies—legalised or unlegalised—he could not tolerate them, and he died sooner than seem to tolerate them. The counsels of perfection, however, lead to conduct neither possible, nor, perhaps, desirable for ordinary men.(Back to Main Text)

"Sir, quoth I," so Mason reported the conversation, "I have from herself nothing to say, for she will not confess the matter till it be proved to her face; but by others I understand, to my great joy, that her garments wax very straight. I never doubted, quoth he, of the matter, but that God, that for her had wrought so many miracles, would make the same perfect to the assisting of nature to his good and most desired work: and I warrant it shall be, quoth he, a man-child. Be it man, quoth I, or be it woman, welcome it shall be; for by that we shall be at the least come to some certainty to whom God shall appoint by succession the government of our estates."—Mason to the King and Queen, November 9: Tytler, vol. ii. p. 444.(Back to Main Text)

"Quam sancte sanctitas vestra omni auctoritate studioque huic matrimonio favit; quod sane videtur præ se ferre magnam summi illius regis similitudinem, qui mundi hæres a regalibus sedibus a patre demissus fuit, ut esset virginis sponsus et filius, et hâc ratione universum genus humanum consolaretur ac servaret. Sic enim hic rex maximus omnium qui in terris sunt hæres, patriis relictis regnis de illis quidem amplissimis ac felicissimis in hoc turbulentum regnum de contulit, hujusque virginis sponsus et filius est factus; ita enim erga illam se gerit tanquam filius esset cum sit sponsus, ut quod jam plane perfecit sequestrem se atque adjutorem ad reconciliandos Christo et Ecclesiæ hos populos præberet."—Pole to the Pope: Epist. Reg. Pol. vol. v.(Back to Main Text)

"Ce qui a tellement despleu à cedict roy et royne, que le 16 de ce mois ilz allerent par eau tous deulx clorre et terminer ledict parlement, sur les quatre heures du soir, assez petitement accompaignez et sans aulcune ceremonie, monstrans et faisans congnoistre à ung chascun avoir quelque grand mescontentement contre l'assemblé d'icelluy."—Noailles to the Constable: Ambassades, vol. iv. p. 153.(Back to Main Text)

Philip.—Mary the Queen.—Most Reverend Father in God, our right trusty and right entirely beloved cousin, We greet you well: And whereas it hath pleased Almighty God, of His infinite goodness, to add unto the great number of other His benefits bestowed upon us, the gladding of us with the happy deliverance of a prince, for the which we do most humbly thank Him; knowing your affections to be such towards us as whatsoever shall fortunately succeed unto us, the same cannot be but acceptable unto you also; We have thought good to communicate unto you these happy news of ours, to the intent you may rejoice with us; and praying for us, give God thanks for this his work accordingly. Given under our signet, at our house of Hampton Court, the —— of ——, the 1st and 2nd year of our and my Lord the King's reign.—MS. Mary, Domestic, vol. v. State Paper Office.(Back to Main Text)

In these reports the truth was anticipated but not exceeded. It will be seen that such projects were really formed at a later period.(Back to Main Text)

"Se trouva hier fort malade et plus que de coustume, et pour la soulager, fust trouvé à mesme heure en sa court plusieurs lettres semées contre son honneur," etc.—Noailles, vol. iv. p. 342.(Back to Main Text)

"I call God to record," Bradford continues, "I have heard it with mine ears, and seen the said persons with mine eyes, that have said, if ever the king obtain the crown, he would make the Lady Elizabeth safe from ever coming to the same, or any of our cursed nation. For they say, that if they can find the means to keep England in subjection, they would do more with the land than with all the rest of his kingdoms. I speak not of any fool's communication, but of the wisest, and that no mean persons. Yea, and they trust that there shall means be found before that time to despatch the Lady Elizabeth well enough by the help of assured traitors, as they have already in England plenty, and then they may the more easier destroy the others when she is rid out of the way.

2. I speak not this, as some men would take it, to move dissension; for that were the best way for the Spaniards to come to their prey. Such a time they look for, and such a time they say some nobleman hath promised to provide for them.

3. God is my witness that my heart will not suffer me for very shame to declare such vile reports as I have heard them speak against the queen, and yet her Grace taketh them for her faithful friends. The Spaniards say, that if they obtain not the crown, they may curse the time that ever the king was married to a wife so unmeet for him by natural course of years; but and if that may be brought to pass that was meant in marriage-making, they shall keep old rich robes for high festival days.

"Alas, for pity! Ye be yet in such good estate that ye may, without loss of any man's life, keep the crown and realm quietly. If ye will hear a fool's counsel, keep still the crown to the right succession in your hands, and give it to no foreign princes. Peradventure her Grace thinketh the king will keep her the more company and love her the better, if she give him the crown. Ye will crown him to make him chaste contrary to his nature. They have a saying—'The baker's daughter is better in her gown than Queen Mary without the crown.' They say, 'Old wives must be cherished for their young fair gifts.' 'Old wives,' they say, 'for fair words will give all that they have.' But how be they used afterwards? Doth the queen think the king will remain in England with giving him the realm? The council of Spain purposeth to establish other matters; to appoint in England a viceroy with a great army of Spanish soldiers, and let the queen live at her beads like a good antient lady."—John Bradford to the Earls of Arundel, Shrewsbury, Derby, and Pembroke: Strype's Memorials, vol. vi. p. 340, etc.(Back to Main Text)

"Be it known to all men that shall read, or hear read, these our letters, that we, the poor prisoners of the castle of Canterbury, for God's truth, are kept and lie in cold irons, and our keeper will not suffer any meat to be brought to us to comfort us. And if any man do bring in anything—as bread, butter, cheese, or any other food—the said keeper will charge them that so bring us anything (except money or raiment), to carry it thence again; or else, if he do receive any food of any for us, he doth keep it for himself, and he and his servants do spend it; so that we have nothing thereof: and thus the keeper keepeth away our victuals from us; insomuch that there are four of us prisoners there for God's truth famished already, and thus it is his mind to famish us all. And we think he is appointed thereto by the bishops and priests, and also of the justices, so to famish us; and not only us of the said castle, but also all other prisoners in other prisons for the like cause to be also famished. Notwithstanding, we write not these our letters to that intent we might not afford to be famished for the Lord Jesus' sake, but for this cause and intent, that they having no law so to famish us in prison, should not do it privily, but that the murderers' hearts should be openly known to all the world, that all men may know of what church they are, and who is their father."—Foxe, vol. viii. p. 255.(Back to Main Text)

The writer describes the clergy as "lads of circumspection, and verily filii hujus sæculi." He complains of their avarice in inducing the queen, "at one chop, to give away fifty thousand pounds and better yearly from the inheritance of her crown unto them, and many a thousand after, unto those idle hypocrites besides."

He then goes on:—

"And yet this great profusion of their prince did so smally serve their hungry guts, like starven tikes that were never content with more than enough; at all their collations, assemblies, and sermons, they never left yelling and yelping in pursuit of their prey, Restore! Restore! These devout deacons nothing regarded how some for long service and travail abroad, while they sat at home—some for shedding his blood in defence of his prince's cause and country, while they with safety, all careless in their cabins, in luxe and lewdness, did sail in a sure port—some selling his antient patrimony for purchase of these lands, while they must have all by gift a God's name—they nothing regarding, I say, what injury to thousands, what undoing to most men, what danger of uproar and tumult throughout the whole realm, and what a weakening to the State, should thereby arise; with none of these matters were they moved a whit, but still held on their cry, Restore! Restore!"

"And that ye may be sure they meant nothing more than how to have all, and that with all haste; after that their Pope, this seditious Paul IV., that now is, had sent hither his bulls and his thunderbolts for that cause, and other (and yet little restored, because the world, indeed, would not be so faced out of their livelihood) sundry of our prelates, like hardy champions, slacke not a whit themselves to thrust lords out of their lands, and picked quarrels to their lawful possessions. Well. Let nobility consider the case as they list; but, as some think, if the clergy come to be masters again, they will teach them a school point. Christ taught the young man that perfection was in vade, vende, et da, not in mane, acquire, accumula."—Grace to be said at the Accession of Elizabeth: Tannes MSS., Bodleian Library.(Back to Main Text)

Gardiner himself said that he was once at a party at the Duke of Suffolk's, and it was a question who should take the duchess down to dinner. She wanted to go with her husband; but as that could not be, "My lady," said Gardiner, "taking me by the hand, for that my lord would not take her himself, said that, forasmuch as she could not sit down with my lord whom she loved best, she had chosen me whom she loved worst."—Holinshed.(Back to Main Text)

The authority of the pope in a secular kingdom, the legate said, was no more a foreign power than "the authority of the soul of man coming from heaven in the body generate on earth." "The pope's laws spiritual did no other but that the soul did in the body, giving life to the same, confirming and strengthening the same;" and that it was which the angel signified in Christ's conception, declaring what his authority should be, that he should sit super domum David, which was a temporal reign, ut confirmet illud et corroboret, as the spiritual laws did.

The quotation is inaccurate. The words in the Vulgate are, Dabit illi Dominus sedem David patris ejus: et regnabit in domo Jacob in æternum.

The letter contains another illustration of Pole's habit of mind. "There was never spiritual man," he says, "put to execution according to the order of the laws of the realm but he was first by the canon laws condemned and degraded; whereof there be as many examples afore the time of breaking the old order of the realm these last years, as hath been delinquents. Let the records be seen. And specially this is notable of the Bishop of ——, which, being imprisoned for high treason, the king would not proceed to his condemnation and punishment afore he had the pope's bull given him...."

The historical argument proceeded smoothly up to the name, which, however, was not and is not to be found. Pole was probably thinking of Archbishop Scrope, who, however, unfortunately for the argument, was put to death without the pope's sanction.—Draft of a Letter from Cardinal Pole to Cranmer: Harleian MSS. 417.(Back to Main Text)

"O, but they say, the tongues of dying men Enforce attention, like deep harmony: Where words are scarce, they are seldom spent in vain: For they breathe truth, that breathe their words in pain. He, that no more must say, is listened more Than they whom youth and ease have taught to gloze; More are men's ends marked, than their lives before: The setting sun, and music at the close, As the last taste of sweets, is sweetest last; Writ in remembrance more than things long past."(Back to Main Text)

There is no uncertainty as to what Cranmer really said; but, inasmuch is Bonner at the head of his version of the speech has described it as "written with his own hand," it has been inferred that he was required to make a copy of what he intended to say—that he actually wrote what Bonner printed, hoping to the end that his life would be spared; and that he would have repeated it publicly, had he seen that there was a chance of his escape. Finding, however, that his execution had been irrevocably determined on, he made the substitution at the last moment.

There are many difficulties in this view, chiefly from the character of the speech itself, which has the stamp upon it of too evident sincerity to have been composed with any underhand intentions. The tone is in harmony throughout, and the beginning leads naturally to the conclusion which Cranmer really spoke.

There is another explanation, which is to me more credible. The Catholics were furious at their expected triumph being snatched from them. Whether Cranmer did or did not write what Bonner says he wrote, Bonner knew that he had not spoken it, and yet was dishonest enough to print it as having been spoken by him, evidently hoping that the truth could be suppressed, and that the Catholic cause might escape the injury which the archbishop's recovered constancy must inflict upon it. A man who was capable of so considerable a falsehood would not have hesitated for the same good purpose to alter a few sentences. Pious frauds have been committed by more religious men than Edmund Bonner. See the Recantation of Thomas Cranmer, reprinted from Bonner's original pamphlet: Jenkins, vol. iv. p. 393.(Back to Main Text)

Again in another letter, he writes:—

"For God's sake, be my honourable masters, and rid me out of this dungeon, for I do lie here a man sore pained with the stone, and among the newts and spiders. For the love of God, I ask it; for I do all things in the place that I do lie in. My good and honourable masters, for God's sake, be good to me, and consider that I did never give my consent to do no evil. Good Mr. Englefield, consider my meaning, and be good master to me, and consider the place I lie in, and the pain of the stone."—Daniel's Confessions: MS. Mary, Domestic, vol. viii.

The effect, however, apparently was what the examiners desired. A note of the council remains to the effect that—

"Daniel being yesterday removed, to a worse lodging, beginneth this day to be more open and plain than he hath been, whereby we perceive he knoweth all, and we trust and think verily he will utter the same."—Privy Council Minutes, Ibid.(Back to Main Text)

On the 18th of September, Peter Vannes, the English resident at Venice, wrote to the queen from Padua:—

"It hath pleased Almighty God, as the Author of all goodness, and as One that doth nothing in vain, to call the Earl of Devonshire to his mercy, even about the hour, or little more or less, that I am writing of this present; and being very sorry to trouble your Highness with this kind of news, yet forasmuch as the providence of God must be fulfilled in all things, I shall somewhat touch his sickness till the hour of death. True it is that he, as I have perceived, for the avoiding all suspicion from himself, hath chosen a life more solitary than needed, saving the company of certain gentlemen, Venetians, among whom he was much made of. It chanced him upon three weeks agone, for his honest recreation, to go to a place called Lio, a piece of an island five miles from Venice, for to see his hawks fly upon a wasted ground, without any houses; and there he was suddenly taken with a great tempest of wind and rain, insomuch that his boat, called [a] gondola, could not well return to Venice: and he was fain, for his succour, to take a certain searcher's boat that by chance there arrived, and so to Venice he came, being body and legs very thinly clothed, refusing to change them with any warmer garment. And upon that time, or within few days after, as he told me, had a fall upon the stairs of his house, and after seeming to himself to be well, and finding no pain, took his journey hither unto Padua; and for the avoiding of the weariness of the water, and the labouring of horses, chose the worse way coming; and so by certain waggons called coaches, very shaking and uneasy to my judgment, came to Padua upon Saturday at night. Of whose coming being advertised, I went to visit him on the morrow after, and found him very weak; and since that time he began to appear every day worse and worse, avoiding friends' visitations; and drew himself to the counsel of two of the best physicians of this town, and entered into a continued hot ague, sometimes more vehement than at another; and as I have seen and heard, he hath been always diligently attended. I have charged his servants in your name, and as they will avoid your displeasure, that a true inventory shall be made of such small movables as he had here, and that especially all kind of writings and letters that he had either here or at Venice, shall be put in assurance, abiding for your commandment. I am now about to see the order of his burial, with as much sparing and as much honour as can be done; for the merchantmen on whom, by your Grace's commandment, he had a credit of 3 or 4 thousand crowns, are not as yet willing to disburse any money without a sufficient discharge of my Lord of Devonshire's hand, the doing whereof is past. I shall shift to see him buried as well as I can; notwithstanding, I beseech your Grace not to be discontented with me that I am at the next door to go a begging.

"My said Lord of Devonshire is dead, in mine opinion a very good Christian man; for after that I had much exhorted him to take his communion and rites of the Church as a thing most necessary, and by whose means God giveth unto His chosen people health, both bodily and ghostly, he answered me, by broken words, that he was well content so to do: and in token thereof, and in repentance for his sins, he lift up his eyes and knocked himself upon the heart; and after I had suffered him to pause a good while, I caused the Sacrament to be brought, and after the priest's godly exhortation, he forced himself to receive the blessed Communion; but his tongue had so stopped his mouth, and his teeth so clove together, that in no wise he could receive that same; and after this sort this gentleman is gone, as I do not doubt, to God his mercy.

"I shall not let to say to your Grace, that since his coming to Padua, by way of communication, he showed unto me, that it had been reported unto him that some one had said that he was better French than English, and if God did recover him and send him his health so that he might come to the knowledge of his misreporter, he was minded to try that quarrel by the sword."

In a letter written a few days later, Vannes said that, in consequence of rumours having gone abroad that the earl had been poisoned, the Podesta, at his request, had ordered the body to be opened, and examined by physicians, which was accordingly done.—Peter Vannes to the Queen: Venetian MSS. State Paper Office.(Back to Main Text)

"The 22nd of August," says Machyn, "was the herse of my Lady Anne Cleves taken down at Westminster, the which the monks by night had spoiled of all velvet cloth, arms, banners, penselles, of all the majesty and valence, the which was never seen afore so done."—Diary, p. 148.(Back to Main Text)

"When I was yet a lamb, I gave myself as a sacrifice to the pontiff, who chose me for a cardinal. Thus I thought of myself; thus I spoke when I lay prostrate before the altar. Little did I then think the time would come, when I should be offered up by my father's hands a second time, especially when the Bishop of Rochester was here hanging as a ram among the briars ready to be immolated," etc.—Pole to the Pope: Epistolæ, vol. v. p. 31.(Back to Main Text)

"Trusty and well-beloved, we greet you well: and whereas for certain great and weighty causes touching both the honour of Almighty God, and the wealth and good government of this our realm, we have summoned our High Court of Parliament, to be holden at Westminster, the 20th of January next: and forasmuch as we consider that a great part of the furthering of such things, as shall be treated in our said parliament, and bringing them to good effect, shall consist in the well appointing and choosing of such as shall be knights of shires, citizens of any city, or burgesses of other towns corporate, we have thought good to require you to have good regard, and so far forth as in you may lie, to provide that such as shall be appointed may be men given to good order, Catholic, and discreet, and so qualified, as the antient law of this realm requireth; giving the freeholders, citizens, burgesses within our said county to understand, what our will and pleasure is in that behalf. Hereby as you shall do good service unto God and this your country, so shall you also do us right acceptable pleasure, which we shall consider towards you as any occasion may shew. Given under our signet, December 10, 1557."—MS. Mary, Domestic, vol. xii.(Back to Main Text)