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The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898: Volume 48, 1751-1765

Volume 48 — CHAPTER XXXII

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In the year 1754, two religious were sent, of whom one died and the other retired to Cagayan, seriously ill; but he returned in the following year with another companion. In order to ameliorate the destitution which they had suffered in the preceding year, they determined to take with them a carpenter, a lay brother of their order, in order that he might, as soon as they reached the place, put together a house, which was to go in the vessel, in pieces. Their zeal did not permit them to wait until the work was finished; and, fearing that the monsoon would pass away, they embarked without their little house. Hardly had they reached Calayan when the two fell sick; other fathers went to succor them, and all became sick; accordingly, they returned [to the mainland] one after another, and it was necessary to abandon the mission after the Dominican fathers had incurred large expenses for it. Afterward, this conquest was again undertaken, by Señor Basco in 1783; and this effort has been successful in maintaining there the Dominican fathers, converting those islanders to the faith. A commandant was stationed there with his garrison, which caused much expense, because it was necessary to send them all their supplies from Philipinas; for in all those islands the only produce is camotes and such other eatable things as grow in the country itself. There is no doubt that other articles would be produced, but so numerous are the rats, which consume everything, and so frequent the baguios or hurricanes, that one may rest assured that these plagues would devastate the fields before the crops could mature. Every year a bark was sent to carry succor to the islands, but, as the baguios are so frequent in those seas, many of these vessels were wrecked; it has therefore been recognized that the maintenance of that post is impossible, and the result is, that only the Dominican fathers remain there with a small guard, who must be succored from Cagayan. For this enterprise Señor Basco was granted the title of Conde de la Conquista; but I assert that if half of what he spent in Batanes had been expended in placing missionaries in Ylocos, Pangasinan, and Cagayan, he would have gained more vassals for the king of España, and with less risk.

In order to know how to pacify the Indians, it is necessary to understand their character. Whether because of their naturally superstitious disposition, or because God has thus ordained it, they are very affectionate to the missionary fathers, and have much reverence for them; but there are not lacking some who dare to plan some perfidy against the fathers, and for this reason they need escorts to protect them from audacious attempts of that sort. At times the natives become heated and rise against authority, and the multitude come out against the fathers, unless there is some check to restrain them; such a check, is in the military posts, which ought to be near the missions, so that the Indians may have respect for these, and fear lest they will be immediately punished if they commit any insolent act. With these measures of precaution the islands were conquered, and the same are observed at the present time; but the missionaries are very few, from which it results that they are so widely separated that they have to make a day’s journey to visit one another, when they need to be confessed or on other occasions, and they are very poorly paid. For what is a hundred pesos and two hundred cavans of rice for a Spaniard to maintain himself with decency in the missions? [Even] this small stipend they sometimes cannot collect without a thousand annoyances and vexations which are occasioned to them by the alcaldes-mayor, who seek various pretexts for not paying them, and compel them to go from the mission to the [provincial] capital to collect it, as I have seen. So wretchedly do these poor religious live that there are occasions in which they find themselves obliged to use for their own support what was given to them for their guards; and they live without these, preferring to remain exposed to the affronts of the heathens rather than perish with hunger. The military posts are also few in number, and the Indians in them are unable to impose respect on their countrymen. If the money that has been spent in useless expeditions could have been employed in these sure means of pacification, that undertaking would have made much greater progress. It is true, we shall never see the rapid advances made by our ancestors in the conquest [of the islands], because the Indians have their eyes more open; the Christians themselves persuade the others not to be baptized, in order that the tribute and other taxes may not be imposed on them. Moreover, they themselves have a custom which greatly hinders their civilization, and consequently their conversion. If any one commits a murder in another village, its people do not rest until they have avenged the crime; the consequence is, that the weaker villages are obliged to remove from the district, or to league themselves with other villages. In either case, the Christian church suffers much, because those who are baptized must follow the infidels of their own village and separate themselves from the [missionary] fathers, or else must enter into the general hostilities. Nevertheless, gradually they would all be converted; for if in the neighboring villages many unbelievers are continually being baptized, who leave their own lands and are held in less regard than are the oldtime Christians, how many more would not be baptized if they could remain in their own homes, honored and courted by their old acquaintances? Christian morality is very holy, and attracts all hearts in which vice has not become deeply rooted.

In order to stop the scandals which resulted from these disputes, the bishop of Coriza assembled a [diocesan] synod in the village of Luctuy; it was the second synod held in Tungquin, and held its first session on June 24, 1753. Among the other points that were settled, action was taken on the “Lovers of the Cross,” and on the distribution of districts. As the bishop was a Recollect, and the rest of those who attended the council were his confederates, everything was decided against the Dominicans; Father Hernandez, therefore, who was the only member of his order who attended the synod, protested against all its decrees, appealed to the Apostolic See, and went out of the meeting before it was ended. After the synod closed, the Dominicans, seeing that a Recollect was going to Rome to secure approbation for the acts of the council, sent another envoy, a Dominican, to prevent this. When the whole matter was examined in the holy Congregation, two districts were set aside for the Recollect fathers, and the rest were continued in charge of the Dominicans, the beaterios of the “Lovers of the Cross” were left subject to their respective parish priests. In regard to the [acts of the] second council of Tungquin, it was ordained that they should not be carried into effect until the holy Congregation should, after a thorough examination, agree to confirm them.

Plan of the new Alcaiceria of San Fernando, 1756
Plan of the new Alcaiceria of San Fernando, 1756

Plan of the new Alcaiceria of San Fernando, 1756

[Photographic facsimile from original MS. in Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla]

Notes in this chapter

Note 1 · The fiscal Arroyo declared that he had been imprisoned in order that he might not prosecute claims against the following persons in their apNote 2 · See enumeration of these funds in the historical sketch of the Misericordia, in VOL. XLVII. ↑Note 3 · It is thus stated by Concepción (Hist. de Philipinas, xi, p. 280): “With the pretext that the fathers of the Society [of Jesus] had usurped Note 4 · Concepción says (Hist. de Philipinas, xi, pp. 278–280) that some investigation of this report was made before Torre’s death, and seven of thNote 5 · In these ships came the royal situado for the current year (1747), and 30,000 pesos on account of the arrearages due; moreover, the returns Note 6 · His family name was Martinez de Arizala; at this time he was fifty-two years of age. He was a member of the Audiencia of Quito in Peru (now Note 7 · Probably on account of his being a Dominican, the Chinese in and near Manila being mostly in charge of that order in matters of religion. ↑Note 8 · A full account of this revolt and its cause and progress may be found in Concepción’s Hist. de Philipinas, xiv, pp. 79–107; and of its punisNote 9 · These ambassadors were: for Mindanao, Father Francisco Isasi, rector of the Jesuit college at Zamboanga, and the sargento-mayor there, Don TNote 10 · The missionaries appointed to the Mindanao mission were the Jesuits Juan Moreno and Sebastian Arcada; but the latter was ill at the time, anNote 11 · Concepción states (xii, p. 134) that Alimudin was so infatuated for one of his concubines that he neglected his duties of government; and thNote 12 · Ferrando speaks (Hist. PP. dominicos, iv, p. 535) of “this sedition, actual or feigned (but on this point history has not made its final uttNote 13 · Forrest says (Voyage, p. 334) of Alimudin’s visit to Samboangan: “He bought goods from Don Zacharias the governor, giving the Don his own prNote 14 · See letter of the Jesuit Masvesi regarding this visit of the Joloan ruler, in VOL. XLVII, pp. 243–250; also account of it (1750), ascribed tNote 15 · Ferrando says (iv, pp. 538, 539) that Arrechedera sent the sultan to Binalatongan (in Pangasinan) for baptism; but that Alimudin was taken iNote 16 · This catastrophe, one of the most ruinous of its kind ever known, occurred on October 28, 1746; Lima was wrecked by the earthquake, and CallNote 17 · See account of this controversy, the wretched condition in which the royal ships and galleys were found to be, and the loss of the “Pilar,” Note 18 · “The secretary of the government, who, protected in that quarter by the person who ought to have condemned his acts, pushed forward his desiNote 19 · “This [Dominican] province had already (in 1745) reported to his Majesty that the beaterio of Santa Cathalina was maintained in the form of Note 20 · This was Don Protasio Cavezas. ↑Note 21 · A minute account of this episode is found in Concepción’s Historia, xii, pp. 212–230. The lady’s name was Cecilia Ita y Salazar. She had beeNote 22 · “The royal decree issued in 1762 in consequence of the notorious litigation of Mother Cecilia did not decide that the beaterio should be extNote 23 · “The seizure of these champans was afterward the cause of a clamorous lawsuit incited by various officers against the master-of-camp Abad, aNote 24 · This proceeding took place at midnight on August 3, and the number arrested was 217 persons: these included Alimudin’s four sons, his brotheNote 25 · Alimudin and his household arrived as prisoners at Manila in September, 1751. Soon afterward the Manila government declared war, with fire aNote 26 · Here, as most often elsewhere, “captives” are synonymous with “slaves.” Montero y Vidal (Hist. de piratería, i, p. 299) protests against thiNote 27 · Concepción says (xii, pp. 345–352) that the master-of-camp in command of the fleet (who was Antonio Ramón de Abad y Monterde) was undecided Note 28 · These hostilities broke out in 1752, and for several years scourged the unfortunate Visayans. Concepción records many of these attacks in coNote 29 · “This unfortunate attempt cost the treasury 36,976 pesos, and a galley that was seized by the Moros” (Montero y Vidal, Hist. de piratería, iNote 30 · “In Manila the indignation against the disloyal Ali-Mudin knew no bounds. All clamored for the punishment of so ignoble a race, sorrowfully Note 31 · “The Sultanship in Sooloo is hereditary, but the government mixed. About fifteen Datoos, who may be called the nobility, make the greater paNote 32 · For detailed accounts of the events here briefly mentioned, the Moro wars, the imprisonment of Alimudin, the ravages committed in the islandNote 33 · To this name should be added, “Santisteban, Echeveria, y Alvero” (Concepción, xiii, p. 250); he was a knight of the Order of Calatrava. ↑Note 34 · See Concepción, Hist. de Philipinas, xiii, pp. 250–287, for details of these reforms. ↑Note 35 · See Concepción’s account of this eruption (xiii, pp. 345–350); it lasted from September to December, 1754 and was accompanied by severe eartNote 36 · Ignacio María de Alava, “Commander-in-chief of the naval forces in Asiatic waters,” was a personal friend of Zúñiga, to whom the latter dediNote 37 · The exploits of this militant Jesuit are described by Concepción, in Hist. de Philipinas, xiii, pp. 148–168, 178–188, 296–319. ↑Note 38 · The name given her in baptism was Rita Calderón; the marriage occurred on April 27, 1755. See Concepción, xiii, pp. 333, 334. ↑Note 39 · “The people of Magindano, and their neighbours, known commonly by the name of Oran Illanon, as living near the great Lano, are very piraticaNote 40 · Fray Mateo González founded this mission to the Batanes. He made his profession in 1667, and came to Manila four years later, being then tweNote 41 · “Action was taken in a session of the royal treasury officials on the execution of the orders in a royal despatch which notified this governNote 42 · This is more fully described in the previous document, “Later Augustinian and Dominican missions.” ↑Note 43 · See Ferrando’s Hist. PP. dominicos, iv, pp. 576–582. ↑Note 44 · Arandia made a census of the Christian Sangleys in the islands, and found that they numbered 3,413. He established the market here mentionedNote 45 · See Concepción’s account of this enterprise (xiv, pp. 167–171). The amount of capital raised was 76,500 pesos, in shares of 500 each; with tNote 46 · Ferrando says (iv, pp. 587–591) that Arandía cut off from the hospital of San Gabriel 800 pesos, out of the 2,000 which it received from theNote 47 · Vindel’s Catálogo, tomo i (Madrid, 1896), p. 94, cites from Rezabal y Ugarte’s Escritores de los seis colegios universitarios (Madrid, 1805)Note 48 · According to Concepción (xiii, pp. 360–366), the tax here referred to was a general one, called “the royal impost,” an ad valorem duty levieNote 49 · See Concepción’s full account of this venture (xiv, pp. 208–275). It will be remembered that Bustamante had attempted in 1718 to open up comNote 50 · Concepción furnishes an interesting account (xiv, pp. 76–79) of the abolition by Arandía of the “rotten borough” of Cebú. During the term ofNote 51 · He had witnessed personally at Acapulco the careless, disorderly, and even fraudulent manner in which this trade was carried on by the MexicNote 52 · Le Gentil and Marquina are cited by Montero y Vidal (Hist. de Filipinas, ii, p. 14) to show that Arandia died by poison or other violent meaNote 53 · His full name was Manuel Antonio Rojo del Río y Vieyra. ↑Note 54 · At this point properly should come the documents which relate the invasion of the islands by the English, their capture of Manila, the conseNote 55 · I am astonished that we should have left the beaten track of the conquest or pacification of the Indians, and taken up another which is moreNote 56 · On May 15, 1757, the holy Congregation [i.e., of Propaganda] at Rome issued the decree which put an end to the controversies which the discaNote 57 · Returning to Manila, one of the good things which Señor Arandia did in his term of office was the expulsion of the Chinese. He sent away allNote 58 · Notwithstanding the wisdom of this measure, Señor Arandia lost much in popular esteem by it; and this, added to others of his actions, brougNote 59 · Through the death of Señor Arandia, the bishop of Zebu, Señor Espeleta, assumed the government. Soon afterward, the new archbishop of ManilaNote 60 · In such condition was the Orendain affair, when a decree arrived from his Majesty in which he appointed the archbishop as governor ad interi
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