NEW ENGLISH CANAAN OR NEW CANAAN.

Containing an Abstract of New England, Composed in three Bookes.

The first Booke setting forth the originall of the Natives, their Manners and Customes, together with their tractable Nature and Love towards the English.

The second Booke setting forth the naturall Indowments of the Country, and what staple Commodities it yealdeth.

The third Booke setting forth, what people are planted there, their prosperity, what remarkable accidents have happened since the first planting of it, together with their Tenents and practise of their Church.

Written by Thomas Morton of Cliffords Inne gent, upon tenne yeares knowledge and experiment of the Country.

Printed at AMSTERDAM, By JACOB FREDERICK STAM. In the Yeare 1637.

To the right honorable, the Lords and others of his Majesties most honorable privy Councell, Commissioners, for the Government of all his Majesties forraigne Provinces.[196]

Right honorable,

The zeale which I beare to the advauncement of the glory of God, the honor of his Majesty, and the good of the weale publike hath incouraged mee to compose this abstract, being the modell of a Rich, hopefull and very beautifull Country worthy the Title of Natures Masterpeece, and may be lost by too much sufferance. It is but a widowes mite, yet {4} all that wrong and rapine hath left mee to bring from thence, where I have indevoured my best, bound by my allegeance, to doe his Majesty service. This in all humility I present as an offering, wherewith I prostrate my selfe at your honorable footstoole. If you please to vouchsafe it may receave a blessing from the Luster of your gracious Beames, you shall make your vassaile happy, in that hee yet doth live to shew how ready hee is, and alwayes hath bin, to sacrifice his dearest blood, as becometh a loyall subject, for the honor of his native Country. Being

your humors humble vassaile Thomas Morton.

The Epistle to the Reader.

GENTLE READER,

I present to the publike view an abstract of New England, which I have undertaken to compose by the incouragment of such genious spirits as have been studious of the inlargment of his Majesties Territories; being not formerly satisfied by the relations of such as, through haste, have taken but a superficiall survey thereof: which thing time hath enabled mee to performe more punctually to the life, and to give a more exact accompt of what hath been required. I have therefore beene willing to doe my indevoure to communicat the knowledge which I have gained and collected together, by mine owne observation in the time of my many yeares residence in those parts, to my loving Country men: For the better information of all such as are desirous to be made partakers of the blessings of God in that fertile Soyle, as well as those {8} that, out of Curiosity onely, have bin inquisitive after nouelties. And the rather for that I have observed how divers persons (not so well affected to the weale publike in mine opinion), out of respect to their owne private ends, have laboured to keepe both the practise of the people there, and the Reall worth of that eminent Country concealed from publike knowledge; both which I have abundantly in this discourse layd open: yet if it be well accepted, I shall esteeme my selfe sufficiently rewardded for my undertaking, and rest,

Your Wellwisher. Thomas Morton.

In laudem Authoris.

R. O. Gen.

Sir Christoffer Gardiner, Knight.[198] In laudem Authoris.

Sir C. G.

In laudem Authoris.

F. C. Armiger.

NEW ENGLISH CANAAN, OR NEW CANAAN.

The Author’s Prologue.

NEW ENGLISH CANAAN, OR NEW CANAAN.

The first Booke.

Containing the originall of the Natives, their manners & Customes, with their tractable nature and love towards the English.

Chap. I.

Prooving New England the principall part of all America, and most commodious and fitt for habitation.

The wise Creator of the universall Globe hath placed a golden meane betwixt two extreames; I meane the temperate Zones, betwixt the hote and cold; and every Creature, that participates of Heavens blessings with in the Compasse of that golden meane, is made most {12} apt and fit for man to use, who likewise by that wisedome is ordained to be the Lord of all. This globe may be his glasse, to teach him how to use moderation and discretion, both in his actions and intentions. The wise man sayes, give mee neither riches nor poverty; why? Riches might make him proud like Nebuchadnezar, and poverty despaire like Iobs wife; but a meane betweene both. Vse of vegetatives. So it is likewise in the use of Vegetatives, that which hath too much Heate or too much Colde, is said to be venenum: so in the use of sensitives, all those Animals, of what genus or species soever they be, if they participate of heate or cold in the superlative are said to be Inimica naturæ, as in some Fishes about the Isle of Sall, and those Ilandes adjoyninge between the Tropickes; Fish poysonous about the Isle of Sall. their participatinge of heate and cold, in the superlative, is made most manifest, one of which poysoned a whole Ships company that eate of it.[202] And so it is in Vipers, Toades, and Snakes, that have heate or cold in the superlative degree.

Therefore the Creatures that participate of heate and cold in a meane, are best and holsomest: And so it is in the choyse of love, the middell Zone betweene the two extreames is best, Zona temperata, the Golden meane. and it is therefore called Zona temperata, and is in the golden meane; and all those landes lying under that Zone, most requisite and fitt for habitation. In Cosmography, the two extreames are called, the one Torrida Zona, lying betweene the Tropickes, the other Frigida Zona, lying neare the poles: all the landes lying under either of these Zones, by reason they doe participate too {13} much of heate or cold, are very inconvenient, and are accompanied with many evils. And allthough I am not of opinion with Aristotle,[203] that the landes under Torrida Zona are alltogether uninhabited, I my selfe having beene so neare the equinoctiall line that I have had the Sunn for my Zenith and seene proofe to the contrary, yet cannot I deny but that it is accompanied with many inconveniences, as that Fish and Flesh both will taint in those partes, notwithstanding the use of Salt which cannot be wanting there, ordained by natures hande-worke; Salt aboundeth under the Tropicks. And that is a great hinderance to the settinge forth and supply of navigation, the very Sinewes of a florishing Commonwealth. Then barrennesse, caused through want of raines, for in most of those partes of the world it is seldome accustomed to raine untill the time of the Tornathees (as the Portingals[204] phrase is, who lived there) and Raine 40. dayes about August betweene Cancer and the Line. then it will raine about 40. dayes together, which moisture serveth to fructify the earth for all the yeare after, duringe which time is seene no raine at all: the heate and cold, and length of day and night, being much alike, with little difference. And these raines are caused by the turning of the windes, which else betweene the Tropickes doe blow Trade, that is allwayes one way. For next the Tropicke of Cancer it is constantly North-East, and next the Tropicke of Capricorne it is Southwest; so that the windes comming from the Poles, do keepe the aire in those partes coole, and make it temperate and the partes habitable, were it not for those and other inconveniences.

{14} This Torrida Zona is good for Grashoppers: and Zona Temperata for the Ant and Bee. But Frigida Zona [is] good for neither, as by lamentable experience of Capt. Davis froze to death. Captaine Davis fate is manifest, who in his inquest of the Northwest passage for the East India trade was frozen to death.[205] And therefore, for Frigida Zona, I agree with Aristotle that it is unfit for habitation:[206] and I know by the Course of the cælestiall globe that in Groeneland, many Degrees Groene Land too cold for habitation. short of the Pole Articke, the place is too cold, by reason of the Sunns absence almost six monethes, and the land under the continuall power of the frost; which thinge many more Navigators have prooved with pittifull experience of their wintringe there, as appeareth by the history. I thinke they will not venture to winter there againe for an India mine.

Sir Ferdinando Gorges the originall cause of plantinge New England.

And as it is found by our Nation under the Pole Articke, so it is likewise to be found under the Antarticke Pole; yet what hazard will not an industrious minde and couragious spirit undergoe, according to that of the Poet: Impiger extremos currit Mercator ad Indos per mare pauperiem fugiens, per saxa, per ignes.[207] And all to gett and hord up like the Ant and the Bee; and yet, as Salomon saith,[208] he cannot tell whether a foole or a wise man shall enjoy it. Therefore let us leave these two extreames, with their inconveniences, and indeavour to finde out this golden meane, so free from any one of them. Behold the secret wisedome of allmighty God, and love unto our Salomon, to raise a man of a lardge hart, full of worthy abilities, to be the Index or Loadstarre, that doth point out {15} unto the English Nation with ease and comfort how to finde it out. And this the noble minded Gentleman, Sir Ferdinando Gorges,[209] Knight, zealous for the glory of God, the honor of his Majesty and the benefit of the weale publicke, hath done a great worke for the good of his Country.

The Salvages dyed of the plague.

And herein this, the wondrous wisedome and love of God, is shewne, by sending to the place his Minister, to sweepe away by heapes the Salvages; and also giving him length of dayes to see the same performed after his enterprise was begunne, for the propagation of the Church of Christ.

This judicious Gentleman hath found this goulden meane to be scituated about the middle of those two extreames, and for directions you may proove it thus: Counting the space betweene the Line and either of the Poles, in true proportion, you shall finde it to be 90. Degrees: then must we finde the meane to be neare unto the Center of 90. and that is about 45. Degrees, and then incline unto the Sotherne side of that Center, properly for the benefit of heate, remembringe that Sol & Homo generàt hominem; and then keepe us on that same side, and see what Land is to be found there, and we shall easily discerne that new England is on the South side of that Center.

New Engl. is placed in the golden meane.

For that Country doth beginne her boundes at 40. Degrees of Northerne latitude, and endes at 45. Degrees of the same latitude, and doth participate of heate and cold indifferently, but is oppressed with neither: and therefore may be truly sayd to be within the compasse of that golden meane, most apt and fit {16} for habitation and generation, being placed by Allmighty God, the great Creator, under that Zone called Zona temperata; and is therefore most fitt for the generation and habitation of our English nation, of all other, who are more neere neighbours to the Northerne Pole, whose Land lyeth betweene 50. and 54. Degrees of the selfesame latitude: now this new England, though it be New England 10. Degrees neerer the line then old England. nearer to the line then that old England by 10. Degrees of latitude, yet doth not this exceede that other in heate or cold, by reason of the cituation of it; for as the Coast lyeth, being circularly Northeast and Southwest, opposite towards the Sunnes risinge, which makes his course over the Ocean, it can have litle or no reflecting heat of the Sun-beames, by reason of the continuall motion of the waters makinge the aire there the cooler and the constanter; so that for the temperature of the Climent, sweetnesse of the aire, fertility of the Soile, and small number of the Salvages (which might seeme a rubb in the way off an effeminate minde,) this Country of new England is by all judicious men accounted the principall part of all America for habitation and the commodiousnesse of the Sea, Ships there not being subject to wormes as in Virginea and other places, and not to be paraleld in all Christendome. The Massachussets in the middel of New England. The Massachussets, being the middell part thereof, is a very beautifull Land, not mountany nor inclininge to mountany, lyeth in 42. Degrees, and 30. minutes, and hath as yet[210] the greatest number of inhabitants; and hath a very large bay to it divided by Islands into 4 great bayes,[211] where shippinge may safely ride, {17} all windes and weathers, the The Windes not so violent in New England. windes in those partes being not so violent as in England by many Degrees: for there are no shrubbs seene to leane from the windes, as by the Sea Coast of England I have seene them leane, and the groundage is a sandy sleech,[212] free from rockes to gaule Cables, but is good for anchorage: the rest of the Planters are disperst among the Coasts betweene 41. and 44. Degrees of Latitude, and as yet, have [made] very little way into the inland.[213] The riches of which Country I have set forth in this abstract as in a Landskipp, for the better information of the Travellers; which hee may peruse and plainely perceave by the demonstration of it, that it is nothing inferior to Canaan of Israel, but a kind of paralell to it in all points.

Chap. II.

Of the originall of the Natives.

In the yeare since the incarnation of Christ, 1622, it was my chance to be landed in the parts of New England,[214] where I found two sortes of people, the one Christians, the other Infidels; these I found most full of humanity, and more friendly then the other: as shall hereafter be made apparant in Dew-Course by their severall actions from time to time, whilest I lived among them. After my arrivall in those partes, I endeavoured by all the wayes and meanes that I could to find out from what people, or nation, the Natives of {18} New England might be conjectured originlly to proceede; and by continuance and conversation amongst them, I attaned to so much of their language, as by all probable conjecture may make the same manifest: for it hath been found by divers, and those of good judgement, that the Natives of this Country doe use very many wordes, both of Greeke and Latine, to the same signification The Natives have a mixed language. that the Latins and Greekes have done; as en animia,[215] when an Indian expresseth that hee doth anything with a good will; and Pascopan[216] signifieth gredy gut, this being the Pasco Pan greedy gutt. name of an Indian that was so called of a Child, through the greedinesse of his minde and much eating, for Pasco in Latine signifieth to feede, and Pan in Greeke signifieth all; and Pasco nantum,[217] quasi pasco nondum, halfe starved, or not eating, as yet; Equa coge,[218] set it upright; Mona[219] is an Island Mona an Island. in their language, quasi Monon, that is alone, for an Island is a peece or plott of ground standing alone, and devided from the mane Land by force of water.

Cos a Whetstone.

Cos[220] is a Whetstone with them. Hame[221] an instrument to take fish. Many places doe retaine the name of Pan, as Pantneket[222] and Matta pan,[223] so that it may be thought that these people heretofore have had the name of Pan in great Pan the Shepheards God. reverence and estimation, and it may bee have worshipped Pan the great God of the Heathens: Howsoever they doe use no manner of worship at all now: and it is most likely that the Natives of this Country are descended from people bred upon that part of the world which is towardes {19} the Tropicke of Cancer, for they doe still retaine the memory of some of the Starres one that part of the Cælestiall Globe, as the North-starre, which with them is called Maske,[224] for Maske in their Language signifieth a Beare: and they doe divide the windes into eight partes, and it seemes originally have had some litterature amongst them, which time hath Cancelled and worne out of use.

And whereas it hath beene the opinion of some men, which shall be nameles, that the Natives of New-England may proceede from the race of the Tartars, and come from Tartaria into those partes,[225] over the frozen Sea, I see no Not to proceede from the Tartars. probality for any such Conjecture; for as much as a people once setled must be remooved by compulsion, or else tempted thereunto in hope of better fortunes, upon commendations of the place unto which they should be drawne to remoove: and if it may be thought that these people came over the frozen Sea, then would it be by compulsion? if so, then by whome, or when? or what part of this mane continent may No part of America knowne to be neare Tartary. be thought to border upon the Country of the Tartars, it is yet unknowne: and it is not like, that a people well enough at ease will of their one accord undertake to travayle over a Sea of Ice, considering how many difficulties they shall encounter with; as first, whether there be any Land at the end of their unknowne way, no Land beinge in view; then want of Food to sustane life in the meane time upon that Sea of Ice; or {20} how should they doe for Fuell, to keepe them at night from freezing to death, which will not bee had in such a place. But it may perhaps be granted that the Natives of this Country might originally come of the scattred Trojans: For after that Brutus, who Why Brutus left Latium. was the forth from Aneas, left Latium upon the conflict had with the Latines, (where although hee gave them a great overthrow, to the Slaughter of their grand Captaine and many other of the Heroes of Latium, yet hee held it more safety to depart unto some other place and people, then by staying to runne the hazard of an unquiet life or doubtfull Conquest, which as history maketh mention hee performed,) this people were dispersed: there is no question but the people that lived with him, by reason of their conversation with the Græcians and Latines, had a mixed language that participated of both, whatsoever was that which was proper to their owne nation at first I know not: for this is commonly seene where 2. nations traffique together, the one indevouring to understand the others meaning makes them both many times speak a mixed language, Two nations meetinge make a mixt language. as is approoved by the Natives of New England, through the coveteous desire they have to commerce with our nation and wee with them.

And when Brutus did depart from Latium, we doe not finde that his whole number went with him at once, or arrived at one place; and being put to Sea might encounter with a storme that would carry them out of sight of Land, and then they might sayle God knoweth whether, and so might be put upon this {21} Coast, as well as any other. Compasse I beleeve they had none in those dayes; Sayles they might have, (which Dædalus the first Dædalus the first that used Sayles. inventor thereof left to after ages, having taught his Sonne Icarus the second that used Sayles. Icarus the use of it, who to this Cost found how dangerous it is for a Sonne not to observe the precepts of a wise Father, so that the Icarian Sea now retaines the memory of it to this day,) and Victuals they might have good store, and many other things fittinge; oares without all question they would store themselves with, in such a case; but for the use of Compasse, there is no mention made of it at that time (which was much about Sauls time, the first that was made Troy destroyed about Sauls time. King of Israell.) Yet it is thought (and that not without good reason for it) that the use of the Loadstone and Compasse was knowne in Salomons time, for as much as hee sent The Loadstone in Salomons time. Shippes to fetch of the gould of Ophir, to adorne and bewtify that magnificent Temple of Hierusalem by him built for the glory of Almighty God, and by his speciall appointment: and it is held by Cosmographers to be 3. yeares voyage from Hierusalem to Ophir, and it is conceaved that such a voyage could not have beene performed, without the helpe of the Loadstone and Compasse.

And why should any man thinke the Natives of New England to be the gleanings of all Nations, onely because by the pronunciation and termination their words seeme to trench upon severall languages, when time hath not furnished him with the interpretation thereof. The thinge that must induce a man of reasonable capacity to any maner of conjecture of {22} their originall, must be the sence and signification of the words, principally to frame this argument by, when hee shall drawe to any conclusion thereupon: otherwise hee shall but runne rounde about a maze (as some of the fantasticall tribe use to do about the tythe of mint[226] and comin.) Therefore, since I have had the approbation of Sir Christopher Gardiner,[227] Knight, an able gentl. that lived amongst them, and of David Tompson,[228] a Scottish gentl. that likewise was conversant with those people, both Scollers and Travellers that were diligent in taking notice of these things, as men of good judgement, and that have bin in those parts any time, besides others of lesse, now I am bold to conclude that the originall of the Natives of New England may be well conjectured to be from the scattered Trojans, after such time as Brutus departed from Latium.[229]

Chap. III.

Of a great mortality that happened amongst the Natives of New England, neere about the time that the English came there to plant.

It fortuned some few yeares before the English came to inhabit at new Plimmouth, in New England, that upon some distast given in the Massachussets bay by Frenchmen, then trading there with the Natives for beaver, they set upon the men at such advantage that they killed manie of them, burned their shipp, {23} then riding at Anchor by an Island there, now called Peddocks Island,[230] in memory of Leonard Peddock[231] that landed there, (where many wilde Anckies[232] haunted that time, which hee thought had bin tame,) distributing them unto 5. Sachems, which were Lords of the severall territories adjoyninge: they did keepe them so longe as they lived, onely to sport themselves at them, and Five Frenchmen kept by the Salvages. made these five Frenchmen fetch them wood and water, which is the generall worke that they require of a servant.[233] One of these five men, out livinge the rest, had learned so much of their language as to rebuke them for their bloudy deede, saying that God would be angry with them for it, and that hee would in his displeasure destroy them; but the Salvages (it seemes boasting of their strenght,) replyed and sayd, that they were so many that God could not kill them.[234]

The Plague fell on the Indians.

But contrary wise, in short time after the hand of God fell heavily upon them, with such a mortall stroake that they died on heapes as they lay in their houses; and the living, that were able to shift for themselves, would runne away and let them dy, and let there Carkases ly above the ground without buriall. For in a place where many inhabited, there hath been but one left a live to tell what became of the rest; the livinge being (as it seemes) not able to bury the The livinge not able to bury the dead. dead, they were left for Crowes, Kites and vermin to pray upon. And the bones and skulls upon the severall places of their habitations made such a spectacle after my comming into those partes, that, as I travailed in that Forrest nere the Massachussets, it seemed to mee a new found Golgatha.

{24} But otherwise, it is the custome of those Indian people to bury their dead ceremoniously and carefully, and then to abandon that place, because they have no desire the place should put them in minde of mortality: and this mortality was not ended when the Brownists of new Plimmouth were setled at Patuxet in New England: and by all likelyhood the sicknesse that these Indians died of was the Plague, as by conference with them since my arrivall and habitation in those partes, I have learned.[235] And by this meanes there is as yet but a small number of Salvages in New England, to that which hath beene in former time, and 2 Sam. 24. the place is made so much the more fitt for the English Nation to inhabit in, and erect in it Temples to the glory of God.

Chap. IV.

Of their Houses and Habitations.

The Natives of New England are accustomed to build them houses much like the wild Irish; they gather Poles in the woodes and put the great end of them in the ground, placinge them in forme of a circle or circumference, and, bendinge the topps of them in forme of an Arch, they bind them together with the Barke of Walnut trees, which is wondrous tuffe, so that they make the same round on the Topp {25} for the smooke of their fire to assend and passe through; these they cover with matts, some made of reeds and some of longe flagges, or sedge, finely sowed together with needles made of the splinter bones of a Cranes legge, with threeds made of their Indian hempe, which their groueth naturally, leaving severall places for dores, which are covered with mats, which may be rowled up and let downe againe at their pleasures, making use of the severall dores, according as the winde sitts.[236] The fire is alwayes made in the middest of the house, with winde fals commonly: yet some times they fell a tree that groweth neere the house, and, by drawing in the end thereof, maintaine the fire on both sids, burning the tree by Degrees shorter and shorter, untill it be all consumed; for it burneth night and day. Their lodging is made in three places of the house about the fire; they lye upon plankes, commonly about a foote or 18. inches aboue the ground, raised upon railes that are borne up upon forks; they lay mats under them, and Coats of Deares skinnes, otters, beavers, Racownes, and of Beares hides, all which they have dressed and converted into good lether, with the haire on, for their coverings: and in this manner they lye as warme as they desire.[237] In the night they take their rest; in the day time, either the kettle is on with fish or flesh, by no allowance, or else the fire is imployed in roasting of fishes, which they delight in.[238] The aire doeth beget good stomacks, and they feede continually, and are no niggards of their vittels; for they are willing that any one shall eate with them. Nay, if any one that shall come into their {26} houses and there fall a sleepe, when they see him disposed to lye downe, they will spreade a matt for him of their owne accord, and lay a roule of skinnes for a boulster, and let him lye. If hee sleepe untill their meate be dished up, they will set a wooden boule of meate by him that sleepeth, and wake him saying, Cattup keene Meckin[239]: That is, If you be hungry, there is meat for you, where if you will eate you may. Such is their Humanity.[240]

Likewise, when they are minded to remoove, they carry away the mats with them; other materiales the place adjoyning will yeald. They use not to winter and summer in one place, for that would be a reason to make fuell scarse; but, after the manner of the gentry of Civilized natives, remoove for their pleasures; some times to their hunting places, where they remaine keeping good hospitality for that season; and sometimes to their fishing places, where they abide for that season likewise: and at the spring, when fish comes in plentifully, they have meetinges from severall places, where they exercise themselves in gaminge and playing of juglinge trickes and all manner of Revelles, which they are deligted in; [so] that it is admirable to behould what pastime they use of severall kindes, every one striving to surpasse each other.[241] After this manner they spend their time.

{27} Chap. V.

Of their Religion.

It has bin a common receaved opinion from Cicero,[242] that there is no people so barbarous but have some worshipp or other. In this particular, I am not of opinion therein with Tully; and, surely, if hee had bin amongst those people so longe as I have bin, and conversed so much with them touching this matter of Religion, hee would have changed his opinion. Neither should we have found this error, amongst the rest, by the helpe of that wodden prospect,[243] if it had not been so unadvisedly built upon such highe land as that Coast (all mens judgements in generall,) doth not yeeld, had hee but taken the judiciall councell of Sir William Alexander, that setts this thing forth in an exact and conclusive sentence; if hee be not too obstinate? hee would graunt that worthy writer, that these people are sine fide, sine lege, & sine rege,[244] and hee hath exemplified this thinge by a familiar demonstration, which I have by longe experience observed to be true.

And, me thinks, it is absurd to say they have a kinde of worship, and not able to demonstrate whome or what it is they are accustomed to worship. For my part I am more willing to beleeve that the Elephants (which are reported to be the most intelligible of all beasts) doe worship the moone, for the reasons {28} given by the author of this report, as M^r. Thomas May, the minion of the Muses dos recite it in his continuation of Lucans historicall poem,[245] rather then this man: to that I must bee constrained, to conclude against him, and Cicero, that the Natives of New England have no worship nor religion at all; and I am sure it has been so observed by those that neede not the helpe of a wodden prospect for the matter.

Chap. VI.

Of the Indians apparrell.

The Indians in these parts do make their apparrell of the skinnes of severall sortes of beastes, and commonly of those that doe frequent those partes where they doe live; yet some of them, for variety, will have the skinnes of such beasts that frequent the partes of their neighbors, which they purchase of them by Commerce and Trade.

The Indians make good lether.

These skinnes they convert into very good lether, making the same plume and soft. Some of these skinnes they dresse with the haire on, and some with the haire off; the hairy side in winter time they weare next their bodies, and in warme weather they weare the haire outwardes: they make likewise some Coates of the Feathers of Turkies, which they weave together with twine of their owne makinge, very prittily: these garments they weare like mantels knit over {29} their shoulders, and put under their arme: they have likewise another sort of mantels, made of Mose skinnes, which beast is a great large Deere so bigge as a horse; these skinnes they commonly dresse bare, and Indians ingenious workemen for their garments. make them wondrous white, and stripe them with size round about the borders, in forme like lace set on by a Taylor, and some they stripe with size in workes of severall fashions very curious, according to the severall fantasies of the workemen, wherein they strive to excell one another: And Mantels made of Beares skinnes is an usuall wearinge, among the Natives that live where the Beares doe haunt: they make shooes of Mose skinnes, which is the principall leather used to that purpose; and for want of such lether (which is the strongest) they make shooes of Deeres skinnes, very handsomly and commodious; and, of such deeres skinnes as they dresse bare, they make stockinges that comes within their shooes, like a stirrop stockinge, and is fastned above at their belt, which is about their middell; Every male, after hee The modesty of the Indian men. attaines unto the age which they call Pubes, wereth a belt about his middell, and a broad peece of lether that goeth betweene his leggs and is tuckt up both before and behinde under that belt; and this they weare to hide their secreats of nature, which by no meanes they will suffer to be seene, so much modesty they use in that particular; those garments they allwayes put on, when they goe a huntinge, to keepe their skinnes from the brush of the Shrubbs: and when they have their Apparrell one they looke like Irish in {30} their trouses, the Stockinges joyne so to their breeches. A good well growne deere skin is of great account with them, and it must have the tale on, or else they account it defaced; the tale being three times as long as the tales of our English Deere, yea foure times so longe, this when they travell is raped round about their body, and, Indians travaile with materials to strike fire at all times. with a girdle of their making, bound round about their middles, to which girdle is fastned a bagg, in which his instruments be with which hee can strike fire upon any occasion.[246]

Thus with their bow in their left hand, and their quiuer of Arrowes at their back, hanging one their left shoulder with the lower end of it in their right hand, they will runne away a dogg trot untill they come to their journey end; and, in this kinde of ornament, they doe seeme to me to be hansomer then when they are in English apparrell, their gesture being answerable to their one habit and not unto ours.

Their women have shooes and stockinges to weare likewise when they please, such as the men have, but the mantle they use to cover their nakednesse with is much longer then that which the men use; for, as the men have one Deeres skinn, the women have two soed together at the full lenght, and it is so lardge that it trailes after them like a great Ladies trane; and in time I thinke they may have their Pages to beare them up; and where the men use but one Beares skinn for a Mantle, the women have two soed together; and if any of their women would at any time shift one, they take that which they intend to make use of, and {31} cast it over them round, before they shifte away the other, for modesty, being unwilling to be seene to discover The Indians ashamed of their nakednesse. their nakednesse; and the one being so cast over, they slip the other from under them in a decent manner, which is to be noted in people uncivilized; therein they seeme to have as much modesty as civilized people, and deserve to be applauded for it.[247]

Chap. VII.

Of their Child-bearing, and delivery, and what manner of persons they are.

The women of this Country are not suffered to be used for procreation untill the ripenesse of their age, at which time they weare a redd cap made of lether, in forme like to our flat caps, and this they weare for the space of 12 moneths, for all men to take notice of them that have any minde to a wife; and then it is the custome of some of their Sachems or Lords of the territories, to have the first say or maidenhead of the females.[248] Very apt they are to be with childe, and very laborious when they beare children; yea, The women big with child very laborious. when they are as great as they can be: yet in that case they neither forbeare laboure, nor travaile; I have seene them in that plight with burthens at their backs enough to load a horse; yet doe they not miscarry, but have a faire delivery, and a quick: their women are very good midwifes, and the women very lusty after {32} delivery, and in a day or two will travell or trudge about.[249] Their infants are borne with haire on their heads, and are of complexion white as our nation; but their mothers in their infancy Children bathed to staine the skinne. make a bath of Wallnut leaves, huskes of Walnuts, and such things as will staine their skinne for ever, wherein they dip and washe them to make them tawny[250]; the coloure of their haire is black, and their eyes black. These infants are carried at their mothers backs by the help of a cradle made of a board forket at both ends, whereon the childe is fast bound and wrapped in furres; his knees thrust up towards his bellie, because they may be the more usefull for them when he sitteth, which is as a dogge does on his bumme: and this cradle surely preserues them better then the cradles of our nation, for as much as we finde them well proportioned, not any of them crooked backed or wry legged: and to give their charracter in a worde, they are as proper men and women for feature and limbes as can be found, for flesh and bloud as active: longe handed they are, (I never sawe a clunchfisted Salvadg amongst them all in my time.)[251] The colour of their eies being so generally black made a Salvage, that had a younge infant whose eies were gray, shewed him to us, and said they were English mens eies; I tould the Father that his sonne was nan weeteo, which is a bastard; hee replied titta Cheshetue squaa,[252] which is, hee could not tell, his wife might play the whore; and this childe the father desired might have an English name, because of the litenesse[253] of his eies, which his father had in admiration because of novelty amongst their nation.

{33} Chap. VIII.

Of their Reverence, and respect to age.

Age honoured among the Indians.

It is a thing to be admired, and indeede made a president, that a Nation yet uncivilizied should more respect age then some nations civilized, since there are so many precepts both of divine and humane writers extant to instruct more Civill Nations: in that particular, wherein they excell, the younger are allwayes obedient unto the elder people, and at their commaunds in every respect without grummbling;[254] in all councels, (as therein they are circumspect to do their acciones by advise and councell, and not rashly or inconsiderately,) the younger mens opinion shall be heard, but the old mens opinion and councell imbraced and followed: besides, as the elder feede and provide for the younger in infancy, so doe the younger, after being growne to yeares of manhood, provide for those that be aged: and in distribution of Acctes the elder men are first served by their dispensator; and their counsels (especially if they be powahs) are esteemed as oracles amongst the younger Natives.

The consideration of these things, mee thinkes, should reduce some of our irregular young people of civilized Nations, when this story shall come to their knowledge, to better manners, and make them ashamed of their former error in this kinde, and to {34} become hereafter more duetyfull; which I, as a friend, (by observation having found,) have herein recorded for that purpose.

Chap. IX.

Of their pretty conjuring tricks.

If we doe not judge amisse of these Salvages in accounting them witches, yet out of all question we may be bould to conclude them to be but weake witches, such of them as wee call by the names of Powahs: some correspondency they have with the Devil out of al doubt, as by some of their accions, in which they glory, is manifested. Papasiquineo,[255] that Sachem or Sagamore, is a Powah of greate estimation amongst all kinde of Salvages there: hee is at their Revels (which is the time when a great company of Salvages meete from severall parts of the Country, in amity with their neighbours) hath advaunced his honor in his feats or jugling tricks (as I may right tearme them) to the admiration of the spectators, whome hee endevoured to perswade that he would goe under water to the further side of a river, to broade for any man to undertake with a breath, which thing hee performed by swimming over, and deluding the company with casting a mist before their eies that see him enter in and come out, but no part of the way hee has bin seene: likewise by our English, in the heat of all summer to make Ice appeare in a bowle of faire water; first, having the water set before him, hee hath begunne his incantation according to their usuall accustome, and before the same has bin ended a thick Clowde has darkned the {35} aire and, on a sodane, a thunder clap hath bin heard that has amazed the natives; in an instant hee hath shewed a firme peece of Ice to flote in the middest of the bowle in the presence of the vulgar people, which doubtles was done by the agility of Satan, his consort.

And by meanes of these sleights, and such like trivial things as these, they gaine such estimation amongst the rest of the Salvages that it is thought a very impious matter for any man to derogate from the words of these Powahs. In so much as hee that should slight them, is thought to commit a crime no lesse hainous amongst them as sacriledge is with us, as may appeare by this one passage, which I wil set forth for an instance.

A Salvage entertained a factor.

A neighbour of mine that had entertain’d a Salvage into his service, to be his factor for the beaver trade amongst his countrymen, delivered unto him divers parcells of commodities fit for them to trade with; amongst the rest there was one coate of more esteeme then any of the other, and with this his new entertained marchant man travels amongst his countrymen to truck them away for beaver: as our custome hath bin, the Salvage went up into the Country amongst his neighbours for beaver, and returned with some, but not enough answerable to his Masteers expectation, but being called to an accompt, and especially for that one Coate of speciall note, made answer that he had given that coate to Tantoquineo, a Powah: to which his master in a rage cryed, what have I to doe with Tantoquineo? The Salvage, very angry at the matter, cryed, what you speake? you are not a very good man; wil you not give Tantoq. a coat? whats this? as if he had offered {36} Tantoquineo the greatest indignity that could be devised: so great is the estimation and reverence that these people have of these Iugling[256] Powahs, who are usually sent for when any person is sicke and ill at ease to recover them, for which they receive rewards as doe our Chirgeons and Phisitions; and they doe make a An Englishman cured of a swelling. trade of it, and boast of their skill where they come:[257] One amongst the rest did undertake to cure an Englishman of a swelling of his hand for a parcell of biskett, which being delivered him hee tooke the party greived into the woods aside from company, and with the helpe of the devill, (as may be conjectured,) quickly recovered him of that swelling, and sent him about his worke againe.

Chap. X.

Of their duels, and the honourable estimation of victory obtained thereby.

These Salvages are not apt to quarrell one with another: yet such hath bin the occasion that a difference hath happened which hath growne to that height that it has not bin reconciled otherwise then by combat, which hath bin performed in this manner: the two champions prepared for the How the Salvages performe theire duells. fight, with their bowes in hand and a quiver full of arrowes at their backs, they have entered into the field; the Challenger and challenged have chosen two trees, standing within {37} a little distance of each other; they have cast lotts for the cheife of the trees, then either champion setting himselfe behinde his tree watches an advantage to let fly his shafts, and to gall his enemy; there they continue shooting at each other; if by chaunce they espie any part open, they endeavour to gall the combatant in that part, and use much agility in the performance of the taske they have in hand. Resolute they are in the execution of their vengeance, when once they have begunne; and will in no wise be daunted, or seeme to shrinck though they doe catch a clap with an arrow, but fight it out in this manner untill one or both be slaine.

I have bin shewed the places where such duels have bin performed, and have fuond the trees marked for a memoriall of the Combat, where that champion hath stood that had the Trees marked where they performe a duell. hap to be slaine in the duell: and they count it the greatest honor that can be to the serviving Cumbatant, to shew the scares of the wounds received in this kinde of Conflict, and if it happen to be on the arme, as those parts are most in danger in these cases, they will alwayes weare a bracelet upon that place of the arme, as a trophy of honor to their dying day.

{38} Chap. XI.

Of the maintaining of their Reputation.

Reputation is such a thing that it keepes many men in awe, even amongst Civilized nations, and is very much stood upon: it is (as one hath very well noted) the awe of great men and of Kings. And, since I have observed it to be maintained amongst Salvage people, I cannot chuse but give an instance thereof in this treatise, to confirme the common receaved opinion thereof.

The Sachem or Sagamore of Sagus made choise, when hee came to mans estate, of a Lady of noble discent, Daughter to Papasiquineo, the Sachem or Sagamore of the territories neare Merrimack River, a man of the best note and estimation in all those parts, and (as my Countryman M^r. A marriage. Wood declares in his prospect) a great Nigromancer; this Lady the younge Sachem with the consent and good liking of her father marries, and takes for his wife.[258] Great entertainement hee and his receaved in those parts at her fathers hands, where they weare fested in the best manner that might be expected, according to the Custome of their nation, with reveling and such other solemnities as is usuall amongst them. The solemnity being ended, Papasiquineo causes a selected number of his men to waite upon his Daughter home into those parts that did properly belong to her Lord and husband; where the attendants had entertainment by the Sachem of Sagus and his Countrymen: the solemnity being ended, the attendants were gratified.

Not long after the new married Lady had a great {39} desire to see her father and her native country, from whence shee came; her Lord willing to pleasure her and not deny her request, amongst them thought to be reasonable, commanded a selected number of his owne men to conduct his Lady to her Father, wher, with great respect, they brought her; and, having feasted there a while, returned to their owne country againe, leaving the Lady to continue there at her owne pleasure, amongst her friends and old acquaintance; where shee passed away the time for a while, and in the end desired to returne to her Lord againe. Her father, An ambassage sent from Papasiquineo to his sonne in law, a Sachem. the old Papasiquineo, having notice of her intent, sent some of his men on ambassage to the younge Sachem, his sonne in law, to let him understand that his daughter was not willing to absent her selfe from his company any longer, and therfore, as the messengers had in charge, desired the younge Lord to send a convoy for her; but hee, standing upon tearmes of honor, and the maintaining of his reputation, returned to his father in law this answere, that, when she departed from him, hee caused his men to waite upon her to her fathers territories, as it did become him; but, now shee had an intent to returne, it did become her father to send her back with a convoy of his own people; and that it stood not with his reputation to make himself or his men so servile, to fetch her againe. The old Sachem Papasiquineo, having this message returned, was inraged to think that his young son in law did not esteeme him at a higher rate then to capitulate with him about the matter, and returne[d] him this sharpe reply; that his daughters bloud and birth deserved more respect then to be so slighted; and, therefore, if he would have her company, hee were best to send or come for her.

{40} The younge Sachem, not willing to under value himselfe and being a man of a stout spirit, did not stick to say that hee should either send her by his owne Convey, or keepe her; for hee was determined not[259] to stoope so lowe.

So much these two Sachems stood upon tearmes of reputation with each other, the one would not send her, and the other would not send for her, least it should be any diminishing of honor on his part that should seeme to comply, that the Lady (when I came out of the Country) remained still with her father; which is a thinge worth the noting, that Salvage people should seeke to maintaine their reputation so much as they doe.

Chap. XII.

Of their trafficke and trade one with another.

Although these people have not the use of navigation, whereby they may trafficke as other nations, that are civilized, use to doe, yet doe they barter for such commodities Beads instead of Money. as they have, and have a kinde of beads, insteede of money, to buy withall such things as they want, which they call Wampampeak: and it is of two sorts, the one is white, the other is of a violet coloure. These are made of the shells of fishe. The white with them is as silver with us; the other as our gould: and for these beads they buy and sell, not onely amongst themselves, but even with us.

The name of their beads Wampampeak.

{41} We have used to sell them any of our commodities for this Wampampeak, because we know we can have beaver againe of them for it: and these beads are currant in all the parts of New England, from one end of the Coast to the other.

And although some have indevoured by example to have the like made of the same kinde of shels, yet none hath ever, as yet, attained to any perfection in the composure of them, but that the Salvages have found a great difference to be in the one and the other; and have knowne the counterfett beads from those of their owne making; and have, and doe slight them.[260]

The skinnes of beasts are sould and bartered, to such people as have none of the same kinde in the parts where they live.[261]

Likewise they have earthen potts of divers sizes, from a quarte to a gallon, 2. or 3. to boyle their vitels in; very stronge, though they be thin like our Iron potts.

They have dainty wooden bowles of maple, of highe price amongst them; and these are dispersed by bartering one with the other, and are but in certaine parts of the Country made, where the severall trades are appropriated to the inhabitants of those parts onely.

So likewise (at the season of the yeare) the Salvages that live by the Sea side for trade with the inlanders for fresh water, reles curious silver reles,[262] which are bought up of such as have them not frequent in other places: chestnuts, and such like usefull {42} things as one place affordeth, are sould to the inhabitants of another, where they are a novelty accompted amongst the natives of the land.[263] And there is no such thing to barter withall, as is their Whampampeake.

Chap. XIII.

Of their Magazines or Storehowses.

These people are not without providence, though they be uncivilized, but are carefull to preserve foede in store against winter; which is the corne that they laboure and What care they take to lay up corne for winter. dresse in the summer. And, although they eate freely of it, whiles it is growinge, yet have they a care to keepe a convenient portion thereof to releeve them in the dead of winter, (like to the Ant and the Bee,) which they put under ground.

Their barnes are holes made in the earth, that will hold a Hogshead of corne a peece in them. In these (when their corne is out of the huske and well dried) they lay their store in greate baskets (which they make of Sparke[264]) with matts under, about the sides, and on the top; and putting it into the place made for it, they cover it with earth: and in this manner it is preserved from destruction or putrifaction; to be used in case of necessity, and not else.[265]

{43} And I am perswaded, that if they knew the benefit of Salte[266] (as they may in time,) and the meanes to make salte meate fresh againe, they would endeaver to preserve fishe for winter, as well as corne; and that if any thinge bring them to civility, it will be the use of Salte, to have foode in store, which is a cheife benefit in a civilized Commonwealth.

They begg Salte of the English.

These people have begunne already to incline to the use of Salte. Many of them would begge Salte of mee for to carry home with them, that had frequented our howses and had been acquainted with our Salte meats: and Salte I willingly gave them, although I sould them all things else, onely because they should be delighted with the use there of, and thinke it a commodity of no value in it selfe, allthough the benefit was great that might be had by the use of it.

Chap. XIV.

Of theire Subtilety.

These people are not, as some have thought, a dull, or slender witted people, but very ingenious, and very subtile. I could give maine instances to maintaine mine opinion of them in this; but I will onely relate one, which is a passage worthy to be observed.

{44} In the Massachussets bay lived Cheecatawback,[267] the Sachem or Sagamore of those territories, who had large dominions which hee did appropriate to himselfe.

Into those parts came a greate company of Salvages from the territories of Narohiganset, to the number of 100. persons; and in this Sachems Dominions they intended to winter.

When they went a hunting for turkies they spreade over such a greate scope of ground that a Turkie could hardily escape them: Deare they killed up in greate abundance, and feasted their bodies very plentifully: Beavers they killed by no allowance; the skinnes of those they traded away at Wassaguscus They trade away beavers skinnes for corne. with my neighboures[268] for corne, and such other commodities as they had neede of; and my neighboures had a wonderfull great benefit by their being in those parts. Yea, sometimes (like genious fellowes) they would present their Marchant with a fatt beaver skinne, alwayes the tayle was not diminished, but presented full and whole; although A beaver skinne with his tayle on of great estimacion. the tayle is a present for a Sachem,[269] and is of such masculaine vertue that if some of our Ladies knew the benefit thereof they would desire to have ships sent of purpose to trade for the tayle alone: it is such a rarity, as is not more esteemed of then reason doth require.

But the Sachem Cheecatawbak, (on whose possessions they usurped, and converted the commodities thereof to their owne use, contrary to his likeing,) not being of power to resist them, practised to doe it by a subtile stratagem. A subtile plot of a Sachem. And to that end {45} gave it out amongst us, that the cause why these other Salvages of the Narohigansets came into these parts, was to see what strength we were of, and to watch an opportunity to cut us off, and take that which they found in our custody usefull for them; And added further, they would burne our howses, and that they had caught one of his men, named Meshebro, and compelled him to discover to them where their barnes, Magazines, or storehowses were, and had taken away his corne; and seemed to be in a pittifull perplexity about the matter.

And, the more to adde reputation to this tale, desires that his wifes and children might be harbered in one of our howses. This was graunted; and my neighbours put on corslets, headpeeces, and weapons defensive and offensive.

This thing being knowne to Cheecatawback, hee caused some of his men to bring the Narohigansets to trade, that they might see the preparation. The Salvage, that was a stranger to the plott, simply comming to trade, and findding his merchants lookes like lobsters, all cladd in harnesse, was in a maze to thinke what would be the end of it. Haste hee made to trade away his furres, and tooke anything for them, wishing himselfe well rid of them and of the company in the howse.

A Salvage scared.

But (as the manner has bin) hee must eate some furmety[270] before hee goe: downe hee sits and eats, and withall had an eie on every side; and now and then saw a sword or a dagger layd a thwart a head peece, which hee wondered at, and asked his {46} giude whether the company were not angry. The guide, (that was privy to his Lords plot) answered in his language that hee could not tell. But the harmelesse Salvage, before hee had halfe filled his belly, started up on a sodayne, and ranne out of the howse in such hast that hee left his furmety there, and stayed not to looke behinde him who came after: Glad hee was that he had escaped so.

The subtile Sachem, hee playd the tragedian, and fained a feare of being surprised; and sent to see whether the enemies (as the Messenger termed them) were not in the howse; and comes in a by way with his wifes and children, and stopps the chinkes of the out howse, for feare the fire might be seene in the night, and be a meanes to direct his enemies where to finde them.

And, in the meane time, hee prepared for his Ambassador to his enemies a Salvage,[271] that had lived 12. moneths in England, to the end it might adde reputation to his ambassage. A Salvage that had lived 12. Moneths in England sent for an Ambassador. This man hee sends to those intruding Narohigansets, to tell them that they did very great injury to his Lord, to trench upon his prerogatives: and advised them to put up their pipes, and begon in time: if they would not, that his Lord would come upon them, and in his ayd his freinds the English, who were up in armes already to take his part, and compell them by force to be gone, if they refused to depart by faire meanes.

This message, comming on the neck of that which {47} doubtlesse the fearefull Salvage had before related of his escape, and what hee had observed, caused all those hundred Narohigansets (that meant us no hurt) to be gone with bagg, and baggage. And my neighboures were gulled A good opportunity of traffick lost by the subtility of a Sachem. by the subtilety of this Sachem, and lost the best trade of beaver that ever they had for the time; and in the end found theire error in this kinde of credulity when it was too late.

Chap. XV.

Of their admirable perfection, in the use of the sences.

This is a thinge not onely observed by mee and diverse of the Salvages of New England, but, also, by the French men in Nova Francia, and therefore I am the more incouraged to publish in this Treatice my observation of them in the use of theire sences: which is a thinge that I should not easily have bin induced to beleeve, if I my selfe had not bin an eie witnesse of what I shall relate.

The Salvages have the sence of seeinge better then the English.

I have observed that the Salvages have the sence of seeing so farre beyond any of our Nation, that one would allmost beleeve they had intelligence of the Devill sometimes, when they have tould us of a shipp at Sea, which they have seene {48} soener by one hower, yea, two howers sayle, then any English man that stood by of purpose to looke out, their sight is so excellent.

Their eies indeede are black as iett; and that coler is accounted the strongest for sight. And as they excell us in this particular so much noted, so I thinke they excell us in all the rest.

This I am sure I have well observed, that in the sence of smelling they have very great perfection; which is confirmed by the opinion of the French that are planted about Canada, who have made relation that they are so perfect in the use of that sence, that they will distinguish between a Spaniard Salvages that will distinguish a Spaniard from a frenchman by the smell of the hand. and a Frenchman by the sent of the hand onely.[272] And I am perswaded that the Author of this Relation has seene very probable reasons that have induced him to be of that opinion; and I am the more willing to give credit thereunto, because I have observed in them so much as that comes to.

I have seene a Deare passe by me upon a neck of Land, and a Salvage that has pursued him by the view. I have accompanied him in this pursuite; and the Salvage, pricking the Deare, comes where hee findes the view of two deares A Deare pursued by the view of the foote, hee was found and killed. together, leading several wayes. One, hee was sure, was fresh, but which (by the sence of seeing) hee could not judge; therefore, with his knife, hee diggs up the earth of one; and, by smelling, sayes, that was not of the fresh Deare: then diggs hee up the other; and viewing and smelling to that, concludes it to be the view of the fresh Deare, which hee had pursued; and thereby followes the chase, and killes that {49} Deare, and I did eate part of it with him: such is their perfection in these two sences.

Chap. XVI.

Of their acknowledgment of the Creation, and immortality of the Soule.

Although these Salvages are found to be without Religion, Law, and King (as Sir William Alexander hath well observed,[273]) yet are they not altogether without the knowledge of God (historically); for they have it amongst them by tradition that God made one man and one woman, and bad them live together and get children, kill deare, beasts, birds, fish and fowle, and what they would at their pleasure; and that their posterity was full of evill, and made God so angry that hee let in the Sea upon them, and drowned the greatest part of them, that were naughty men, (the Lord destroyed so;) and they went to Sanaconquam, The beleefe of the Salvages. who feeds upon them (pointing to the Center of the Earth, where they imagine is the habitation of the Devill:) the other, (which were not destroyed,) increased the world, and when they died (because they were good) went to the howse of Kytan, pointing to the setting of the sonne;[274] where they eate all manner of dainties, and never take paines (as now) to provide it.

The Sonne called Kytan.

Kytan makes provision (they say) and saves them that laboure; and there they shall live with him forever, {50} voyd of care.[275] And they are perswaded that Kytan is hee that makes corne growe, trees growe, and all manner of fruits.

And that wee that use the booke of Common prayer doo it to declare to them, that cannot reade, what Kytan has commaunded us, and that wee doe pray to him with the helpe of that booke;[276] and doe make so much accompt of it, that a Salvage (who had lived in my howse before hee had taken a wife, by whome hee had children) made this request to mee, (knowing that I allwayes used him with much more respect A Salvage desired to have his sonn brought up to learne the booke of common prayer. than others,) that I would let his sonne be brought up in my howse, that hee might be taught to reade in that booke: which request of his I granted; and hee was a very joyfull man to thinke that his sonne should thereby (as hee said) become an Englishman; and then hee would be a good man.

I asked him who was a good man; his answere was, hee that would not lye, nor steale.

These, with them, are all the capitall crimes that can be imagined; all other are nothing in respect of those;[277] and hee that is free from these must live with Kytan for ever, in all manner of pleasure.

{51} Chap. XVII.

Of their Annals and funerals.

Their custom in burryinge.

These people, that have by tradition some touch of the immortality of the soule, have likewise a custome to make some monuments over the place where the corps is interred: But they put a greate difference betwene persons of noble, and of ignoble, or obscure, or inferior discent. For, indeed, in the grave of the more noble they put a planck in the bottom for the corps to be layed upon, and on each Their manner of Monuments. side a plancke, and a plancke upon the top in forme of a chest, before they cover the place with earth. This done, they erect some thing over the grave in forme of a hearse cloath, as was that of Cheekatawbacks mother, which the Plimmouth planters defaced because they accounted it an act of superstition; which did breede a brawle as hath bin before related;[278] for they hold impious and inhumane to deface the monuments of the dead. They themselves esteeme of it as piaculum; and have a custome amongst them to keepe their annals and come at certaine times to lament and bewaile the losse of their freind; and use to black their faces, which they At burrials, they black their faces. so weare, instead of a mourning ornament, for a longer or a shorter time according to the dignity of the person: so is their annals kept and observed with their accustomed solemnity. Afterwards they absolutely abandon the place, because they suppose the sight thereof will but renew their sorrow.[279]

{52} It was a thing very offensive to them, at our first comming into those parts, to aske of them for any one that had bin dead; but of later times it is not so offensively taken to renew the memory of any deseased person, because by our example (which they are apt to followe) it is made more familiare unto them; and they marvell to see no monuments over our dead, and therefore thinke no great Sachem is yet come into those parts, or not as yet deade; because they see the graves all alike.

Chap. XVIII.

Of their Custome in burning the Country, and the reason thereof.

The Salvages are accustomed to set fire of the Country in all places where they come, and to burne it twize a yeare, viz: at the Spring, and the fall of the leafe. The reason that mooves them to doe so, is because it would The Salvages fire the Country twice a yeare. other wise be so overgrowne with underweedes that it would be all a coppice wood, and the people would not be able in any wise to passe through the Country out of a beaten path.

The meanes that they do it with, is with certaine minerall stones, that they carry about them in baggs made for that purpose of the skinnes of little beastes, which they convert into good lether, carrying in the same a peece of touch wood, very excellent {53} for that purpose, of their owne making.[280] These minerall stones they have from the Piquenteenes, (which is to the Southward of all the plantations in New England,) by trade and trafficke with those people.

The burning of the grasse destroyes the underwoods, and so scorcheth the elder trees that it shrinkes them, and hinders their grouth very much: so that hee that will looke to finde large trees and good tymber, must not depend upon the help of a woodden prospect to finde them on the upland ground;[281] but must seeke for them, (as I and others have done,) in the lower grounds, where the grounds are wett, when the Country is fired, by reason of the snow water that remaines there for a time, untill the Sunne by continuance of that hath exhaled the vapoures of the earth, and dried up those places where the fire, (by reason of the moisture,) can have no power to doe them any hurt: and if he would endevoure to finde out any goodly Cedars, hee must not seeke for them on the higher grounds, but make his inquest for them in the vallies, for the Salvages, by this custome of theirs, have spoiled all the rest: for this custome hath bin continued from the beginninge.

And least their firing of the Country in this manner should be an occasion of damnifying us, and indaingering our habitations, wee our selves have used carefully about the same times to observe the winds, and fire the grounds about our owne habitations; to prevent the Dammage that might happen by any neglect thereof, if the fire should come neere those howses in our absence.

{54} For, when the fire is once kindled, it dilates and spreads it selfe as well against, as with the winde; burning continually night and day, untill a shower of raine falls to quench it.

And this custome of firing the Country is the meanes to make it passable; and by that meanes the trees growe here and there as in our parks: and makes the Country very beautifull and commodious.

Chap. XIX.

Of their inclination to Drunkennesse.

Although Drunkennesse be justly termed a vice which the Salvages are ignorant of, yet the benefit is very great that comes to the planters by the sale of strong liquor to the Salvages, who are much taken with the delight of it; for they will pawne their wits, to purchase the acquaintance of it. Yet in al the commerce that I had with them, I never proffered them any such thing; nay, I would hardly let any of them have a drame, unles hee were a Sachem, or a Winnaytue, that is a rich man, or a man of estimation next in degree to a Sachem or Sagamore. I alwayes tould them it was amongst us the Sachems drinke. But they say if I come to the Northerne parts of the Country I shall have no trade, if I will not supply them with lusty liquors: it is the life of the trade in all those parts: for it so happened that thus a Salvage desperately killed himselfe; when hee was drunke, a gunne being charged and the cock up, hee sets the mouth to his brest, and, putting back the tricker with his foote, shot himselfe dead.[282]

Chap. XX. {55}

That the Salvages live a contended life.

A Gentleman and a traveller, that had bin in the parts of New England for a time, when hee retorned againe, in his discourse of the Country, wondered, (as hee said,) that the natives of the land lived so poorely in so rich a Country, like to our Beggers in England. Surely that Gentleman had not time or leasure whiles hee was there truely to informe himselfe of the state of that Country, and the happy life the Salvages would leade weare they once brought to Christianity.

The Salvages want the art of navigation.

I must confesse they want the use and benefit of Navigation, (which is the very sinnus of a flourishing Commonwealth,) yet are they supplied with all manner of needefull things for the maintenance of life and lifelyhood. Foode and rayment are the cheife of all that we make true use of; and of these they finde no want, but have, and may have, them in a most plentifull manner.[283]

If our beggers of England should, with so much ease as they, furnish themselves with foode at all seasons, there would not be so many starved in the streets, neither would so many gaoles be stuffed, or gallouses furnished with poore wretches, as I have seene them.

{56} But they of this sort of our owne nation, that are fitt to goe to this Canaan, are not able to transport themselves; and most of them unwilling to goe from the good ale tap, which is the very loadstone of the lande by which our English beggers steere theire Course; it is the Northpole to which the flowre-de-luce of their compasse points. The more is the pitty that the Commonalty of oure Land are of such leaden capacities as to neglect so brave a Country, that doth so plentifully feede maine lusty and a brave, able men, women and children, that have not the meanes that a Civilized Nation hath to purchase foode and rayment; which that Country with a little industry will yeeld a man in a very comfortable measure, without overmuch carking.

I cannot deny but a civilized Nation hath the preheminence of an uncivilized, by meanes of those instruments that are found to be common amongst civile people, and the uncivile want the use of, to make themselves masters of those ornaments that make such a glorious shew, that will give a man occasion to cry, sic transit gloria Mundi.

Now since it is but foode and rayment that men that live needeth, (though not all alike,) why should not the Natives of New England be sayd to live richly, having no want of either? Cloaths are the badge of sinne; and the more variety of fashions is but the greater abuse of the Creature: the beasts of the forrest there doe serve to furnish them at any time when they please: fish and flesh they have in greate abundance, which they both roast and boyle.

{57} They are indeed not served in dishes of plate with variety of Sauces to procure appetite; that needs not there. The rarity of the aire, begot by the medicinable quality of the sweete herbes of the Country, alwayes procures good stomakes to the inhabitants.

I must needs commend them in this particular, that, though they buy many commodities of our Nation, yet they keepe but fewe, and those of speciall use.

They love not to bee cumbered with many utensilles, and although every proprietor knowes his owne, yet all things, (so long as they will last), are used in common amongst them: A bisket cake given to one, that one breakes it equally into so many parts as there be persons in his company, and distributes it. Platoes Commonwealth is so much practised by these people.

According to humane reason, guided onely by the light of nature, these people leades the more happy and freer They leade a happy life, being voyd of care. life, being voyde of care, which torments the mindes of so many Christians: They are not delighted in baubles, but in usefull things.

Their naturall drinke is of the Cristall fountaine, and this they take up in their hands, by joyning them close together. They take up a great quantity at a time, and drinke at the wrists. It was the sight of such a feate which made Diogenes hurle away his dishe, and, like one that would have this principall confirmed, Natura paucis contentat, used a dish no more.

{58} I have observed that they will not be troubled with superfluous commodities. Such things as they finde they are taught by necessity to make use of, they will make choise of, and seeke to purchase with industry. So that, in respect that their life is so voyd of care, and they are so loving also that they make use of those things they enjoy, (the wife onely excepted,) as common goods, and are therein They make use of ordinary things, one of anothers as common. so compassionate that, rather than one should starve through want, they would starve all. Thus doe they passe awaye the time merrily, not regarding our pompe, (which they see dayly before their faces,) but are better content with their owne, which some men esteeme so meanely of.

They may be rather accompted to live richly, wanting nothing that is needefull; and to be commended for leading a contented life, the younger being ruled by the Elder, and the Elder ruled by the Powahs, and the Powahs are ruled by the Devill;[284] and then you may imagin what good rule is like to be amongst them.

FINIS.

NEW ENGLISH CANAAN, {59} OR NEW CANAAN.

The second Booke.

Containing a description of the bewty of the Country with her naturall indowements, both in the Land and Sea; with the great Lake of Erocoise.

Chap. I.

The generall Survey of the Country.

In the Moneth of Iune, Anno Salutis 1622, it was my chaunce to arrive in the parts of New England with 30. Servants, and provision of all sorts fit for a plantation: and whiles our howses were building, I did indeavour to take a survey of the {60} Country: The more I looked, the more I liked it. A famous Country. And when I had more seriously considered of the bewty of the place, with all her faire indowments, I did not thinke that in all the knowne world it could be paralel’d, for so many goodly groues of trees, dainty fine round rising hillucks, delicate faire large plaines, sweete cristall fountaines, Their fountaines are as cleare as Cristall. and cleare running streames that twine in fine meanders through the meads, making so sweete a murmering noise to heare as would even lull the sences with delight a sleepe, so pleasantly doe they glide upon the pebble stones, jetting most jocundly where they doe meete and hand in hand runne downe to Neptunes Court, to pay the yearely tribute which they owe to him as soveraigne Lord of all the springs. Greate store of fowles, fish and turtledoves. Contained within the volume of the Land, [are] Fowles in abundance, Fish in multitude; and [I] discovered, besides, Millions of Turtledoves one the greene boughes, which sate pecking of the full ripe pleasant grapes that were supported by the lusty trees, whose fruitfull loade did cause the armes to bend: [among] which here and there dispersed, you might see Lillies and of the Daphnean-tree: which made the Land to mee seeme paradice: for in mine eie t’was Natures Masterpeece; Her cheifest Magazine of all where lives her store: if this Land be not rich, then is the whole world poore.

What I had resolved on, I have really performed; and I have endeavoured to use this abstract as an instrument, to bee the meanes to communicate the knowledge which I have gathered, by my many yeares residence in those parts, unto my Countrymen: {61} to the end that they may the better perceive their error, who cannot imagine that there is any Country in the universall world which may be compared unto our native soyle. I will now discover unto them a Country whose indowments are by learned men allowed to stand in a paralell with the Israelites Canaan, which none will deny to be a land farre more excellent then Old England, in her proper nature.

This I consider I am bound in duety (as becommeth a Christian man) to performe for the glory of God, in the first place; next, (according to Cicero,) to acknowledge that, Non nobis solum nati sumus, sed partim patria, partim parentes, partim amici vindicant.[285]

For which cause I must approove of the indeavoures of my Country men, that have bin studious to inlarge the territories of his Majesties empire by planting Colonies in America.

And of all other, I must applaude the judgement of those that have made choise of this part, (whereof I now treat,) being of all other most absolute, as I will make it appeare hereafter by way of paralell. Among those that have setled themselvs in new England, some have gone for their conscience sake, (as they professe,) and I wish that they may plant the Gospel of Iesus Christ, as becommeth them, sincerely and without satisme or faction, whatsoever their former or present practises are, which I intend not to justifie: howsoever, they have deserved (in mine opinion) some commendationes, in that they have furnished the Country so commodiously in so short a time; although it hath bin but for their owne profit, yet posterity will taste the sweetnes of it, and that very sodainly.

{62} And since my taske, in this part of mine abstract, is to intreat of the naturall indowments of the Country, I will make a breife demonstration of them in order, severally, according to their severall qualities: and shew you what they are, and what profitable use may be made of them by industry.

Chap. II.

What trees are there and how commodious.[286]

1. Oake.

Oakes are there of two sorts, white and redd;[287] excellent tymber for the building both of howses and shipping: and they are found to be a tymber that is more tough then the oak of England. They are excellent for pipe-staves, and such like vessels; and pipe-staves at the Canary Ilands are a prime commodity. I have knowne them there at 35. p. the 1000,[288] and will purchase a fraight of wines there before any commodity in England, their onely wood being pine, of which they are enforced also to build shippinge; of oackes there is great abundance in the parts of New England, and they may have a prime place in the Catalogue of commodities.

2. Ashe.

Ashe[289] there is store, and very good for staves, oares or pikes; and may have a place in the same Catalogue.

3. Elme.

Elme: of this sort of trees there are some; but there hath not as yet bin found any quantity to speake of.

4. Beech.

{63} Beech there is of two sorts, redd and white;[290] very excellent for trenchers or chaires, and also for oares; and may be accompted for a commodity.

5. Walnutt.

Wallnutt: of this sorte of wood there is infinite store, and there are 4 sorts:[291] it is an excellent wood, for many uses approoved; the younger trees are imployed for hoopes, and are the best for that imployement of all other stuffe whatsoever. The Nutts serve when they fall to feede our swine, which make them the delicatest bacon of all other foode: and is therein a cheife commodity.

6. Chestnuts.

Chestnutt: of this sorte there is very greate plenty, the tymber whereof is excellent for building; and is a very good commodity, especially in respect of the fruit, both for man and beast.

7. Pine.

Pine: of this sorte there is infinite store in some parts of the Country.[292] I have travelled 10. miles together where is little or no other wood growing.[293] And of these may be made rosin, pitch and tarre, which are such usefull commodities that if wee had them not from other Countries in Amity with England, our Navigation would decline. Then how great the commodity of it will be to our Nation, to have it of our owne, let any man judge.

8. Cedar.

Cedar:[294] of this sorte there is abundaunce; and this wood was such as Salomon used for the building of that glorious Temple at Hierusalem; and there are of these Cedars, firre trees and other materialls necessary for the building of many faire Temples,[295] if there were any Salomons to be at the Cost of them: and if any man be desirous to finde out in what part of the {64} Country the best Cedars are, he must get into the bottom grounds, and in vallies that are wet at the spring of the yeare, where the moisture preserves them from the fire in spring time, and not in a woodden prospect.[296] This wood cutts red, and is good for bedsteads, tables and chests; and may be placed in the Catalogue of Commodities.

9. Cypres.

Cypres:[297] of this there is great plenty; and vulgarly this tree hath bin taken for another sort of Cedar; but workemen put a difference betweene this Cypres, and the Cedar, especially in the colour; for this is white and that redd white: and likewise in the finenes of the leafe and the smoothnes of the barque. This wood is also sweeter then Cedar, and, (as it is in Garrets[298] herball,) a more bewtifull tree; it is of all other, to my minde, most bewtifull, and cannot be denied to passe for a commodity.

10. Spruce.

Spruce[299]: of these there are infinite store, especially in the Northerne parts of the Country; and they have bin approoved by workemen in England to be more tough then those that they have out of the east country: from whence wee have them for masts and yards of shippes.

The Spruce of this Country are found to be 3. & 4. fadum aboute.

The Spruce of this country are found to be 3. and 4. fadum about: and are reputed able, single, to make masts for the biggest ship that sayles on the maine Ocean, without peesing; which is more than the East country can afford.[300] And seeing that Navigation is the very sinneus of a flourishing Commonwealth, it is fitting to allow the Spruce tree a principall place in the Catalogue of commodities.

11. Alder.

{65} Alder: of this sorte there is plenty by rivers sides, good for turners.

12. Birch.

Birch: of this there is plenty in divers parts of the Country. Of the barck of these the Salvages of the Northerne parts make them delicate Canowes, so light that two men will transport one of them over Land whither[301] they list; and yet one of them will transporte tenne or twelffe Salvages by water at a time.

13. Maple.

Mayple:[302] of those trees there is greate abundance; and these are very excellent for bowles. The Indians use of it to that purpose; and is to be accompted a good commodity.

14. Elderne.

Elderne:[303] there is plenty in that Country; of this the Salvages make their Arrowes, and it hath no strong unsavery sent like our Eldern in England.

15. Hawthorne.

Hawthorne: of this there is two sorts, one of which beares a well tasting berry as bigg as ones thumbe, and lookes like little Queene apples.

16. Vines.

Vines: of this kinde of trees there are that beare grapes of three colours: that is to say, white, black and red.[304]

The Country is so apt for vines, that, but for the fire at the spring of the yeare, the vines would so over spreade the land that one should not be able to passe for them;[305] the fruit is as bigg, of some, as a musket bullet, and is excellent in taste.

17. Plummes.

Plumtrees:[306] of this kinde there are many; some that beare fruit as bigg as our ordinary bullis: others there be that doe beare fruite much bigger than peare plummes; their colour redd, and their stones flat; very delitious in taste.

18. Cherries.

{66} Cheritrees there are abundance; but the fruit is as small as our sloes; but if any of them were replanted and grafted, in an orchard, they would soone be raised by meanes of such; and the like fruits.

19. Roses.

There is greate abundance of Muske Roses in divers places: the water distilled excelleth our Rosewater of England.

20. Sassafras and 21. Sarsaperilla.

There is abundance of Sassafras[307] and Sarsaperilla,[308] growing in divers places of the land; whose budds at the spring doe perfume the aire.

Other trees there are not greatly materiall to be recited in this abstract, as goose berries, rasberies, and other beries.

There is Hempe[309] that naturally groweth, finer then our Hempe of England.

Chap. III.

Potthearbes and other herbes for Sallets.

The Country there naturally affordeth very good pot-herbes and sallet herbes, and those of a more maskuline Potmarioram, Tyme, Alexander, Angellica, Pursland, Violets, and Anniseeds. vertue then any of the same species in England; as Potmarioram, Tyme, Alexander, Angellica, Pursland, Violets, and Anniseeds, in very great abundance: and for the pott I gathered in summer, dried and crumbled into a bagg to preserve for winter store.

Hunnisuckles and Balme.

{67} Hunnisuckles, balme, and divers other good herbes are there, that grow without the industry of man, that are used when occasion serveth very commodiously.[310]

Chap. IV.

Of Birds, and fethered fowles.[311]

Now that I have breifly shewed the Commodity of the trees, herbes, and fruits, I will shew you a description of the fowles of the aire; as most proper in ordinary course.

Swannes.

And first of the Swanne,[312] because shee is the biggest of all the fowles of that Country. There are of them in Merrimack River, and in other parts of the country, greate store at the seasons of the yeare.

The flesh is not much desired of the inhabitants, but the skinnes may be accompted a commodity fitt for divers uses, both for fethers and quiles.

Geese, pide, white, and gray.

There are Geese of three sorts, vize: brant Geese[313] which are pide, and white Geese[314] which are bigger, and gray Geese[315] which are as bigg and bigger then the tame Geese of England, with black legges, black bills, heads and necks black; the flesh farre more excellent then the Geese of England, wild or tame; yet the purity of the aire is such that the biggest is accompted but an indifferent meale for a couple of men. There is of them great abundance. I have had often 1000. before the mouth of my gunne. I never saw any in {68} England, for my part, so fatt as I have killed there in those parts; the fethers of them makes a bedd softer then any down bed that I have lyen on, and is Fethers pay for powther and shott. there a very good commodity; the fethers of the Geese, that I have killed in a short time, have paid for all the powther and shott I have spent in a yeare, and I have fed my doggs with as fatt Geese there as I have euer fed upon my selfe in England.