Chapter XXII
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Napoleon's Place in History
Exhaustion — The Change in Napoleon's Views — Intermitting Powers — Their Extinction — Common Sense and Idealism — The Man and the World — The Philosophy of Expediency — A Mediating Work — French Institutions — Transformation of France — Napoleon and English Policy — His Work in Germany — French Influence in Italy and Eastern Europe — Napoleon and the Western World.
Summary
If Napoleon's qualities as usurper, statesman, and warrior be as remarkable as they appear, why was his time so short, what were the causes of his decline, and what is his place in history? The causes of his decline may be summed up in a single word—exhaustion. There exists no record of human activity more complete than is that of Napoleon Bonaparte's life. In its beginnings we can see this worshiper of power stimulating his immature abilities in vain until, with reckless desperation, he closed the period of training and made his scandalous bargain with Barras; then, grown suddenly, inexplicably rich, becoming with better clothing, food, and lodging physically more vigorous, he seems mercilessly to drive the rowels into his own flanks until initiative, ingenuity, and ruthlessness are displayed with apparently superhuman dimensions. The period of achievement is short, but glorious in politics; the age of domination is long and exciting. Throughout both there is the same wanton physical excess and intellectual dissipation. Then comes the turn. Every human age has in it the germs of the next; we begin to die at birth, and the characteristic qualities and powers of one period diminish as those of the next increase. So it was with Napoleon. He compressed so much, both as regards the number and importance of events, into so short a space that his times are like those wrinkled Japanese pictures which are made by shriveling a large print into a small compass—intense and deep, but unreal. To change the metaphor, he found the ship of state dashing onward, with her helm lashed and no one daring to take the task of the steersman in hand. He cut the lashings and laid hold. His unassisted efforts as a pilot gave the vessel a new course; but he had no steam or other mechanical power, no deus ex machinâ, to aid him; and, as the storm increased, exhaustion followed; he seemed to be steering when, in reality, his actions were under the compulsion of events he was not controlling; and this continued until the wreck.
But the inertia of his powers resembled their rise so perfectly as to represent continuous growth, and thus to deceive observers: in a few years he had ordered the Revolutionary chaos of western Europe to his liking, and the resultant organization worked by the principles he had infused into it. As he saw his imperfect and shallow theories of society successively confounded, he had no vigor left to reconstruct them and adapt himself to new situations. His efforts at the rôle of liberator throughout the Hundred Days deserve careful study. He simply could not yield or adapt himself, except in non-essentials. The shifts to which he had resort would have been ridiculous had they not been pathetic. The governmental forms attempted by the Revolution had been successively destroyed by the furious energy of Jacobinism: the Directory was but a compromise, and when it took refuge for safety in the army its performances seemed to the masses sure to bring back the Terror; the Consulate was only a disguised monarchy founded on military force; and as royalism was impossible, there seemed to vast numbers no other alternative than the Empire. That there was no other alternative was due to Napoleon's imperious character, now developed to its utmost extent. He was selfish, hardened, and, though active like his symbolic bee, without capacity for further development. His mother knew that he could not hold out; she said it, and saved money for a rainy day. He himself had haunting premonitions of this truth. His passion to perpetuate himself by founding a dynasty was the real basis for his warlike ardor. Profoundly moved, in fact awe-stricken, by the imperishable hatred of the older dynasties, and yet reveling in his military genius, he waged war ruthlessly and with zest, enjoying the discomfiture of his foes, and delighting in the exercise of his powers. But, after all, war was but a means. He frequently dwelt on the advantages of hereditary succession; he lingered with suspicious frequency over the satisfaction a dynastic ruler must feel in the devotion or, if not that, in the submissiveness of his people; he was hypersensitive to the slightest popular disturbance; and he must have foreboded his own fall, since he was accustomed to wear poison in an amulet around his neck, so that when the great crisis should arrive he might take his own life. "Ah! why am I not my grandson?" he longingly ejaculated.
This single cause of Napoleon's fall can be better seen in the record of his second captivity than in any other portion of his life. There is no such thing as absolute exhaustion short of death. But intermittent and flickering exertion is symptomatic of failing powers in a jaded horse; it forebodes the end in a worn-out man. Cheerful and busy at first, because recruited by a long and favorable sea-voyage, he set out in St. Helena at a racing gait to write history and mold the public opinion of Europe. Playful and energetic, he caught together the scanty remnants of his momentary grandeur, and emulated the masters of ceremony at the Tuileries in organizing a court and issuing edicts for the conduct of its little affairs. His life was to be that of a caged lion—caged, but yet a lion. The plan would not work. In the affairs of Longwood there were, as everywhere, hitches and irregularities. To Napoleon these soon became not the incidents, but the substance of life. With the departure of his secretaries the business of biographical composition became first irksome, then impossible, and the poor muse of history was finally turned out of doors. To regular exercise succeeded spasmodic over-exertion; complaint became the subject-matter for the exercise of both mind and tongue; daily association with kindly but second-rate persons checked the flow of great ideas; the combinations of Austerlitz and Wagram gave place to the small moves in a game of spite with a bureaucratic British governor. From the days of his boyhood until his alliance with Barras the exile had been a dreamy, vague, indefinite, unsuccessful fellow; his powers were not quickly developed. While he had France and Europe to work upon, he showed the extraordinary qualities repeatedly outlined, mind and hand, thought and deed, working together. Already jaded, his stupendous capacity became intermittent after the fatal armistice of Poischwitz; but it worked, for it still had the raw material of grand strategy and great politics to work on. This continued until after Waterloo. That battle, not a great one in itself, was nevertheless epic, both in its effects upon the world and in its ruin of the brains which had swayed the destinies of Europe for twenty years. Between the flight to Charleroi and the escape to the Bellerophon, Napoleon shows no pluck and no brains.
In actual captivity his mind was without a sufficient task and under no pressure from necessity. It consequently, though somewhat invigorated at first, intermitted more and more toward the close, working, when it did work, awkwardly and with friction, until the physical collapse came, and the end was reached. The attempts to remodel history, the efforts to delineate his own and others' motives, the specious summaries of his career and its epochs, the fragmentary expositions of his philosophy in ethics, politics, and psychology—all the stately volumes which bear his name, his literary remains, in fact, present a pitiful sight when closely examined. They are but the scoriæ of a burnt-out mind, but dust and ashes; a splendid mass, but an extinct volcano. It was only natural that his successors and admirers should seek to erect a more enduring foundation for his fame by collecting and carefully editing what he had written when at his best, when acting according to his momentary, normal impulse, and when, therefore, he had the least pose and the greatest sincerity. But it is a proof of their shrewdness that they selected and published less and less after Erfurt, and that out of the voluminous pen-product of St. Helena they chose a hundred and fifty pages which the "Correspondence," intended to be the most splendid monument to the Emperor's glory, could present as authentic biographical material.
If, then, Napoleon was after all but a plain man, how did he become a personage? Simply because he was the typical man of his day, less the personal mediocrity; the typical burgher in personal character, the typical soldier in war, the typical despot in peace, and the typical idealist in politics; capable in all these qualities of analysis; capable, consequently, of being understood; capable of exhaustion and of being overwhelmed by combinations. In other words, he was really great because he was the shrewd common-sense personage of his age, considering the ideal social structure as a level of comfort in money, in shelter, in food, in clothes, in religion, in morality, in decency, in domestic good-nature, in the commonplace good things fairly divided as far as they would go round. This was the side of his nature which in a period of social exhaustion planted him four-square as a social force, presented him to France as the rock against which the "red fool-fury" of Jacobinism had dashed itself to pieces, and gave him for a time command of all hearts. Thus established, he at once fell heir to French tradition—that is, to the continuous policy of the nation in foreign and domestic affairs; which was that France should be the Jupiter in the Olympus of European nations by reason of her excellence both in beauty and in strength. Here was a temptation not to be resisted, the superlative temptation like that of the serpent and the woman, the chance to transcend by knowledge, the opportunity to "hitch his wagon to a star," to commingle the glory of France with his own until the elements were no longer separable. Into this snare, great as he was in his representative plainness, he fell, and in the ensuing confusion he not only destroyed himself, but brought the proud and splendid nation which had cherished him to the very verge of destruction. He could not sway one emancipated people without swaying an emancipated Europe, and this after Austerlitz he determined to do. Then he lost his head: his wisdom turned out to be nothing but adoration of mere expediency; his strength proved weakness when, with his imperial idealism, he braved in Spain the idealism of a true nation; his vaunted physical endurance disappeared with self-indulgence, the golden head and brazen loins fell in a crash as the feet of clay disintegrated before the storm of national uprisings.
This being true, we have in his career every element of epic greatness: a colossal man, a chaotic age, the triumph of principle, the reëstablishment of historical equilibrium by means of a giant cast away when no longer needed. And this epic quality, which is not in the man alone nor in the age alone, appears when the two are combined, and then only. Looking at him in our cold light, he has every attribute of the commonplace adventurer; looking at the France of 1786 with our perspective, the people and the times appear almost mad in their frantic efforts to accomplish the work of ages in the moments of a single lifetime. Yet combine the two, and behold the man of the third estate rising, advancing, reflecting, and then planting himself in the foreground as the most dramatic figure of public life, and you have a scene, a stage, and actors which cannot be surpassed in the range of history. To the end of the Consulate the action is powerful, because it represents reality: a nation unified, a people restored to wholesome influences, peace inaugurated, constitutional government established. There is so far no tawdry decoration, no fine clothes, no posing, no ranting. But with the next scene, that of the Empire, the spectator becomes aware of all these annoyances, and more. The leading actor grows self-conscious, identifies himself with the public interest for personal ends and to the detriment of the nation, displays no moral or artistic self-restraint, and soon arranges every element so as to make his studied personal ambitions appear like the resultants of ominous forces which act from without, and against which he is donning the armor of despotism for the public good. The play becomes a human tragicomedy, and, verging to its close, ends, like the tragedies of the Greeks, with a people betrayed and the force of the age chained to a torrid rock as the sport of the elements.
Was this the end, and did Napoleon have no place in history, as many historians have lately been contending? Far from it. From his couch of porphyry beneath the gilded dome on the banks of the Seine, the Emperor, though "dead and turned to clay," still exercises a powerful sway. The actual Napoleonic Empire had, as we have before remarked, a striking resemblance to those of Alexander and Charlemagne. Based, as were these, upon conquest, and continued for a little life by the idealism of a single person, it seemed like a brilliant bubble on the stream of time. But Alexander hellenized the civilization of his day, and prepared the world for Christianity; Charlemagne plowed, harrowed, and sowed the soil of barbaric Europe, making it receptive for the most superb of all secular ideals, that of nationality; Napoleon tore up the system of absolutism by the roots, propagated in the most distant lands of Europe the modern conception of individual rights, overthrew the rotten structure of the German-Roman empire, and in spite of himself regenerated the long-abused ideas of nationality and fatherland. It must be confessed that his own shallow political science, the second-hand Rousseauism he had learned from his desultory reading, had little to do with this, except negatively. One by one he saw his faiths made ridiculous by the violent phases of Jacobinism after it took control of the Revolutionary movement. His heart, his conscience, his intellect, all undisciplined, then revolted against the metaphysic which had misled him, and "ideologist" became his most contemptuous epithet. Controlled by instinct and ambition, he nevertheless remained throughout his period the one thorough idealist among the men of action, Goethe being the superlative, transcendent genius of idealism among the thinkers. Each successive day saw his scorn of physical limitations increase, his impatience of language, customs, laws, of local attachment, personal fidelity, and national patriotism grow. The result was a fixed conviction that for humanity at large all these were naught. At last he planted himself upon the burgher philosophy of utility and expediency, putting his faith in the loyalty of his family, in homely dependence upon matrimonial alliance, in the passion of humanity for physical ease and earthly well-being. This was the concert by which he sought to create a federation of beneficent kingdoms that would win all men to the prime mover. Space and time rebelled; the lofty ideals of humanity and philosophy would not down; selfishness proved impotent as a support; the dreamer recognized that again he had been deceived. Haggard and exhausted, he finally turned, in the rôle of Napoleon Liberator, to the notion of nationality and of government swayed by popular will in all its phases. But it was too late. Instead of being the leader of a van, he had forgotten, in his own phrase, to keep pace with the march of ideas, and was a straggler in the rear, without a moral status or a devoted following.
All this is true; but it is equally true that much of his work endured both in France and in the civilized world. In France, indeed, the work he did has been in some details only too enduring. History is there to tell us that the test of high civilization is not necessarily in great dimensions. Those histories of the ancient world in which humanity seems strange and distasteful, of Egypt, Phenicia, Babylon, and Assyria, were wide in extent and long in duration: those of Greece and Rome, whose poets, statesmen, legislators, and warriors are our despair, were small in proportion and comparatively short in duration, while they were normal and healthy; the world-empires of both were neither natural nor admirable. It will not do, therefore, to judge Napoleon by the length of his career, nor by the standards of other times and different circumstances. The centralization of administration in the commonwealth which he rescued from the clutches of anarchy was probably essential to the rescue; the expediency which he deliberately cultivated in the Concordat, in the laws of the family and inheritance, and in the fatal Continental System, was possibly a statesman's palliative for momentary political disease. His artificial aristocracy, his system of great fiefs, his financial shifts—who dares to say that these institutions did not meet a temporary want? Moreover, it is worth considering whether a direct reaction to moderate, sane republicanism from extreme and furious Jacobinism was possible at all, and whether a reaction from Napoleon's imperial democracy was not easier and the results more permanent. In other words, is it likely that the third French republic could have been the direct successor of the first? The question is certainly debatable. No pen can so delineate the sufferings of France under Napoleonic institutions as that of Taine has so ably and scathingly done; his wonderful etching powerfully exhibits painful truths. But who is to blame if a nation is hampered by its administration, by a centralization it no longer needs, by social regulations which it has outgrown, by political habits which do not suit the age? Not alone the man who inaugurated them, for ends partly selfish but also partly statesmanlike; the people who timidly endure are responsible for the doom which will certainly overtake any nation living in a social and political structure antiquated and unsuitable.
One thing at least the new France has done with magisterial style: she has introduced into her political machinery respect for political habit. The French government of to-day is distinctly an outgrowth of conditions, and not of theories. Its constitution has none of the fatal marks of completeness which her other republican constitutions have borne; on the contrary, there never was a period in modern times when to the outsider French institutions seemed as crescive as they do to-day. And they have abundant material on which to work. There are signs that the system of nations as armed camps, for which Napoleon set the example, is breaking by its own weight; modern armies are mostly national schools controlled by scientific inquisitiveness and permeated by a civic spirit; the pacific federal system of the great European powers sometimes seems feeble and rickety, but it is in existence. Alliances are now federations for peace; the Triple Alliance continues to be a federation for peace; so too the Sextuple Alliance, so energetic and persistent in its support of Turkey, has been a federation for peace. Perhaps the day is nearer than we think when the Hague tribunal shall develop a vigorous, practical working system of international understandings, without appeal to war. Then certainly, but long before, let us hope, France may anchor her liberties in a bill of rights, destroy judicial inquisition, begin to slacken the bonds of her prefectoral system, emancipate her universities and academies, regenerate public feeling as to the increase of population by modifying her laws of the family, and go on not only to populate her own fertile fields, but to make the magnificent colonies which she has acquired the future homes of countless children, a field for exerting her superfluous energy—in short, when she may slough off her now superfluous Napoleonic institutions.
It would be utterly unjust, however, to plead a justification of Napoleon solely by such a monumental fact as that he was in all likelihood the forerunner of modern France. Even when the country adopted him, his positive, direct influence for good was great. The Concordat whatever its faults, partly secured a free church and a free state, separating thus what God had never joined together in holy wedlock; his splendid codes—for no matter who pondered and shaped them, they were his in execution—have guaranteed the perpetuity of civil equality not only in France, but, as the sequel has shown, throughout great expanses of Europe; the questions of a nation's right to its chosen ruler and government, agitated in a new form during the Hundred Days, were those with which succeeding generations were concerned until they were answered in the affirmative. The difference between the France of 1802 and that of 1815 is on one side painful, but on another side it is remarkably significant. The former was transitional and chaotic; the latter had that amazing but completed social union, stronger than any ever known in history, which has saved the country in succeeding storm-periods. In it there was respect for persons, for contract, for property; the administration was unitary, homogeneous, and active; the finances, though not regulated, were restored to vigor; and the processes were inaugurated by which the great cities of France have become healthful and beautiful, while at the same time the internal improvements of the country have been systematized and rendered splendid in their efficiency. Revolutionary concepts were so modified and assimilated that the efforts of the dynasties, when put to the test of public opinion, failed because they were felt to be absurd by the masses. It was one of Napoleon's aphorisms that "to have the right of using nations, you must begin by serving them well." Like a good burgher, he made his servants comfortable and happy. His example, moreover, was reflected abroad throughout Europe; and to the millions of plain and not very shrewd inhabitants of other lands, the Revolution, as Napoleon had shaped it, lost many of the horrors with which Jacobinism, to the everlasting damnation of both the thing and its name, had clothed it. It is a question whether there was in existence a strong liberal France, such as idealists depict, that could pacifically have done this wonderful work. Examining and duly weighing the desperation of dynastic absolutism, it looks as if nothing but the counter-poison of Napoleon's militarism could have prevented its annihilating French liberalism. Without Napoleon the conservative liberalism of to-day would have been impossible.
Turning to the field of general history, there are certain facts, admittedly Napoleon's doing, which quite as certainly are among the most important factors of contemporary politics. Of themselves these would suffice to give him a high place in constructive history. In the first place, he deprived England of the monopoly in what had long been essentially and peculiarly her political ideal. What was the basis of the long conflict between England and France to which Napoleon fell heir? Was the struggle of these two glorious and enlightened sister nations a struggle for territorial ascendancy in Europe? Not entirely. Was it a life-and-death struggle for ascendancy in the western world? No. The Seven Years' War had decided that question against France, and the American war for independence had in a sense evened the score in its decision against England; for the prize had been awarded to a new people. No; the conflict did not rage over this. What, then, was the cause? Nothing less than a passion for the ascendancy of one of these highest forms of civilization throughout the globe, including both Europe and America. This Anglo-Saxon political, commercial, religious, and social conception was, after the Napoleonic wars, no longer confined to Great Britain. Thence onward the great powers of Europe have been chiefly concerned, aside from their care for self-preservation, in partitioning Africa and Asia among themselves; and this process is no sooner complete than they begin to murmur about the Monroe doctrine and to cast longing eyes toward Central and South America. The state system which was once European has become coextensive with the sphere on which we live, and this notion of world-domination, so denounced when held by Napoleon, has become the motive-power of every great modern civilization.
If we consider the national politics of Europe beyond the boundaries of France, history again becomes a record of influences started by Napoleon's works, either of commission or of omission. Russia's grandeur as a European power appears to be largely due to the temporary extinction of Poland's hope for national resurrection. Had Napoleon, instead of playing his doubtful game with the grand duchy of Warsaw, turned into an autonomous permanency the scarcely known provisional government of Poland, which he actually inaugurated and which worked for a considerable time, and had he restored to its sway both the Prussian and Austrian shares in the shameless partition, we might have seen quite another result to the military migration of 1812. We can scarcely doubt, moreover, that Poland, restored under French protection, would have been a buffer state between Russia, Prussia, and Austria, rendering the crushing coalition an impossibility in 1813, while in 1814 the allies could probably never have crossed the French frontier, if indeed they had dared to go even so far in their march across Europe. But his positive achievement was quite as important. The Germany of to-day is a great federal state guided, but not dominated, by Prussia. What are its other important members? Bavaria, Würtemberg, and Baden—all three in their present extent and influence the creations of Napoleon; the nice balance of powers in the German Empire is due to his arrangement of the map. There is even a sense in which all Germany, as we know it, sprang full armed from his head. He not merely taught the peoples of central Europe their strategy, tactics, and military organization: it was he who carried the standard of enlightenment (in his own interest, of course, but still he carried it) through the length and breadth of their territories, and made its significance clear to the meanest intellect of their teeming millions. Thereafter the longings for German unity, for German fatherland, for the organization of German strength into one movement, could never be checked. The swarm of petty tyrants who had modeled their life and conduct on the example of Louis XIV, and who in struggling to vie with his villainies had debauched themselves and their peoples, was swept away by Napoleon's ruthlessness, to give place to the larger, more wholesome nationality of the nineteenth century, which was destined in the end to inspire the surrounding nations with the new concept of respect, not alone for one's own nationality, but for that of others.
What French influence effected in Italy is a topic so recondite as to require separate discussion; for the results were not so immediate or so dramatic as they were in Germany. But the destruction of petty governments was as ruthless as in the north; the ideas which marched in Bonaparte's ranks found at least a large minority of intelligent admirers among the invaded; and Italian unity, though won by a family he feared and abused, is in no doubtful sense indebted for its existence, not merely to Napoleon's age, but to the ideas he disseminated and to the efforts at a practical beginning which he made. As to Austria-Hungary, the new historical epoch which makes her essentially the empire of the lower Danube takes its rise from Napoleon's time and influence. The relaxation of her grasp on Italy has thrown her across the Adriatic for the territorial expansion essential to her position as a great power. It has been her mission to rescue by moral influence some of the fairest lands in the Balkan peninsula from waste and anarchy. Mere proximity is a powerful factor; the turbulence of Austrian local patriotism has been the seed of wholesome discontent among the Christian populations of Turkey, whose first awakening was largely due to the emissaries sent by Napoleon to fire the hearts of the oppressed and suffering subjects of that distracted land. Servia is one example of this; and in a sense the national awakening of Greece began with the hopes similarly aroused.
The astounding magic of his name in the United States is partly due to a quality of the American mind which makes its possessor the passionate and indiscriminating adorer of greatness in every form. The Americans are more French than the French in their admiration of power. But, after all, this is not the main reason for their interest in Napoleon. They are, dimly at least, aware of certain facts which have determined their history and made them an independent nation; though already stated and discussed, we may be pardoned for recapitulating them in this connection. Their first war for independence left them tributary to the mother-country both industrially and commercially. It was Napoleon who pitilessly, though slyly and indirectly, launched them into the second war with Great Britain, from which they emerged with some glory and some sense of defeat, but, after all, with the tremendous and permanent gain of absolute commercial independence. In the second place, their purchase of Louisiana, though understood by only a few at the moment, revolutionized their national system both inside and outside. That momentous step destroyed the literal interpretation of the constitution, hitherto enslaving a congeries of jarring little commonwealths in the bondage of verbalism, because, though manifestly beneficent and necessary, it could be justified before the law only by an appeal to the spirit and not to the letter. Thenceforward Americans have steadily been enlarging their constitutional law by interpretation, and the apparent timidity of amendment which they display is simply due to the absence of necessity for revision as long as expansion by interpretation continues. But certainly quite as important as this was also the displacement, by the acquisition of that vast territory, of what may be called the national center of gravity. Until then the aspirations of Americans had been toward Europe; the public opinion of the country had, until then, demanded the largest possible intercourse with that continent compatible with freedom from political entanglement. Thereafter there was a change in their spirit: a continent of their own was open to their energies. For two generations their history has been concerned with exploration, with mechanical invention, and with solving the great problem of how to prevent an extension of slavery corresponding to the extension of territory. But nevertheless, steadily and vigorously two correlated concepts were propagating themselves: neglect of Europe, in order to expand and assimilate their recent acquisition; industrial exclusiveness, for the sake of this great home market which immigration, settlement, and the formation of new commonwealths were creating, not at the front door, but in the rear of the states stretching along the Atlantic. This resulted in a temporary "about-face" of the nation; and it is only now, when the prize of material greatness and of territorial unity has been secured, that the people turn once more toward the rising sun, in order to get from older lands everything germane to its own civilization, and to assimilate these acquisitions, if possible, in realizing its own ideals of moral grandeur.
HISTORICAL SOURCES
In making this book I had access to the following original sources:
I. Unpublished Documents: a, The papers of the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs during the years of Napoleon's life, including those of the "Fonds Napoléon." b, The unpublished correspondence of Napoleon kept in the French Ministry of War, including the "Volumes Rouges" and the "Dossier de l'Empereur." This is as voluminous at least as the published correspondence, but of personal and technical rather than political interest. I have also consulted the archives of the General Staff in the same building concerning many events connected with Napoleon's career. c, The papers of Napoleon's youth known as the Ashburnham papers, but now owned by the Italian government, and kept in the Laurentian Library at Florence. Since I used them they have been published by Masson and Biagi, but the editors have corrected the text to an extent which is in our day not considered scientific. d, The despatches of American diplomatists resident abroad during Napoleon's career. e, Certain papers from the Record Office in London relating to Napoleon's surrender and his life in St. Helena. f, Certain papers of Henri Beyle containing characterizations of Napoleon and contemporary anecdotes concerning him. These were translated by Jean de Mitty from a cipher manuscript in the public library at Grenoble. g, A considerable number of Napoleon's letters, kindly put at my disposal by various collectors.
II. Published Official Papers. Within the last few years original documents concerning the Napoleonic epoch have been printed very extensively. Nearly all the important books are based on archival research, and the respective authors generally print a certain number of despatches or reports in justification of their conclusions. The following collections are the most important: a, The Correspondence of Napoleon. b, Official Papers of the Helvetic Republic. c, Diplomatic Correspondence between Prussia and France, 1795-97. d, Lord Whitworth's despatches. e, Ducasse's Supplement to Napoleon's Correspondence. f, The Papers of Gentz and Schwarzenberg. g, The Papers of Metternich. h, Napoleon's Letters to Caulaincourt. i, Napoleon's Letters to King Joseph. j, The Letters of King Jerome, Queen Catharine, and King Frederick of Würtemberg. k, The Papers of Castlereagh, Banks, Jackson, and other English statesmen of the time. l, Diplomatic Correspondence between Russia and France. m, The Archives of Count Woronzoff. n, Diplomatic Correspondence of the Sardinian ambassadors at St. Petersburg. o, Diplomatic Correspondence of the ministers of the republic and kingdom of Italy. p, Lecestre's Unpublished Letters of Napoleon. This list might be extended almost indefinitely by adding such collections as Ducasse's Memoirs of King Joseph, Napoleon's Letters to Josephine, the Correspondence of Eugène, etc., etc.; but these older books are too well known to require enumeration, and, though authentic, are only semi-official or personal publications.
III. Contemporary Memoirs. Those titles given in the bibliography are, with a few exceptions, the most valuable. The positive, literal truth of the so-called memoirs attributed to Bourrienne, Constant, Caulaincourt, Barras, Fouché, and Avrillon is very slender. They are all made by skilful patchwork and must be read with the utmost caution. In fact, it is doubtful whether, with the exception of Barras's scandalous record, they have, strictly speaking, any right to the names they bear. This much negative value they have: that they show how history can be falsified in one interest or another.
During the fourteen years which have elapsed since the book was completed for magazine publication, and the twelve since it was revised to the form of four volumes, great numbers of what were then manuscript journals, memoirs, or letters have been printed and published; of these proper use has been made in this edition, and their titles are given in the bibliography. The author may be pardoned for remarking that few details of importance have been found incorrect, wherever experts agree, and that his many critics have made no demand for the reconstruction of his characterization in its broad outlines, however opposed they may be to his portrayals or discussions.
This list of books makes no pretense to completeness. It is a conservative estimate that there are two hundred thousand titles of books relating to Napoleon and his age. What is here given is sufficient to assure the reader a complete view of Napoleon and his times from the best sources.
Wm. M. Sloane.
New York, August 1, 1910.
GENERAL BIBLIOGRAPHY
BIBLIOGRAPHIES
Brière, G.; Caron, P.; et Maistre, H. Répertoire Méthodique de l'histoire moderne et contemporaine de la France. Paris, 1898 (one vol. yearly).
Cambridge Modern History. New York and London, 1906. Vol. IX, Napoleon.
Catalogue de l'Histoire de France. 15 v.
Dahlmann, E. C., and Waitz, G. Quellenkunde der deutschen Geschichte.
Fournier, A., ed. Bourne, E. G. New York, 1903.
Gardiner, S. R., and Mullinger, J. B. Introduction to English History. London, 1894.
Kircheisen, F. Bibliography of Napoleon. Leipzig, 1902.
Kircheisen, F. Bibliographie du temps de Napoléon. Paris, Geneva, London, 1908.
Lumbroso, A. Saggio di una bibliografia ragionata per servire alla storia dell' epoca Napoleonica. Modena, 1894-96. Parts 1-5.
EUROPE
Alison, Sir A. History of Europe from the commencement of the French Revolution in 1789 to the Restoration of the Bourbons in 1815. London, 1841-42. 10 v. 8o.
Bredow, G. G. Chronik des XIXten Jahrhunderts. 2 v. Altona, 1801. Continued by C. Venturini. 20 v. Altona, 1809-28.
Delbrück, H. Historische u. politische Aufsätze. Berlin, 1887. 8o.
Faguet, E. Politiques et moralistes du 19e siècle. Paris, 1891. 12o.
Froidevaux, H. La politique coloniale de Napoléon Ier. In Revue des questions historiques, tom. 68, pp. 608-620. Paris, Ier avril, 1901.
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Hobhouse, J. C. Letters by an Englishman at Paris during the last reign of the Emperor Napoleon I. Philadelphia, 1816. 8o.
Home, G. Memoirs of an Aristocrat and Reminiscences of the Emperor Napoleon. London, 1838. 8o.
Junot, L. P., Duchesse d'Abrantès. Memoirs. London, 1831-35. 8 v. 8o.
Junot, L. P., Duchesse d'Abrantès. Mémoires; ou, Souvenirs historiques sur Napoléon et la Révolution, le Directoire, le Consulat, l'Empire et la Restauration. 2 éd. Paris, 1835. 12 v. 8o.
Kotzebue, A. F. F. v. Erinnerungen aus Paris im Jahre 1804. Berlin, 1804. 2 v.
Kotzebue, A. F. F. v. Souvenirs de Paris en 1804. Trad. de l'all. avec des notes. Paris, 1805. 2 v. 12o.
Lafayette, G. M. de. Memoirs, correspondence and manuscripts. Publ. by his family. London, 1837. 3 v. 8o.
Lafayette, G. M. de. Mes rapports avec le Premier Consul (1797-1805). (V. 5 of his Mémoires.)
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Laskey, J. C. Description of the series of medals struck by order of Napoleon Bonaparte. London, 1818. 8o.
Lavalette, Comte de. Mémoires et souvenirs. Publ. par sa famille et sur ses manuscrits, 1789-1829. Paris, 1831. 2 v. 8o.
Lejeune, L. F., Baron, Général. Mémoires publiés par M. G. Bapst. Paris, 1895. 2 v. 16o.
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Macdonald, E. J. J. A., Duc de Tarente. Souvenirs, avec une introduction par M. C. Rousset. Paris, 1892. 8o.
Mahon, Patrice (Art Roë, Papa Felix). Trois Grenadiers de l'an VIII. Paris, 1897. 8o.
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Masson, F. Napoléon chez lui. Paris, 1894.
Melzi, d'Eril F., Duca di Lodi. Memoire, documenti e lettere inedite di Napoleone 1o e Beauharnais. Ed. G. Melzi. Milano, 1865. 2 v. 8o.
Mémoires et souvenirs d'un pair de France, ex-membre du Sénat conservateur. Paris, 1829-30. 4 v. 8o.
Mémoires tirés des papiers d'un homme d'état, sur les causes secrètes qui ont déterminé la politique des cabinets dans la guerre de la Révolution, depuis 1792 jusqu'en 1815. Paris, 1828-38. 13 v. 8o. (Par le comte A. F. d'Allonville, A. de Beauchamp et A. Schubart.)
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Stedingk, C. B. L. C., Comte de. Mémoires posthumes: rédigés sur des lettres, dépêches et autres pièces authentiques, laissées à sa famille, par le Gén. de Bjornstjerna. Paris, 1845-48. 3 v. 8o.
Talleyrand-Périgord, C. M. de, Prince de Bénévent. Extraits des Mémoires de. Recueillis et mis en ordre par Madame la comtesse O ... du C ... (le baron Lamothe-Langon), auteur des Mémoires d'une femme de qualité. Paris, 1838. 2 v. 8o.
Talleyrand-Périgord, C. M. de, Prince de Bénévent. Mémoires, publ. avec une préf. et des notes par le Duc de Broglie. Paris, 1891. 4 v. 8o.
Talleyrand-Périgord, C. M. de, Prince de Bénévent. Correspondance diplomatique: le ministère de Talleyrand sous le Directoire. Avec intr. et notes par G. Pallain. Paris, 1891. 8o.
Thibaudeau, A. C. Mémoires sur la Convention et le Directoire. 2e éd. Paris, 1827. 2 v. 8o.
Thibaudeau, A. C. Mémoires sur le Consulat de 1799 à 1804, par un ancien conseiller d'état. Paris, 1827. 8o.
Thiébault, P. C. F. A. H. D., Baron. Mémoires, publ. sous les auspices de sa fille, Mlle C. Thiébault, d'après le MS. orig. par F. Calmettes, 1769-1813. Paris, 1893-95. 5 v. 8o.
Vauthier, G. Essai sur la vie et les œuvres de Népomucène Lemercier. Toulon, 1886. 8o.
Villèle, Comte de. Mémoires et correspondance. Paris, 1888-90. 5 v. 8o.
Vitrolles, E. d'Arnaud, Baron de. Mémoires et relations politiques: publ. par E. Forgues, 1814-1830. Paris, 1884. 3 v. 8o.
Waldburg, G. T. v. Nouvelle relation de l'itinéraire de Napoléon de Fontainebleau à l'île d'Elbe. Trad. de l'allemand. Paris, 1815. 8o.
Welschinger, H. Le Duc d'Enghien, 1772-1804. Paris, 1888. 8o.
Wiehr, E. Napoleon und Bernadotte in Herbstfeldzuge 1813. Berlin, 1893. 8o.
Wilson, Sir R. T. Private diary during the campaigns of 1812-14; from the invasion of Russia to the capture of Paris; ed. by H. Randolph. London, 1861. 2 v.
NAPOLEON b. His Correspondence
Davout, L., Prince d'Eckmühl. Correspondance: ses commandements, son ministère, 1801-1815. Avec intr. et notes par Ch. de Mazade. Paris, 1885. 4 v. 8o.
Driault, E. Napoléon à Finkenstein (avril-mai, 1807), d'après la correspondance de l'empereur, les archives du ministère des affaires étrangères, les archives nationales. In Revue d'histoire diplomatique, tom. XIII, pp. 404-462. Paris, 1899.
Du Casse, P. E. A. Supplément à la correspondance de Napoléon I: lettres curieuses omises par le comité de publication, rectifications. Paris, 1887. 12o.
Fiévée, J. Correspondance et relations avec Bonaparte. Paris, 1837. 3 v. 8o.
Fournier, A. Zur Textkritik der Korrespondenz Napoleons I. (Archiv. für Österr. Gesch., vol. 93.) Vienna.
Guillois, A. Napoléon: l'homme, le politique, l'orateur, d'après sa corresp. et ses œuvres. Paris, 1889. 2 v. 8o.
Lecestre, Léon. Lettres inédites sur Napoléon Ier (an VIII-1815). Paris, 1897. 2 v. 8o.
Le Vasseur. Commentaires de Napoléon; suivis d'un résumé des principes de stratégie du Prince Charles. Paris, 1851-52. 2 v. 8o.
Livre IX. Mémoires pour servir à l'histoire de France en 1815, avec le plan de la bataille de Mont Saint-Jean. Paris, 1820. 8o. This is the "Second manuscrit venu de Sainte-Hélène." It was attributed to Napoleon and not repudiated by him.
Marmottan, P. Bonaparte et la république de Lucques. Paris, 1896. 12o.
Mauduit, H. de. Les derniers jours de la grande armée; ou, Souvenirs, documents, et correspondance inédite de Napoléon en 1814 et 1815. 2 éd. Paris, 1847-48. 2 v. 8o.
Napoléon I. Commentaires. Paris, 1867. 6 v. 4o.
Napoleon I. Confidential correspondence with his brother Joseph. Sel. and tr. with notes from the "Mém. du roi Joseph." New York, 1856. 2 v. 12o.
Napoléon I. Correspondance. Publ. par ordre de l'Empereur Napoléon III. Paris, 1858-1870. 32 v. 8o.
Napoléon I. Correspondance militaire, extrait de la corresp. générale. Paris, 1876-77. 10 v. 12o.
Napoléon I. Lettres à Joséphine et lettres de Joséphine à Napoléon et à sa fille. Paris, 1833. 2 v. 8o.
Napoléon I. Lettres inédites de. (An VII-1815.) Paris, 1897. 2 v. 8o.
Napoléon I. Letters to Caulaincourt. Published by A. Vandal in the "Revue bleue," mars—avril, 1895.
Napoleon I. New letters omitted from the edition publ. under the auspices of Napoleon III. Transl. by Lady M. Lloyd. London, 1897. Heinemann.
Napoléon I. Œuvres littéraires. Publ. d'après les originaux et les meilleurs textes, avec une intr., des notes historiques et littéraires et un index par T. Martel. Paris, 1888. 4 v. 12o.
Napoléon I. Œuvres litt. et politiques. Nouvelle éd. (Ed. par P. Lacroix.) Paris, 1840. 18o.
Napoléon I. Recueil, par ordre chronologique, de ses lettres, proclamations, bulletins, discours sur les matières civiles et politiques, etc., formant une histoire de son règne, écrite par lui-même et accompagnée de notes historiques par M. Kermoysan. Paris, 1853-1865. 4 v. 12o.
Napoleon I. Selection from his letters and despatches. With explan. notes by D. A. Bingham. London, 1884. 3 v. 8o.
Napoléon I. Opinions sur divers sujets de politique et d'administration recueillies par un membre de son conseil d'état (Bon Pelet) et récit de quelques événements de l'époque. Paris, 1833. 8o.
Pelet de la Lozère, J. Opinions de Napoléon sur divers sujets de politique et d'administration, recueillies par un membre de son conseil d'état et récit de quelques événements de l'époque. Paris, 1833. 8o.
Sassenay, Marquis de. Napoléon I et la fondation de la République Argentine. Jacques de Liniers et le marquis de Sassenay (1808-1810). Paris, 1892. 12o.
Talleyrand-Périgord, C. M. de, Prince de Bénévent. Correspondance avec le Premier Consul pendant la campagne de Marengo. Publiée par le Comte Boulay de la Meurthe. Extrait de la "Revue d'histoire diplomatique." Laval, 1892. 8o.
Talleyrand-Périgord, C. M. de, Prince de Bénévent. Lettres inédites à Napoléon (1800-1809), publ. d'après les originaux conservés aux archives des affaires étrangères. Avec une intr. et des notes par P. Bertrand. 2e éd. Paris, 1889. 8o.
NAPOLEON c. His Family
d'Arzuzon, C. Hortense de Beauharnais. 12o. Paris, 1897. Lévy.
d'Arzuzon, C. Mme Louis Bonaparte. 8o. Paris, 1901. Lévy.
Aubenas, J. A. Histoire de l'Impératrice Joséphine. Paris, 1857-58. 2 v. 8o.
Beauharnais, Eugène de. Mémoires et correspondance politique et militaire. Edited by A. du Casse. 10 v. Paris, 1858-60.
Becker, A. Der Plan der zweiten Heirat Napoleons. In Mittheilungen des Instituts für oesterreichische Geschichtsforschung, tom. 19, pp. 92-156. Innsbruck, 1898.
Du Casse, P. E. A. Les rois frères de Napoléon I; documents inédits relatifs au premier Empire. Paris, 1883. 8o.
Ducrest. Mémoires sur l'Impératrice Joséphine. Paris, 1828. 2 v. 8o.
Durand, Madame. Napoleon and Marie-Louise (1810-14). A memoir. London, 1886. 12o.
Herisson, M., Comte de. Le cabinet noir: Louis XVII, Napoléon, Marie-Louise. 14 éd. Paris, 1887. 12o.
Lamothe-Langon, Bon E.L. de. Napoléon, sa famille, ses amis, ses généraux, ses ministres et ses contemporains; ou, Soirées secrètes du Luxembourg, des Tuileries, de Saint-Cloud, de la Malmaison, de Fontainebleau, etc., par M. le ... ex-ministre de S.M. Impériale et Royale. Paris, 1840. 5 v. 8o.
Marie-Louise. Correspondance, 1799-1847. Lettres intimes et inédites à la comtesse de Colloredo et à Mlle de Poutet, depuis 1810 comtesse de Crenneville. Paris, 1887. 18o.
Marmottan, P. Elisa Bonaparte. 12o. Paris, 1898. Champion.
Masson, F. Napoléon et sa famille. (1769-1802.) Paris, 1896. 8o.
Mémoires sur l'Impératrice Joséphine, ses contemporains, la cour de Navarre et de la Malmaison (par Mme G.D. Bochsa, nièce de Mme de Genlis). Paris, 1828. 3 v. 8o. (Attribués par M. Delacourt à Mme Durand.)
Méneval, C.F., Baron de. Napoléon et Marie-Louise: souvenirs historiques. 2 éd., cor. et augm. Paris, 1844-45. 3 v. 12o.
Montesquiou, Abbé de. Le divorce de Napoléon et l'abbé de Montesquiou. Auch., 1895. 8o.
Turquan, J. Souveraines et grandes dames. L'Impératrice Joséphine d'après les témoignages des contemporains. Paris, 1896. 16o.
Welschinger, H. Le divorce de Napoléon. Paris, 1889. 12o.
Wertheimer, E. Die Heirat der Erzherzogin Marie Louise mit Napoleon I. Wien, 1882.
NAPOLEON d. His Marshals And Generals. See also Memoirs
Berthier, Marshal. Life. by Gen. Derrécagaix (Part I, to 1804). Paris, 1894.
Bessières, Marshal. By A. Rabel. Paris, 1903.
Blocqueville, A.L. d'Eckmühl. Le Maréchal Davout, Prince d'Eckmühl, raconté par les siens et par lui-même. Paris, 1879-80. 4 v. 8o.
Davout, Marshal. Correspondance (1801-05). Edited by C. de Mazade. 4 v. Paris, 1885.
Desaix, General. By J. Desaix and La Folliot. Paris, 1879.
Dumas, Général Comte M. Souvenirs (1770-1836). Edited by his son. 3 v. Paris, 1839.
Goecke, R. Das Grossherzogth. Berg unter Joachim Murat, Napoleon I u. Louis Napoleon, 1806-1813. Ein Beitrag zur gesch. der französ. Fremdherrschaft auf dem rechten Rheinufer. Meist nach den Acten d. Düsseldorfer Staats-Archivs. Köln, 1877. 8o.
Grouchy, Marshal. Mémoires. Edited by the Marquis de Grouchy. 5 v. Paris, 1873-74.
Jourdan, Marshal. Mémoires militaires. 2 v. Paris, 1899.
Lefebvre, Marshal. By J. Wirth. Paris, 1904.
Kläber, H. Leben und Thaten des französischen Generals J.B. Kléber. Dresden, 1900.
Maret, Marshal. Life, by A. A. Ernouf. Paris, 1891.
Moreau, J. V., Vie politique, militaire et privée du Général. By A. de Beauchamp. Paris, 1814.
Martha-Beker, F., Comte de Mons. Études historiques sur le général Desaix. Clermont-Ferrand, 1852. 8o.
NAPOLEON e. His Biography
Ashton, J. English caricature and satire on Napoleon I. London, 1884. 2 v. New ed., 1888.
Barni, J. Napoléon I et son historien M. Thiers. Paris, 1865. 12o.
Batjin, N. Histoire de l'Empereur Napoléon Ier. London, 1867. 2 v. 8o.
Baudus. Études sur Napoléon. Paris, 1841. 2 v. 8o.
Belloc, Mme. L. Swanton. Bonaparte et les Grecs. Paris, 1826. 8o.
Beyle, H. (Stendhal, pseud.). Vie de Napoléon: fragments. 2 éd. Paris, 1877. 12o.
Böhtlingk, A. Napoléon Bonaparte: seine Jugend und sein Emporkommen (1769-1801). 2 Ausg. Leipzig, 1883. 2 v. 8o.
Bois, M. Napoléon Bonaparte, lieutenant d'artillerie à Auxonne; vie militaire et privée. 12o. Paris, 1898. Flammarion.
Bonaparte, N. Joseph C. P., Prince. Napoleon and his Detractors. Tr. and ed. with a biog. sketch and notes by R. S. de Beaufort. London, 1888. 8o.
Bondois, P. Napoléon et la société de son temps (1793-1821). 8o. Paris, 1895. Alcan.
Bonnal de Ganges. La génie de Napoléon. Paris, 1896. 2 v. 12o.
Bourrienne, L. A. F. de. Memoirs of Napoleon Bonaparte. Ed. with pref. and notes by R. W. Phipps. New York, 1889. 4 v. 8o.
Chalamet, A. Guerres de Napoléon, 1800-07, racontées par des témoins oculaires. Paris, 1895. 8o.
Channing, W. E. Remarks on the life and character of Napoleon Bonaparte. Edinburgh, 1837. 16o.
Chuquet, A. La jeunesse de Napoléon. 3 v. 8o. Paris, 1897-99. Colin. I. Brienne. II. La Révolution. III. Toulon.
Colin, J. L'Éducation militaire de Napoléon. Paris, 1900. Chapelot.
Coquelle, P. Napoléon et l'Angleterre, 1803-15. Paris, 1904.
Coston, F. G., Baron de. Biographie des premières années de Napoléon Bonaparte, c'est-à-dire depuis sa naissance jusqu'à l'époque de son commandement-en-chef de l'armée d'Italie, avec un appendice renfermant des documents inédits ou peu connus postérieurs à cette époque. Paris, 1840. 2 v. 8o.
Dayot, A. Napoléon raconté par l'image. Paris, 1894. 4o.
Des Armoises, O. Avant la gloire. Napoléon enfant. Napoléon et ses compatriotes. 18o. Paris, 1898. Librairie illustrée.
Ducéré, E. Napoléon à Bayonne. Bayonne, 1897. 8o.
Dumouriez, C. F. D. Jugement sur Bonaparte. (In his Mémoires, v. 4.)
Fischer, A. Goethe und Napoleon. Eine Studie. 8o. Frauenfeld, 1899. Huber. Aufl. mit Anhang: Weimar und Napoleon. 8o. Ibid. 1900. Ibid.
Fournier, A. Napoleon I. Eine Biographie. Leipzig, 1888-89. 3 v. 8o. (Das Wissen d. Gegenwart. v. 67, 71, 72.) Eng. trans. New York, 1903. (Bibliography.)
Gadobert, B. La jeunesse de Napoléon I. De 1786 au siège de Toulon. (Relation inédite.) 12o. Paris, 1897. Chamuel.
Gallois, Léon. Histoire de Napoléon d'après lui-même. 5e éd. Paris, 1829. 8o.
Garsou, J. Béranger et la légende napoléonienne. 8o. Bruxelles, 1897. Weissenbruch.
Garsou, J. Les créateurs de la légende napoléonienne. Barthélemy et Méry. Bruxelles, 1899.
Gautier, Paul. Madame de Staël et Napoléon. Paris, 1903.
Geoffroy de Grandmaison, C. A. Napoléon et ses historiens. 12o. Paris, 1896. Perrin.
Germond de Lavigne, L. A. G. Les pamphlets de la fin de l'Empire, des Cent Jours et de la Restauration. Catalogue raisonné. Paris, 1879. 12o.
Grand-Cartaret, J. Napoléon en images. Estampes anglaises. (Portraits et caricatures.) 4o. Avec 130 reproductions. Paris, 1895. Firmin-Didot.
Hazlitt, W. Life of Napoleon Buonaparte. 2 ed. London, 1852. 4 v. 8o.
Holzhausen, P. Der erste Konsul Bonaparte und seine deutschen Besucher. 8o. Bonn, 1900. Holzhausen.
Jorissen, T. Napoléon I et le roi de Hollande, 1806-1813, d'après des documents authentiques et inédits. (La Haye, M. Nighoff.) Paris, 1868. 8o.
Jung, Th. Bonaparte et son temps (1769-1799), d'après les documents inédits. Paris, 1880-81. 3 v. 12o.
Lanfrent. Histoire de Napoléon I. Paris, 1867-75. 5 v. 12o.
Laurent, P. M. History of Napoleon. London, 1840. 2 v. 8o.
Laurent de l'Ardèche, P. M. Histoire de l'Empereur Napoléon. Illustrée par H. Vernet. Paris, 1849. Gr. 8o.
Lemoine, A. Napoléon Ier et les Juifs. 18o. Paris, 1900. Fayard.
Lettow-Vorbeck, O. von. Napoleons Untergang, 1815. Berlin, 1904.
Lévy, M. Bonaparte à Valence. 8o. Tournon, 1898. Boyer.
Lévy, A. Napoléon intime. 5 éd. Paris, 1893. 8o.
Lockhart, J. G. History of Napoleon Bonaparte. 3 ed. London, 1835. 2 v. 16o.
Lumbroso, A. Miscellanea Napoleonica. Roma, 1895, 1896, 1897. 8o.
Lumbroso, A. Napoleone I e l'Inghilterra. Roma, 1897. 8o.
Maitland, Sir F. L. Relation concernant l'embarquement et le séjour de l'Empereur Napoléon à bord du Bellérophon. Paris, 1826. 8o.
Masson, F. Les débuts des Bonapartes. Paris, 1896. 8o.
Masson, F. Napoléon chez lui: la journée de l'Empereur aux Tuileries. Paris, 1894. 8o.
Masson, F. Napoléon et les femmes. I. L'Amour. Paris, 1894. 8o.
Masson, F. Napoléon inconnu. Papiers inédits (1786-93). Publiés par F. Masson et G. Biagi. Accompagnés de notes sur la jeunesse de Napoléon (1769-93). Paris, 1895. 2 v. 8o.
Monier, A. Une année de la vie de l'Empereur Napoléon; ou, Précis historique de tout ce qui s'est passé depuis le 1 avril, 1814, jusqu'au 21 mars, 1815 ... par A. D. B. M. 3 éd. rev. Paris, 1815. 12o.
Napoléon Ier. La République, le Consulat, l'Empire, Sainte-Hélène, d'après les peintres, les sculpteurs et les graveurs. Album oblong. Av. 80 planches et 500 gravures. Paris, 1895. Hachette.
Norvins, J. M. de. Histoire de Napoléon. 5 éd. Paris, 1834-36. 4 v. 8o.
Paris zur Zeit d. Kaiserkrönung. Nebst e Schilderung d. Hauptpersonen bei diesem Merkwürd. Feste u. Napoleons Bildn. Leipzig, 1805. 8o.
Pélissier, L. G. Le registre de l'île d'Elbe. Lettres et ordres inédits de Napoléon Ier, 28 mai, 1814,-22 févr., 1815. 12o. Paris, 1897. Fontemoing.
Peyre, R. Napoléon I et son temps: histoire militaire, gouvernement intérieur, lettres, sciences et arts. Paris, 1888. 4o.
Pingaud, L. Bernadotte, Napoléon et les Bourbons. Paris, 1901.
Poullet, P. La Belgique et la chute de Napoléon I. Extrait de la "Revue générale." Bruxelles, 1895. 8o.
Prentout, H. L'Île de France sous Decaen, 1803-10. 8o. Paris, 1901. Hachette.
Remacle, Cte de. Bonaparte et les Bourbons. Relations secrètes des agents de Louis XVIII à Paris sous le Consulat (1802-03). 8o. Paris, 1900. Plon.
Révérend, Vte A. Armorial du premier Empire. Titres, majorats et armoiries concédés par Napoléon Ier. 4 v. 4o. Paris, 1897. Champion.
Riols, J. de. Napoléon peint par lui-même, anecdotes, souvenirs, caractère, appréciations, etc. Paris, 1895. 18o.
Rocquain, F. Napoléon I et le roi Louis, d'après les documents conservés aux archives nationales. Paris, 1875. 8o.
Roloff, G. Napoleon I. 8o. Berlin, 1900. Bondi. Coll. Vorkampfer des Jahrhunderts.
Rose, J. H. Napoleon and English Commerce. In English Historical Review, v. VIII, pp. 704-725. London, 1893.
Rose, J. H. The Life of Napoleon I, including new materials from the British official records. London, 1902.
Saint-Hilaire, Marco. Histoire populaire, anecdotique et pittoresque de Napoléon et la grande armée. Paris, 1843. Gr. 8o.
Scott, Sir Walter. Life of Napoleon Bonaparte, with a preliminary view of the French Revolution. Edinburgh, 1827. 9 v. 12o.
Scott, Sir Walter. Vie de Napoléon Buonaparte, précédée d'un tableau préliminaire sur la Révolution franç. Paris, 1827. 9 v. 8o.
Seeley, J. R. Short History of Napoleon I. London, 1886. 8o.
Seeley, J. R. Courte histoire de Napoléon I. Trad. Paris, 1887. 18o.
Ségur, P. P. de. Geschichte Napoleons und der grossen Armee im Jahre 1812. Stuttgart, 1841. 2 v. 16o.
Sepet, M. Napoléon, son caractère, son génie, son rôle historique. Paris, 1894. 16o.
Sorel, A. Bonaparte et Hoche en 1797. Paris, 1896. 8o.
Tatistcheff, S. Alexandre I et Napoléon (1801-12), d'après leur correspondance inédite. Paris, 1891.
Thibaudeau, A. C. Histoire générale de Napoléon Bonaparte, de sa vie privée et publique, de sa carrière politique et militaire, de son administration et de son gouvernement. Paris, 1827-28. 6 v. 8o.
Vallaux, C. Les campagnes des armées françaises (1792-1815). Av. 17 cartes. 18o. Paris, 1899. Alcan.
Vandal, A. L'Avènement de Bonaparte. Paris, 1902.
Vandal, A. Napoléon et Alexandre Ier: l'alliance russe sous le premier Empire. Paris, 1893-96. 3 v. 8o.
Whately, R. Historic doubts relative to Napoleon Buonaparte. With intr. by H. Morley. New York, no date. 16o.
Yorck v. Wartenburg. Napoleon als Feldherr. 2 Aufl. Berlin, 1887-88. 2 v. 8o.
NAPOLEON In Elba
Campbell, Sir N. Napoleon at Fontainebleau and Elba. 1814-1815. London, 1869. 8o.
Fabre, J. De Fontainebleau à l'île d'Elbe. Paris, 1887. 8o.
Foresi, E. Napoleone I all' isola dell' Elba. Firenze.
Gourgaud et Montholon. Mémoires p. s. à l'histoire de France sous Napoléon, écrits à Sainte-Hélène par les généraux qui ont partagé sa captivité, et publ. sur le manuscrit entièrement corrigés de la main de Napoléon. 8 v. 8o. Paris, 1822-25. Didot. Bossange. Trad. en allem., espagn., angl. et dan.
Helfert, J. A. Napoleon I Fahrt von Fontainebleau nach Elba, April-Mai, 1814. Mit Benützung der ämtlichen Reiseberichte des kaiserlich österreichischen Commissars Gen. Koller. Wien, 1874. 8o.
Lancelotti. Napoleon auf Elba. Dresden, 1815.
Livi, G. Napoleone all' isola d'Elba. Milano, 1888.
Pélissier, L. G. L'Île d'Elbe au commencement du XIXe siècle. In Bulletin de la Société languedocienne de géographie, 1897.
Pellet, E. A. M. Napoléon à l'île d'Elbe: mélanges historiques. Paris, 1888. 12o.
Pichot, A. Napoléon à l'île d'Elbe: chronique des événements de 1814-15, d'après le journal du Col. Sir Neil Campbell, le journal d'un détenu et autres doc. inédits ou pen connus, pour servir à l'hist. du premier Empire et de la Restauration, accompagné d'une gravure en taille douce. Paris, 1873. 8o.
Waldburg, G. T. v., Ed. Napoleon Buonaparte's Reise von Fontainebleau nach Fréjus, vom 17 bis 29 April, 1814. Einzigrechtmässig. Ausg. Berlin, 1815. 16o.
FRANCE
Anti-Jacobin, or Weekly Examiner. 1st ed. London, 1797-98. 2d ed., 1799.
Aucoc, L. Conférences sur l'administration et le droit administratif, faites à l'École des Ponts et Chaussées. 3 éd. Paris, 1885-86. 2v. 8o.
Aucoc, L. Le conseil d'état avant et depuis 1789, ses transformations, ses travaux, et son personnel: Étude hist. et bibliographique. Paris, 1876. 8o.
Aulard, F. A. Le Directoire exécutif (in Rambaud et Lavisse, Histoire générale, t. VIII). Paris, 1898. 8o.
Bailac, J. B. Nouvelle chronique de la ville de Bayonne, par un Bayonnais. Bayonne, 1827-28. 2 v. 8o.
Barante, A. G. P. Brugière de. Histoire du Directoire de la République française. Paris, 1855. 3 v. 8o.
Beiträge zur Geschichte d. Ruckzugs d. Franzosen nach d. Schlacht bei Leipzig. Leipzig, 1815. 8o.
Bertrand, A. L'Organisation française: le gouvernement, l'administration. Paris, 1882. 12o.
Bignon, L. P. Histoire de France sous Napoléon, rédigée et terminée par A. Ernouf. Paris, 1838-50. v 14. 8o.
Biré, E. Causeries historiques. Les historiens de la Révolution et de l'Empire. 8o. Paris, 1897. Bloud.
Blanc, A. E. Napoléon Ier: Ses institutions civiles et administratives. Paris, 1880. 8o.