Volume 5 — CONTENTS

OF THE

FIFTH VOLUME.

JOHN ADAMS' CORRESPONDENCE,

CONTINUED.

Page.

To the President of Congress. Paris, April 17th, 1780,3

Probable effects of the armed neutrality.—Critical situation of England.—The opposition carry the resolution, that the influence of the Crown is increasing, and ought to be diminished.

To the President of Congress. Paris, April 18th, 1780,6

Encloses a letter written from England on the subject of peace with America.—Exposes the errors of the writer; on the confederacy with France and Spain; on the probability of America violating her treaty with France; on the notion that the policy of France has been to expose the States in order to exhaust them; on the plan of a reconciliation and reunion of America with Great Britain.

To the President of Congress. Paris, April 24th, 1780,12

Proceedings of Russia in regard to the armed neutrality.—Proceedings in Holland in relation to the same subject.

To the Count de Vergennes. Paris, April 25th, 1780,18

Enclosing papers from America.

To the President of Congress. Paris, April 25th, 1780,18

State of Ireland.

To the President of Congress. Paris, April 26th, 1780,24

Debate in the House of Lords on the declaration of Russia; Lord Camden expresses his astonishment at the doctrine of free ships and free goods; Lord Shelburne's remarks on the critical state of England.—Anti-English policy of Russia.

To the President of Congress. Paris, April 28th, 1780,27

Declaration of the English Council, placing the subjects of the United Provinces on the footing of neutral powers, not privileged by treaties.—Address of the States of Groningen to the States-General, recommending the protection of commerce by convoys.—Second Address of the States of the same Province, proposing answers to the Memorials of Sir J. Yorke.—The Province of Holland recommends the acceptance of the invitation of Russia to accede to the armed neutrality.

To the President of Congress. Paris, April 29th, 1780,37

English naval expeditions.

To the President of Congress. Paris, April 29th, 1780,38

Mutiny in the English fleet.—County meetings adopt resolutions censuring the war.

To the President of Congress. Paris, May 2d, 1780,41

Memorial of the French Ambassador to the States-General, announcing the abolition of the duty of fifteen per cent on Dutch merchandise entering France.—Decree of the French Council on the same subject.—The Seven Provinces have resolved to refuse the succors demanded by Great Britain; to grant convoys; and to accept the invitation of Russia.—Instructions of the States of Holland and West Friesland to their deputies in the States-General on the attack of the Dutch convoy by the English.

To the President of Congress. Paris, May 3d, 1780,50

General exchange of prisoners agreed on between France and England.

From Elbridge Gerry to John Adams. Philadelphia, May 5th, 1780,52

Favorable effects of the resolutions of Congress for cancelling the two hundred millions of dollars previously emitted on the currency.—New emission of five millions.—Financial concerns of the confederacy.

To the President of Congress. Paris, May 8th, 1780,54

Instructions of the United Provinces to their Minister at London, on the subject of Lord Stormont's answer to former representations relative to the attack on the Dutch convoy.—Resolutions of the States regulating the trade of foreigners with the Dutch Colonies.—Proceedings of the different Provinces relative to the Russian Memorial; the granting of unlimited convoys; raising of subsidies.

To the President of Congress. Paris, May 8th, 1780,63

Enclosing the letter of the Count de Florida Blanca to the Spanish Minister of the Marine, regulating the treatment of neutrals.

To the President of Congress. Paris, May 8th, 1780,73

Copy of the Swedish ordinance providing convoys.—Answer of the Court of St James to the Russian declaration.—Difference of the English and Russian doctrine of blockade in these documents.—English recruits in Germany.

To the President of Congress. Paris, May 8th, 1780,79

The Russian declaration hostile to the policy of England.—Lord Stormont's letter to the Dutch Envoy.

To an unknown person. Paris, May 9th, 1780,82

Observations on the Dean of Gloucester's proposals.

To the President of Congress. Paris, May 9th, 1780,84

The Dean of Gloucester's proposals for a general pacification.

To the President of Congress. Paris, May 10th, 1780,86

Proceedings in the Irish Commons relative to the sovereignty of the Irish Parliament.

Count de Vergennes to John Adams. Versailles, May 10th, 1780,88

To the President of Congress. Paris, May 11th, 1780,89

Motions of Mr Hartley in the House of Commons, on the subject of reconciliation.

To the Count de Vergennes. Paris, May 9th, 1780,91

The American party in England hope to make a separate peace with the United States.—The alliance with France will not be violated.—Mr Adams always an advocate of the alliance.

To John Jay. Paris, May 13th, 1780,93

Difficulty of influencing the views and conduct of European Ministers.

To the President of Congress. Paris, May 13th, 1780,94

Answer of France to the Russian declaration, approving the doctrines of Russia.—Orders issued to the English commanders to detain Dutch ships, having on board effects belonging to the enemy, or which are considered as contraband by the law of nations.

To John Jay. Paris, May 15th, 1780,98

Facility and importance of intercepting the English West India fleet.—Policy to be observed towards Spain and Portugal.

To the President of Congress. Paris, May 16th, 1780,100

Rumor of opening the navigation of Antwerp.—Naval preparations of Austria.

To M. Genet, at Versailles. Paris, May 17th, 1780,101

Objections to General Conway's assertion, that the alliance between France and the United States is unnatural.—Habits; language; religion.—These circumstances will rather tend to separate America and England.—The commercial interests of England and America different.—Boundaries will form a source of dispute.

To the Count de Vergennes. Paris, May 19th, 1780,106

The Assembly of Pennsylvania cut to pieces the great seal of the Province.—American privateers.

To the President of Congress. Paris, May 19th, 1780,107

Answer of Spain to the Russian declaration, approving the principles therein contained.—Conversation between Lord Stormont and the Count de Welderen on the attack on the Dutch convoy.—Proceedings in Ireland.

To the President of Congress. Paris, May 20th, 1780,110

General Conway proposes a bill for reconciliation or peace.—Debate on the subject in the House of Commons.—Denmark accedes to the armed neutrality.

To the President of Congress. Paris, May 20th, 1780,116

General Conway's Speech on his bill for reconciliation.

To the President of Congress. Paris, May 23d, 1780,120

The different Powers accede to the armed neutrality.

Count de Vergennes to John Adams. Versailles, May 24th, 1780,123

Expressing full confidence in his conduct in case of overtures from England.

To the President of Congress. Paris, May 26th, 1780,124

Address of the Bar at Dublin to Mr Grattan.—Reply of Mr Grattan.—Extracts from the journals.—Letter of M. de Sartine, concerning the treatment of neutrals.—Letter from the Count de Florida Blanca.

To the President of Congress. Paris, May 27th, 1780,133

Application of the principles of the British Constitutions to external dominions, extensively studied in America.—Effects of the American publications on this subject, on other foreign possessions of Great Britain.

To the President of Congress. Paris, June 1st, 1780,135

Indecisive engagement between the French and English fleets.—Governor Pownal asks leave to bring in a bill authorising a convention, truce, or peace with the Colonies.—The House proceeds to the order of the day.

To the President of Congress. Paris, June 1st, 1780,137

Report of a Committee of the citizens of Dublin, declaring the independence of the Irish Parliament, and returning thanks to those members who have supported it.

To the President of Congress. Paris, June 2d, 1780,142

Petitions of the Dutch merchants to the States-General, and to the States of Holland and West Friesland, praying for a speedy protection of commerce. Answer of Spain to the Russian declaration.—Extracts from the Journals, on the destination of the naval forces of France.—Proceedings of Congress kept more secret than the plans of the European Courts.

To the President of Congress. Paris, June 2d, 1780,149

Declaration of Lord George Germain, that there is a prospect of peace with America, on good and honorable terms for England, not with the Congress, but with the people.—Fallacy of these statements; America could not make peace with England, without involving herself with France and Spain; Congress cannot oppose the will of the people in America, which is expressed through the press, the towns, the juries, and the assemblies.—Other errors concerning the misery of the people, the debt, dislike to France, &c. exposed.—Barriers to a reconciliation or peace between England and America. (Note.)

To the President of Congress. Paris, June 4th, 1780,159

Extracts from numerous European journals.

To the President of Congress. Paris, June 5th, 1780,166

Extracts from the journals.—Petitions of the Corn Merchants of Amsterdam to the States-General and to the States of Holland and West Friesland, praying for protection of the commerce.

To the President of Congress. Paris, June 10th, 1780,170

Preparations for supporting the armed neutrality.—An East India company formed at Trieste.—English losses in Africa.—Critical situation of the British power in India.—Duty imposed on sugars imported from England, by the Irish Parliament.—Violation of neutral ground on the Dutch coast by the English.—Representations of the States of Holland and West Friesland to the States-General, and of the latter to the Dutch Minister at London on this subject.

To the President of Congress. Paris, June 12th, 1780,181

Extract from Lord Shelburne's Speech, relating to the policy of the Ministry towards Russia, Prussia, Austria, and Turkey.—The American war was the true cause of that policy.

To the President of Congress. Paris, June 12th, 1780,186

Copy of Governor Pownal's bill, empowering the King to make peace with the United States.—Meeting of merchants at Dublin to obtain a duty on sugars imported into the kingdom.—Proceedings of the Irish House of Commons on the same subject.—Port of Vendre on the Mediterranean repaired.

To the President of Congress. Paris, June 16th, 1780,190

Extracts from pamphlets published under the name of Mr Galloway, but probably written by the refugees.—Refutation of the statements therein contained.

To the Count de Vergennes. Paris, June 16th, 1780,201

To the President of Congress. Paris, June 17th, 1780,201

Governor Hutchinson's death and character.—Further extracts from the pamphlets abovementioned.

To the Count de Vergennes. Paris, June 20th, 1780,207

On the paying off of the loan office certificates.

Count de Vergennes to John Adams. Versailles, June 21st, 1780,208

Injustice of obliging the French holders of the American paper money to suffer by the depreciation.

To the Count de Vergennes. Paris, June 22d, 1780,212

Requesting a delay of the orders instructing the French Minister in America to make representations against the resolutions of Congress for the paying off the paper money at its depreciated value.

To the Count de Vergennes. Paris, June 22d, 1780,213

Defence of the resolutions of Congress above referred to.—The holders have received the bills at the depreciated value, and are not therefore entitled to the nominal value.—The loss will not fall on French holders, who have received them at their depreciated value.—The same measure was adopted by the colony of Massachusetts Bay, without being objected to by the English government or merchants.—Very little of the paper in the hands of French subjects.

To B. Franklin. Paris, June 22d, 1780,225

Suggesting the propriety of requesting a revocation of the orders to the French Minister in America, abovementioned.—Evils which they may produce in America.

To the President of Congress. Paris, June 26th, 1780,226

Clamor in Europe against the resolutions providing for the paying off the paper bills.—Interview and correspondence with Count de Vergennes on the subject.

To the President of Congress. Paris, June 29th, 1780,228

Recommends the appointment of Consuls to relieve the Minister.—Also, that strict instructions be given to the commanders of ships-of-war, in which there has been a want of subordination.

To B. Franklin. Paris, June 29th, 1780,231

Enclosing his correspondence with the Count de Vergennes, relative to resolutions of Congress for paying off the paper money.

Count de Vergennes to John Adams. Versailles, June 30th, 1780,232

Adheres to his former opinions on the subject of the paper money.—Expects the views of Congress in reply to the representations.

To the Count de Vergennes. Paris, July 1st, 1780,233

To the President of Congress. Paris, July 6th, 1780,234

Lists of French, Spanish, American, and English vessels taken and destroyed.

To the President of Congress. Paris, July 6th, 1780,239

Regrets the American losses, and considers the causes. Urges Congress to cherish the navy while it is in their power.

To the President of Congress. Paris, July 7th, 1780,240

Rejection of Mr Hartley's proposal for a bill to empower the King to make peace with America.—Abstract of the bill.—Sir G. Saville's motion, that the American war be declared unconstitutional and ruinous, rejected.

To the President of Congress. Paris, July 7th, 1780,243

Petition of the merchants of Amsterdam to the States-General, for protection of commerce from the English.

B. Franklin to Count de Vergennes. Passy, July 10th, 1780,245

Agrees that foreign merchants ought not to suffer from the depreciation of the paper money.—Assures him that the sentiments of the Americans in general in regard to the alliance, differ widely from those expressed by Mr Adams.

To the Count de Vergennes. Paris, July 13th, 1780,247

Determination of the English to undertake a new campaign.—State of things in America.—The advantages which the English derive from being masters of the American seas.—The English in America have been for two years in the power of their enemies.—Their possessions must be protected and supplied by a naval power.—A naval superiority in those seas is the true policy of America and France. The policy of France has been suspected in America, and misrepresented in England on this point.—The real importance of America.—Prejudices against the Americans in France.

To the President of Congress. Paris, July 14th, 1780,259

Proposed congress at St Petersburg.—English accounts of their successes in America.—Ignorance of the American foreign envoys on these subjects.

To the President of Congress. Paris, July 15th, 1780,260

Preamble of the Russian ordinance relative to neutral rights.—There is no appearance of favor to England in the Russian Court.

To the President of Congress. Paris, July 15th, 1780,263

Attack on the French vessels in the neutral port of Milo by the English.—Russian, Swedish, Danish, and Dutch naval preparations.

To the President of Congress. Paris, July 15th, 1780,265

English, French, and Spanish forces at sea.

To the Count de Vergennes. Paris, July 17th, 1780,266

Reasons why his powers ought no longer to be concealed from the English Court.

To the President of Congress. Paris, July 19th, 1780,270

Naval forces of the northern powers.—Russian ordinance ascertaining the neutral rights of Russian commerce.

To the President of Congress. Paris, July 19th, 1780,276

Armed neutral forces.—Quotes speculations from the Amsterdam Gazette relative to the effect of the conquest of Mobile by the Spaniards.

Count de Vergennes to John Adams. Versailles, July 20th, 1780,278

A French naval force has been sent to America, to co-operate with the American military operations.

To the Count de Vergennes. Paris, July 21st, 1780,279

Expresses his satisfaction with the destination of the armament abovementioned.

To the President of Congress. Paris, July 22d, 1780,280

Extract from the King's speech on the prorogation of Parliament.—Extracts from the journals, showing the state of the navies in Europe.

To the President of Congress. Paris, July 23d, 1780,285

Messengers pass between London and Madrid.

Count de Vergennes to John Adams. Versailles, July 25th, 1780,287

Reasons for opposing Mr Adams' communication of his full powers to the English Ministry.

To the Count de Vergennes. Paris, July 26th, 1780,294

Reply to the statements and arguments of the preceding letter.

To the Count de Vergennes. Paris, July 27th, 1780,301

Observations on Count de Vergennes' assertion, that the King had taken measures for sustaining America without solicitations from Congress.—Solicitations were made through the medium of the foreign Envoys of Congress.—Expresses his fears that the French have not a decided naval superiority in the American seas.

Count de Vergennes to John Adams. Versailles, July 29th, 1780,304

Expresses his dissatisfaction with the remarks of Mr Adams.—Shall treat only with Mr Franklin on matters concerning the United States.

Count de Vergennes to B. Franklin. Versailles, July 31st, 1780,305

Transmitting his correspondence with Mr Adams with the request that it may be laid before Congress. (Letter from the President of Congress to Mr Adams on this subject. Note.)

To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, August 14th, 1780,307

Arrives in Amsterdam.—Importance of maintaining an official agent in the United Provinces.—Probability of raising a loan in Holland.—Declaration of Sweden in regard to neutrality.—Declaration of Denmark on the same subject.

To B. Franklin. Amsterdam, August 17th, 1780,314

Absurd political speculations in Europe on the conditions and prospects of America.

To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, August 22d, 1780,316

Answer of France to the Swedish declaration.—Questions of Sweden relative to the proposals of Russia, for reciprocal protection and mutual assistance of the neutrals.—Russian answer.

To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, August 23d, 1780,321

The English mission to Madrid merely a cover.—Real design of England to continue the war, and to separate the House of Bourbon from America.—Urges the sending a Minister to Holland.

To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, September 4th, 1780,323

Capture of the British West India fleet by the combined fleets of France and Spain.

To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, September 5th, 1780,324

No measures ever taken in England to fix the English language.—Proposes that Congress should effect this object by erecting the American Academy for refining and ascertaining the English language, and by furnishing the necessary funds for a library and the support of its officers.

To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, September 19th, 1780,327

Acknowledges the receipt of his commission for negotiating a loan.—Difficulties of this charge.—Expediency of a Minister Plenipotentiary to Holland, charged with this duty.

Commission to John Adams, referred to in the preceding letter,329

To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, September 16th, 1780,330

Congress of St Petersburg.—The policy of Holland doubtful.

To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, September 24th, 1780,332

Determines to negotiate a loan in a private character.—Little reputation of the Dutch owing to their language.—Importance of cultivating the English language in America.

To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, September 25th, 1780,334

General ignorance of America in Holland.—Predominance of the English interest there.—Little prospect of raising a loan.

To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, September 28th, 1780,338

The Dutch Ministers to St Petersburg have an audience of the Empress.—Their address on this occasion.

To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, October 5th, 1780,340

The Dutch Ministers to St Petersburg have an audience of the Grand Duke and Grand Duchess.—Their addresses on the occasion.—Report of despatches from St Petersburg, which will induce Holland to accede to the armed neutrality.

To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, October 5th, 1780,342

Has effected nothing in regard to the loan.

To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, October 11th, 1780,342

Sketch of the constitution of the Dutch Republic in respect to the powers of the Stadtholder, with the history of the office.—Copy of the commission of the Stadtholder.—Capture of Mr Laurens.

To B. Franklin. Amsterdam, October 14th, 1780,360

Thanks Dr Franklin for the communication of intelligence.—Does not think it degrading to the United States to ask for loans, or to seek the friendship of the maritime powers.

To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, October 14th, 1780,362

Severe treatment of Mr Laurens.—Determination of England to prosecute the war.—Superiority of the United States to the United Provinces.—Forces of the Dutch Republic.—Advantages of a naval power.—Prospect of a rupture between England and Holland.—Proposals for facilitating the loan.

To B. Franklin. Amsterdam, October 24th, 1780,365

Uncertainty of a loan in Holland.

To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, October 24th, 1780,366

Sufferings of Mr Laurens.—Recommends Congress to send cargoes to Dutch ports for the payment of the interest of the proposed loan.

To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, October 27th, 1780,367

The capture of Mr Laurens' papers has betrayed his correspondence with Holland.

James Lovell to John Adams. Philadelphia, October 28th, 1780,368

To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, October 31st, 1780,369

Influence of the refugees in England.—Cruel treatment of Mr Laurens intended to intimidate the friends of America.—Necessary to abandon all hope of reconciliation with England.

To B. Franklin. Amsterdam, November 4th, 1780,371

Requests him to become responsible for certain bills of exchange drawn on Mr Laurens.

To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, November 16th, 1780,372

Enclosing Sir J. Yorke's Memorial to the States-General.—Insolence of that document.

To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, November 17th, 1780,376

Difficulties in the way of obtaining a loan.—Remarks on the proceedings of England in regard to Holland.—M. Van Berckel.

To B. Franklin. Amsterdam, Nov. 24th, 1780,378

Little prospect of procuring a loan.

To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, November 25th, 1780,379

A plurality of Provinces declare for the armed neutrality.—Accepts the bills on Mr Laurens, under assurance from Dr Franklin that he will meet them in case of Mr Adams' disability.—The fear of the submission of America discourages the loan.—The Stadtholder favorable to England.—Sir J. Yorke's memorial injures the English cause.

To B. Franklin. Amsterdam, Nov. 30th, 1780,382

Has accepted bills on Mr Laurens.—Prospect of a loan doubtful.

To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, November 30th, 1780,383

The courier, despatched to St Petersburg by Holland, countermanded.—Preponderance of the English interest in Holland.

To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, December 14th, 1780,384

Requests that no more drafts be made on Holland.—Little disposition in Holland to furnish a loan.

To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, December 18th, 1780,386

Memorial of Sir J. Yorke, threatening Amsterdam for the plan of a treaty with the Americans, unless reparation is made.

To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, December 21st, 1780,388

Influence of the English in Holland, shown by the prayers in the English churches there, for the discomfiture of the rebels.

To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, December 25th, 1780,389

Politics and disposition of the Prince of Orange.—England will probably declare against the Dutch, on account of their joining the armed neutrality.

To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, December 25th, 1780,391

Proceedings of the States-General in regard to Amsterdam.—They determine to demand satisfaction for the memorials of Sir J. Yorke.

To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, December 25th, 1780,393

Rumors of the recall of Sir J. Yorke and other hostile indications.

To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, December 26th, 1780,394

Sir J. Yorke leaves Holland abruptly.

To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, December 28th, 1780,395

Holland will be supported by the armed neutrality in case of war with England.

To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, December 30th, 1780,397

Explanation of the opposition of the Province of Zealand to the measures of the States-General.

To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, December 31st, 1780,404

Holland will be supported in a war with England, either by the armed neutrals, or by the other belligerents.—Death of Maria Theresa.

The President of Congress to John Adams. Philadelphia, January 1st, 1781,405

Enclosing his commission as Minister Plenipotentiary to Holland, resolve of Congress on the Russian Declaration (Note) and other documents.

To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, January 1st, 1781,406

British Manifesto against the States-General.—Orders in Council directing the seizure of Dutch ships and goods.

To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, January 4th, 1781,414

Popularity of the American cause in the Provinces.—Recommends M. Dumas to Congress.

To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, January 5th, 1781,416

Abstract of the proceedings in Holland, in consequence of Sir J. Yorke's memorial.

To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, January 14th, 1781,418

Resentment in Holland against the English.—Unprepared state of the country in case of war.

To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, January 15th, 1781,419

Declaration of the States-General on their accession to the armed neutrality.

To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, January 15th, 1781,422

The Province of Zealand continues to oppose the rupture with England.—State of the Dutch marine.

To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, January 15th, 1781,423

Address of the Stadtholder to the States-General, recommending warlike preparations.—The States approve the proposition and direct it to be communicated to the Provinces.

To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, January 15th, 1781,425

Obstacles in the way of obtaining a loan in Holland.

To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, January 18th, 1781,425

Proclamation of the States-General for the encouragement of privateers against the English.—Proclamation granting indemnifications to those who shall be wounded in the service of the Republic, in the war at sea.

To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, February 1st, 1781,433

Treaty of Marine between Russia and Denmark.—A similar treaty between Russia and Sweden, with modifications.—The States-General accede to the treaty.

To B. Franklin. Amsterdam, Feb. 15th, 1781,443

Requesting funds to discharge bills drawn on him by Congress.

To B. Franklin. Amsterdam, Feb. 20th, 1781,444

State of American affairs in Holland.

To the Duc de la Vauguyon. Amsterdam, March 1st, 1781,446

The Province of Friesland resolves to acknowledge the independence of America.—Considers it time to prepare for the execution of his instructions.—Requests his opinion on the enclosed project of a proposition to the States.

A Memorial to the States-General,448

To the Prince de Gallitzin, Minister of the Empress of Russia. Leyden, March 8th, 1781,449

Transmitting a resolution of Congress, relative to the rights of neutrals.—Would be happy to accede to the Marine Treaty in the name of the United States.

To M. Van Berckel, First Counsellor Pensionary of the city of Amsterdam. Leyden, March 8th, 1781,450

Enclosing a resolution of Congress on the rights of neutrals.

To the Duc de la Vauguyon, Ambassador of France at the Hague. Leyden, March 8th, 1781,450

Enclosing the resolution of Congress, referred to in the preceding letters.

From the Duc de la Vauguyon to John Adams. Hague, March 14th, 1781,451

Cannot interfere in the measures of Mr Adams in regard to the neutral powers without instructions.

To the President of Congress. Leyden, March 18th, 1781,451

Counter manifesto of Holland, in reply to the British manifesto.—Memorial of Prince Gallitzin to the States-General, offering the mediation of Russia.

To the President of Congress. Leyden, March 19th, 1781,469

Acknowledges the reception of his commission as Minister Plenipotentiary to Holland.—Division of sentiments in that country.

To the President of Congress. Leyden, March 29th, 1781,472

Memorial of the Dutch Minister to the King of Sweden, demanding the protection of the armed neutrals.

To the President of Congress. Leyden, March 29th, 1781,479

Additional taxes in Great Britain.—Comparison of Lord North with M. Necker.—Necessity of creating a permanent public credit in the United States.—Ways and means for effecting it.

To the Duc de la Vauguyon. Leyden, April 16th, 1781,481

Acquainting him with the reception of his powers and instructions.

Memorial of Mr Adams to the States-General,481

Memorial of Mr Adams to the Prince of Orange. Leyden, April 19th, 1781,493

Informing the Stadtholder of his appointment and powers.

To B. Franklin. Amsterdam, April 27th, 1781,494

Protesting a set of bills drawn by Congress, might enable him to raise a loan.

To the Duc de la Vauguyon, Ambassador of France at the Hague. Leyden, May 1st, 1781,496

Proposing that Holland be invited, according to the terms of the treaty between France and America, to make common cause with these powers.

To the President of Congress. Leyden, May 3d, 1781,497

Interview with the Grand Pensionary of Holland.

To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, May 7th, 1781,498

In a second interview with the Grand Pensionary, he is referred to the President of the States-General.—Interview with the President, who declines receiving his commission or memorial, and promises to report to the States.—Delivers a letter to the Secretary of the Stadtholder for the Prince, who declines receiving it.—The President reports to the States, who take the subject ad referendum.—The French Ambassador at the Hague disapproves of the proceedings of Mr Adams, but promises his support.

To B. Franklin. Amsterdam, May 8th, 1781,501

Generous aid of France.—America might tax Europe, by laying export duties.—Cannot accept bills drawn by Congress, unless Dr Franklin will meet them.

To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, May 16th, 1781,503

Encloses his memorials to the States and the Stadtholder.—No probability of a speedy decision.—Dutch fleet sails.—Divided state of opinions in Holland.

THE

CORRESPONDENCE

OF

JOHN ADAMS,

ONE OF THE COMMISSIONERS TO FRANCE, MINISTER PLENIPOTENTIARY TO HOLLAND, AND ONE OF THE COMMISSIONERS FOR NEGOTIATING THE TREATY OF PEACE.

THE

CORRESPONDENCE

OF

JOHN ADAMS.

CORRESPONDENCE CONTINUED.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Paris, April 17th, 1780.

Sir,

Late letters from Dantzic imply, that commerce was become very languishing there for some time, excepting for ship timber, which bore a very good price there, on account of the English, and which they carried away, as well in their own vessels as those of Dantzic.

The new face, which the affairs of Europe are about to take from the alliance formed between the powers of the North for the maintenance of an exact neutrality, and to which people here are fully persuaded that the Republic of the United Provinces will agree, gives occasion to conjectures, either, that the war will be pushed this year with more vivacity than ever, both by land and sea, or that peace may be made without delay. They say, even that there may have been already negotiations commenced on this subject; that it is by the intervention of the King of Sardinia, who would manage the accommodation between the belligerent powers, and that his present Ambassador in France is so much the better able to labor usefully towards this great work, that having resided in England in the same quality he has the advantage to know perfectly the Ministers and their system. However this may be, if there are sometimes occasions in which one may judge of future events by an examination of the present, and reflection upon the past, might one be taxed with partiality or temerity, if one ventured to lay it down as a fact, that, from the beginning of the contest in which Great Britain is at present engaged, her situation has never appeared so critical and so dangerous? In fact, as if it was not enough, that she had quarrelled with her Colonies, as if it was not enough, that she is at war with two powers so formidable as France and Spain in consequence of the quarrel with the Colonies, as if her intestine troubles were not enough, which, by dividing the nation, contribute not a little to weaken it; and at the end of the perspective, to see Ireland, at the first moment, make as much of it as the Americans, in declaring herself also independent. In spite of so many alarming considerations, England still seems to seek new enemies, by attacking without distinction the vessels of all the neutral nations, and even of her allies. Thus she has forced them by this proceeding, not less arbitrary than inconceivable, especially in her present circumstances, to make a league with each other for the maintenance of the safety of the navigation of their respective subjects, as well as of the honor of their flags, for which they plainly acknowledge at this day, that they never could have hoped for any safety, if the English, who, embarrassed as they are, treat them nevertheless with so little ceremony, could ever recover that superiority, whereof we cannot deny that they found means to put themselves in possession at the end of the last war.

But such is the fate of all human things; to have a commencement, to acquire successively an augmentation, which ought to be expected up to certain bounds, and beyond which they must necessarily begin to decrease, until they descend again to the same point from whence they began; and no human efforts can disturb this constant and immutable order. After this declaration let us judge whether in fact, this is not the case of England, and we may after this predict very nearly the issue of the present events, or of those which may take place in the course of the year.

By the English papers, Congress will see the state of parties in England, where the stubble is so dry, that the smallest spark thrown into it may set the whole field in a blaze. Opposition have carried triumphantly in the fullest House of Commons ever known, by a majority of eighteen votes against the utmost efforts of the Ministry, the resolution, that it is necessary to declare, that the influence of the Crown has increased, increases, and ought to be diminished; that it is in the power of the House to take cognizance of, and to reform the abuses, which may exist in the employment of the civil list revenues, as well as all other revenues; and that it is the duty of the House to grant effectual redress to the grievances, exposed in the petitions presented to the House by the different cities, counties, and towns of the kingdom. By the speech of Mr Fox, it will be seen to what soaring heights this young statesman aspires.

Since my arrival the last time in Europe, I have had, six and forty times, I think, the honor of writing to Congress; but it seems impossible to get a letter across the Atlantic. Many of my letters have been waiting long at the seaports for a passage, but when they will obtain it, I know not; if they all arrive, and Congress should be able to see at one view the vast chain that is binding almost all mankind every day closer and faster together, in opposition to the dangerous power, and the intolerable possessions of the English, they will see how many of the wisest hands in the world are at work for their safety and glory, and have the utmost cause of gratitude to Heaven for ordering events in the course of his Providence so decidedly in their favor.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Paris, April 18th, 1780.

Sir,

It is my duty to transmit to Congress, as soon as prudence will admit, everything which deserves consideration, as having either a direct, or an indirect tendency to peace, or even to negotiations for that important object. The enclosed letter has been transmitted to Paris through such a channel, that I have reason to believe, that it was particularly intended for my inspection. It is from a gentleman, who, to do him justice, has long expressed an earnest desire for peace, but who, nevertheless, has never yet reflected maturely enough upon the state of America, of Great Britain, and of all Europe, to get into a right way of thinking, concerning the proper means to his end. Congress will perceive this from the letter itself, in which it is obvious enough.

The first remarkable sentiment is, "We must at all events support our national honor, by the most vigorous exertions, without shrinking; but surely, in such a complicated war as this is, if we can make any equitable offers of a treaty to any of the parties, common prudence calls upon us to use our endeavors to unravel by negotiation, the combination of powers now acting against us." In this paragraph, I see the manifest marks of a mind that has not yet mastered its subject. True policy would have omitted everything in this letter, which should call up to the minds of the people the ideas of national honor. Every man in the world, who is thoroughly acquainted with the subject, knows that Great Britain never can obtain a peace without a diminution of her honor and dignity. It is impossible without miracles, and therefore the Englishman, who undertakes to plan for peace, must be convinced of this and take it into his plan, and consequently should avoid with the utmost caution every word, which should excite these ideas in the minds of the people. They stir passions which make them mad.

He should have avoided with equal solicitude every insinuation of a design to unravel, by negotiation, the combination of powers now acting against Great Britain. This combination is in fact much more extensive, much more universal and formidable, than the letter writer had any idea or suspicion of. But if it had been no more extensive than France, Spain, and America, the impracticability of unravelling it ought to have thrown out this sentiment. By it he proposes by negotiation to bring those to dishonor themselves, who have certainly no occasion for it; at the same time that he stimulates others to cherish and preserve their honor, who have already lost it, and under an absolute necessity, sooner or later, of sacrificing it. By this means he only puts the confederates more upon their guard, and renders the attainment of his professed object, peace, impossible.

The next solecism in politics, which he commits, is undertaking to vindicate America from the charge of having sought and formed this confederacy. America wanted no such vindication; it is folly to suppose it a fault, for all mankind will agree, even his correspondents themselves, that it was wisdom and virtue. Surely another term must be given to popular ideas, before they will be brought to petition for peace.

Nor do I think it was prudent in him to hold up the idea, that America had proceeded with reluctance and regret to the Treaty. That this is true, I know and feel to this very moment; for although I had no such reluctance myself, those gentlemen with whom I had the honor to sit in Congress at the time will remember, that I had very good reasons to be sensible that others had. But how well soever he might be informed of the fact, and from what source soever he might draw his information, it was bad policy in him to hold it up, because he ought to have been equally sure, that America has now no reluctance to the treaty, nor any inclination to violate it. He ought not, therefore, to have held up a hope of this to the people.

Neither ought he to have flattered the people with hopes, that America would not form any perpetual alliance with France, nor that their limited alliance might be satisfied and discharged. The alliance already made is limited, it is true, to a certain number of articles, but not limited in its duration. It is perpetual, and he had no grounds to sooth the people with hopes, either that France would give up any of the articles of the treaty, or that America would violate them.

He ought also to have avoided his insinuations, that America has been so much harassed by the war. This is an idea so refreshing to the present passions of the people of England, that, instead of tending to dispose them to peace, it only revives their hopes of success, and inflames their ardor for war. That America has been harassed by the war is true, and when was any nation at war without being so? Especially, when did any nation undergo a revolution in government, and sustain a war at the same time without it? Yet, after all, America has not been so much harassed, or disastered, or terrified, or panic-struck from the beginning, as Great Britain has been several times in the course of it.

But the most exceptionable passage of all, is this. "It is apparent to all the world, that France might long ago have put an end to that part of the war, which has been most distressing to America, if she had chosen so to do. Let the whole system of France be considered, from the very beginning, down to the last retreat from Savannah, and I think it is impossible to put any other construction upon it, but this, viz. that it has always been the deliberate intention and object of France, for purposes of her own, to encourage the continuation of the war in America, in hopes of exhausting the strength and resources of this country, and of depressing the rising power of America."

Upon this paragraph I scarcely know what remarks to make. But after deliberating upon it, as patiently and maturely as I can, I will clearly write my opinion of it; for my obligations to truth and to my country are antecedent to all other ties.

I am clearly and fully of the opinion, then, that the fact is true, that France might put an end to that part of the war, which has been most distressing to Americans; and I certainly know the means were extremely simple and obvious, and that they were repeatedly proposed, and explained, and urged to the Ministry; and I should have had a terrible load of the guilt of negligence of my duty upon my conscience, if it had not been done while I had the honor of a commission to this Court. But, when the letter writer proceeds so far as to say, that it was to encourage the continuance of the war, in order to exhaust the strength and resources of Great Britain, I cannot accompany him, much less can I join with him in the opinion, that it was to depress the rising power in America. I believe, on the contrary, that France has not wished the continuance of the war, but that she has wished for peace. The war has been attended with too much loss and danger to France, to suppose, that she wished its continuance, and if she did not wish its continuance at all, she could not wish it to depress the power of America.

She could not wish it, in my opinion, for this reason, because it is not the means to this end. It has a contrary tendency. The longer this war is continued in America, the more will America become habituated to the characters of the soldier and the marine. Military virtues and talents and passions will gain strength, and additional activity, every year while the war lasts; and the more these virtues, talents, and passions are multiplied, the deeper will the foundations of American power be laid, and the more dangerous will it become to some or other of the powers of Europe; to France, as likely as to any other power, because it will be more likely to be ambitious and enterprising, and to aspire at conquests by sea and land.

This idea, however, deserves to be considered with all the attention that Americans can give to it; although I am convinced by everything I see and read and hear, that all the powers of Europe, except, perhaps, the House of Austria, and I am not very clear in that exception, rejoice in the American revolution, and consider the independence of America as for their interest and happiness, in many points of view, both respecting commerce and the balance of Europe; yet I have many reasons to think, that not one of them, not even Spain, nor France, wishes to see America rise very fast to power. We ought, therefore, to be cautious how we magnify our ideas, and exaggerate our expressions of the generosity and magnanimity of any of these powers. Let us treat them with gratitude, but with dignity. Let us remember what is due to ourselves and to our posterity, as well as to them. Let us, above all things, avoid, as much as possible, entangling ourselves with their wars or politics. Our business with them, and theirs with us, is commerce, not politics, much less war. America has been the sport of European wars and politics long enough.

I think, however, that this letter writer was very much mistaken in his judgment, when he threw out this language. It could be meant only to excite a jealousy and a quarrel between France and America, or rather feed the Yorkshire people, and the people of England with a hope of exciting such a quarrel. This is not the way to come at a peace. They will never succeed in such a plan, and every attempt towards it is a false policy.

The next mistake is, the idea of a reconciliation and federal union with America. This must be intended to separate us from our allies, which this gentleman ought, before now, to have known is totally impracticable.

I have very little more relish for the notion of a truce. We are in a safer way at war. We cannot make a truce without France. She will never consent, that we should make a truce, unless she makes a peace; and such alterations may be made in the constitutions of the Courts of France and Spain, and in the other Courts and political connexions in Europe, before the expiration of the term of a truce, that it would be attended with too much hazard to us. Neither France, nor Spain, nor the other powers of Europe, might, after a truce, be ready to go to war again; and unforeseen divisions may be excited among ourselves by artful emissaries from England. We are going on now in a sure and certain road. If we go out of it, we may be lost.

Upon the whole, I think, that this letter writer should have stated the true situation of Europe, of Great Britain, Ireland, and America.

From this statement, his immediate conclusion should have been open conferences for peace; make peace with all the world, upon the best terms you can. This is the only chance you have for salvation. It must come to this very soon; otherwise, there will be a total dissolution of the British Empire.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Paris, April 24th, 1780.

Sir,

There is intelligence from Stockholm of the 4th of this month, that "the Envoy Extraordinary of the Empress of Russia has given notice to that Court, of the declaration made by his sovereign, as well to the States-General of the United Provinces as to the powers actually at war, demanding, at the same time, that Sweden would accede to it, and to this end join herself to Russia, by augmenting the Swedish marine, to the end, to concur by this means, in the maintenance of a neutrality. Although this Court appears very well inclined to enter into the views of Russia, nevertheless, it is thought, that before anything will be decided upon this object, she will previously give notice of it to the Court of France. In the meantime, the Minister of Russia at this Court has received orders to treat directly of this affair, as well with the Prince de Gallitzin, Envoy Extraordinary of her Imperial Majesty to their High Mightinesses, as with the other Ministers of that Court residing at the neutral Courts."

There is also intelligence from Ratisbon of the 13th of April, that "M. Struxe, Counsellor of the Legislation from Russia, has communicated there by order of his Court the declaration made by his sovereign to the belligerent powers, to the end to make her flag be respected, and to protect the commerce and navigation of her subjects; and that, in consequence, orders had already been despatched to Cronstadt and Archangel to equip there a sufficient number of ships of the line."

There is a paragraph in the Gazette of Amsterdam, of the 21st, from Paris of the 14th of April. "It is only by conjecture, that we talk of the plan of the next campaign in Europe; and it is also with the same uncertainty, that we lend our ear to the report, which runs, that the Count d'Estaing will command the combined fleet, and even, that the Count du Chaffault, as well as the Spanish Admirals, have offered to serve under him. It is pretended, besides, that there may very well be also some alterations in the progress of our Ministry, if it is true, as they continue to affirm, that the Count de Parades has been arrested as a spy of the English Government, to whom he was, in fact, in a capacity to discover important particulars upon this subject. But there is another piece of news, to which we give more credit, because, really, there is no good citizen, nor genuine friend of humanity, who does not wish to hear it confirmed. It is, that there should be, as it is said, upon the carpet, a plan concerted between all the maritime powers of Europe, to the end to form and digest a universal code for the sea, the laws of which no nation should attempt to infringe, without devoting herself to the indignation, or exposing herself to the vengeance, of all the others; an important project, if it could be executed, which would insure the happiness and tranquillity of nations, and would set bounds, which could not be passed, to the audacity, as well as the avarice of any one, which, without any other right than that of force, should pretend to arrogate to itself the exclusive empire of the sea."

There is also intelligence from the Hague of the 19th of April, that there was sent on the 14th of the month to the Assembly of the States-General of the United Provinces, a Memorial of the following tenor.

"Their Noble and Grand Mightinesses, the Commissioners of the affairs of commerce and navigation, conjointly with some counsellors of Holland, and Ministers of the College of Admiralty residing in this Province, having, in consequence of a resolution of the 4th of this month, examined the Memorial presented the day before to the Generality, by the Prince Gallitzin, Envoy Extraordinary of her Majesty, the Empress of all the Russias, by which the Minister has communicated a declaration made by his sovereign to the Courts of France, Spain, and England, that the neutral powers may protect by common agreement the commerce and navigation of her subjects respectively, as is more fully explained in the note of the 4th of April.

"Whereupon having deliberated, their Noble and Grand Mightinesses have thought fit and resolved, that the affairs be proposed to the Generality, and that they answer in turn to the before mentioned Memorial of the Prince de Gallitzin, that their High Mightinesses have received, with much satisfaction, the communication, which it has pleased her Majesty, the Empress of Russia, to give them of her designs, as well as of the declaration, which she has caused to be made to the said Courts; that their High Mightinesses regard this communication as the most convincing proof of the benevolence of her Majesty for this Republic, and holding themselves honored by it, they think themselves, consequently, obliged in all respects to give her a cordial and positive answer; that their High Mightinesses put the highest value on the new proof, which her Imperial Majesty gives on this occasion of her generosity and acknowledged equity, as well as on the project she has conceived, and the means which she has resolved to employ to obtain the most exact neutrality in the present war with the belligerent powers, and protect not only the honor of the Russian flag, as well as the commerce and navigation of her subjects, in not permitting them to be disturbed by any of the powers at war, but also to assure the liberty and repose of Europe upon the solid foundations of the justice of the law of nations and the treaties subsisting, and thus to consolidate the equitable system of navigation and commerce of the neutral powers; that their High Mightinesses having nothing more at heart, than to observe a strict neutrality with her Majesty, the Empress of Russia, in the present war, but instructed by experience, in the losses which the commerce and navigation of the neutral powers have suffered, by the fluctuations and uncertainty of the belligerent powers in the state of the law of nations, from whence have resulted to them many inconveniences and great damages occasioned by the operations of the present war, their High Mightinesses have judged it necessary, in concert with her Majesty, the Empress of Russia, to fix this law upon a solid basis, and to request, for this end, the concurrence of the neutral maritime powers; that, moreover, as to what concerns the extent and limits of this law, their High Mightinesses conform themselves wholly to the five points contained in the declaration of her Imperial Majesty made to the Courts of Versailles, Madrid, and London, communicated to their High Mightinesses by the Prince de Gallitzin the third of April of this year, and are, consequently, ready to make similar declarations to the belligerent powers, their High Mightinesses being sincerely disposed to enter into conferences with her Imperial Majesty of all the Russias, and other neutral maritime powers, upon the measures which may be unanimously taken, to the end to maintain effectually, both for the present era and for the time to come, the liberty of navigation and commerce, by observing an exact neutrality between the belligerent powers.

"That the extract of the resolution to be taken be sent by the Agent, Van den Burch Spuonings, back to the Prince de Gallitzin, Envoy Extraordinary of her Imperial Majesty of all the Russias, to the end to inform his sovereign, and to employ his good offices to lay before her this answer in the manner the most favorable; that they ought also to send a similar extract to M. de Swart, Resident of their High Mightinesses at the Court of Petersburgh, for his information, with an injunction to co-operate, as far as shall depend upon him, to the success of the salutary intentions of their High Mightinesses; that the same measures be taken with regard to the Ministers of the Republic at the Courts of Copenhagen, Stockholm, and Lisbon, with orders to act in concert, and to support the measures of the Russian Ministers at the Courts where they reside."

Their High Mightinesses having deliberated upon this object, the Deputies of Provinces, which have not as yet declared themselves, have been desired to pronounce as soon as possible the resolutions of the States, their principals. The States of the Province of Groningen have declared themselves authorised, during the suspension of the deliberations, to confer on this subject with the Prince de Gallitzin for a further explanation, saving the free deliberations of their principals.

Amsterdam, 20th of April. The College of Admiralty of West Friesland and of the northern quarter have put in commission, with the participation of His Most Serene Highness, the Prince Stadtholder, the frigates of war, the Medemblick, of thirtysix guns, the Horn, Enkhuisen, of twenty guns, which will be commanded by the Captain Van Regneveld Heckers and Trykenius."

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

TO THE COUNT DE VERGENNES.

Paris, April 25th, 1780.

Sir,

I have the honor to inform your Excellency, that a small schooner has arrived at Nantes from Baltimore, by which came the enclosed newspapers, which I send to your Excellency without a moment's loss of time. I hope, however, your Excellency has received these and many more, and much fuller intelligence by the same vessel; but as it is possible it may be otherwise, I think it my duty to send them. I have no other news by this vessel as yet, excepting, that General Gates was appointed to command the army in Charleston, an event which I esteem of great importance, because there is in the mind of the American soldier an affection for that officer, and a confidence in him, that will show its effects.

A vessel from Martinique had just arrived, with an account, that the Dean frigate, Captain Nicholson, had sent in there an English frigate sheathed with copper, mounting twentyeight guns, which struck after a severe action.

If I should be so happy as to receive any more news from this vessel, I shall have the honor to transmit it to your Excellency.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Paris, April 25th, 1780.

Sir,

A letter from Dublin, of the 18th of this month, gives us the following account. "We wait with impatience for the meeting of Parliament; the day approaches when the political destiny of this kingdom will be decided. There is yet some softness in one party of the Parliament, but there is none at all in the body of the people, and especially in that of our brave volunteers, who are at once the admiration and the firm hope of the nation, which seems now to spring up, and out of chaos. One thing very extraordinary is, that among this body of volunteers, exceeding in fact the number of fortysix thousand men, (although in so innocent an army composed of so many discordant parties, commanded by so many chiefs, some more powerful than the others might be suspected of entertaining views a little opposite to patriotism,) no ambitious ones, supported by popularity, have undertaken anything, not only against the liberties, but even against the tranquillity of the people; not the least disorder, not even the appearance of disunion, or partial cabals. We contemplate with astonishment, mixed with a joy most intimately felt, an armed multitude proceeding to give, so to express myself, the island to the civil power, and aiding it to protect and facilitate the execution of its laws. Such are the advantages, which we ought always to provide ourselves from an army, the humblest soldier of which finds his interest in good order and good government. Mercenaries fight for money; volunteers, proprietors of one part of the lands, which are proposed to be defended, and of the rights, which are to be recovered or protected, have a direct interest in preserving in all their vigor the laws, which assure to them the property of those lands, and the enjoyment of these rights.

"While the nation busies itself about its political emancipation, and already enjoys it, by anticipation, she does not neglect the advantages already obtained by the firmness and the wisdom of her conduct; all the objects of commerce fix the attendance of various committees; the establishments are multiplied insensibly in proportion to the rising occasions; where there were manufactories they are busied about the means of improving them, where there were none, and it appears convenient to establish them, societies of adventurers are formed. We have a considerable number of woollen stuffs and cloths, we have none of cotton. At this day Limerick proposes to become the rival of Manchester; they are about making the beautiful velvets, and stuffs of cotton. One company have appropriated to this undertaking a capital of sixteen thousand pounds sterling, and they have brought over from England a sufficient number of excellent workmen in this business.

"In reading over my letter, I remark I have stated at fortysix thousand the number of volunteers actually armed among us; we have not yet an exact return, it is possible there may be four or five thousand more, because at the end of last year we generally reckoned upon fortyfive thousand, and there have been since formed five new corps, commanded by officers as respectable for their personal courage, as for their patriotism. If this martial ardor, which animates all the orders of the community, has any inconvenience, it is, that it takes away from the manufacturers a prodigious number of hands. Independently of the time given to military exercise, you would not be able to conceive how many people are employed in these melancholy but necessary manufactures, which have no other use, end, or object, than the destruction of men. The casting of cannon, the manufacture of arms of every description, of tents, and other articles, which are required for the preparation for a campaign, employ moreover several thousands of hands; it is true, that the two levies divide the labor between them.

"They say, that the Duke of Leinster, on whom they had so unjustly ventured to publish some offensive reflections, has declared publicly and in the most solemn manner, that he will support the people in the vindication of their rights to a free constitution absolutely independent. If the serenity of our present situation is sometimes interrupted, it is by those unlucky white boys, who, from time to time, renew their atrocities. The 1st instant fifty of these banditti well mounted met upon an eminence at Cloriseu, near to Feathard, where they conducted themselves in an inhuman manner towards two individuals."

In the French Gazette is an article from London with regard to Ireland. "They accuse the Ministry of holding relative to that kingdom the same conduct, which they held in the beginning of the troubles of America, that is to say, to leave the sovereign and the nation in error, concerning all the facts, and endeavor to inspire into the British Parliament the most sinister carelessness and inattention for the most important of affairs. People hired to support among us the blindest confidence write, that the Irish are very well pleased with Lord Hillsborough, that the concessions made to Ireland satisfy all its wishes, that even the associations enjoy in peace the good that has been done to their country. We learn, however, that the city of Dublin declares in her common council, that she cannot any longer suspend her judgment upon the conduct of government, that to destroy the false interpretations, which they have endeavored to give to the joy, which the people of Ireland have testified upon the subject of the act, which gives liberty to their commerce, several counties, and the greatest part of the associations, have thought themselves obliged to explain to the public, that the motive of this momentary joy proceeded principally from this, that they regarded the liberty of commerce as a commencement of the independence of the constitution.

"The principal creatures of the English Ministry, in the Parliament of Ireland, arrived the beginning of this month to receive instructions relative to the approaching Assembly, but they say, that during their absence the chiefs of the national party have been employed in promoting the meetings of the counties, in cementing the military associations, and encouraging the people to insist upon a declaration of rights, so that nothing is yet finished in that respect. Mr Yelverton proposes to make a motion in the House of Commons, that a sum shall be voted sufficient to build four strong frigates, which shall constantly cruise upon the coasts of this kingdom to protect merchant fleets and convoys. This project announces but too plainly the design of Ireland to separate herself from us as much as she can, and to owe her safety only to herself. With what view should England insist still with the Irish upon the pretension of supremacy? In renouncing the advantages, which the monopoly of commerce procured, she has destroyed the only obstacle, which could oppose itself to the independence of Ireland."

There is in the Leyden Gazette of the 21st another article from London. "The Earl of Bellamont, who arrived here the 5th of this month from Ireland, has had an audience of his Majesty, and several conferences with his Ministers; as this nobleman is one of the principal supporters of the party of the administration in that country, it is supposed that his journey here was occasioned by the crisis, in which affairs are there at this time. Mr Henry Flood, who has come to Court on the same subject, as well as Mr Seaton Perry, the speaker of the Irish Commons, and Sir Richard Heron, Secretary of the Lord Lieutenant, have on the contrary returned to Dublin. As the Parliament was to sit the 10th of this month, we expect immediately interesting advices concerning the turn, which affairs may have taken there, and so much the more as we know, that soon after the meeting, Mr Yelverton intended to propose a bill, declaratory of the rights of Ireland, as far as they respect Poyning's law, and the manner of passing Irish bills in England. In the meantime, the leaders of the two parties endeavored to increase their forces in the two houses, although the preponderance in favor of the Court would scarcely have any effect, in case the party the most considerable of the people remain in the sentiments they appear to be in at this day. This consideration they say, supported by the advice of Sir Richard Heron, Mr Seaton Perry, and Mr Flood, has determined our government to give way to the wishes of the Irish nation, by consenting to the revocation of Poyning's law, if there are no other means of assuaging the fermentation of spirits. It is true, that some cities, counties, and boroughs, have lately assured the government of their attachment, and of their gratitude for the favors granted to Ireland, but there is a great deal wanting before all the people will be equally satisfied. The most enlightened part of the nation regard these same favors as granted to necessity, and purely precarious as long as the British legislature shall have the right to make laws for Ireland. Some magistrates have even already refused to execute the laws passed by the Parliament of Great Britain; those of the county of Mayo, having been among others required to put in force the act against desertions, and to show that they acknowledge no others than those, which have been made by their own legislative body. In general, according to the last accounts received from that country, it appears, that of the four parts of Ireland, the provinces of Leinster and Connaught are the most tranquil, reposing themselves upon the assurances, which have been given them by the respective Colonels of their volunteer associations, the Duke of Leinster, and the Earl of Clanricarde; and that the Court is disposed to grant to the nation all its demands. In the province of Munster, they are less quiet, and they persuade themselves, that there is little dependence upon a momentary benevolence, which is due only to necessity. But the inhabitants of Ulster are, of all Ireland, those who appear the most firmly determined to procure to themselves, at any price, an entire independence of the British legislation, and the formal renunciation of all acts, which are contrary to it. As this province, where they reckon at least thirty thousand families of Protestants, more than all the rest of the kingdom, distinguishes itself by the courage of its inhabitants, they will risk a great deal if they stir up discontents there."

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Paris, April 26th, 1780.

Sir,

At last, even the Morning Post of the 18th of April confesses, that the Memorial from the Empress of Russia to the States-General has dissipated all their golden dreams of an alliance with the Czarina. It was announced to us last week, that a Russian squadron had left Cronstadt to sail to our assistance, nay, some of the public papers went so far as to announce their arrival at Plymouth. How sadly are we now disappointed! Instead of an alliance, we find her Czarish Majesty talks of neutrality, so that at present it is pretty clear, that the various powers in Europe seem determined to stand off, and leave us to our fate."

In some confused minutes of a debate in the House of Lords on the 14th of April, it is said, that Lord Camden expressed his astonishment and regret at the Memorial from Russia, in which, contrary to the established law of nations, the Empress insisted upon free ships and free goods. He pointed out how injurious to the country it must be, if neutral vessels were permitted to supply our enemies, whom we might blockade, with everything they might want, and remarked, that the queen of the seas was now deposed, and the Empress had taken possession of her throne. In another paper, Lord Shelburne is represented remarking the very dangerous and alarming situation they stand in, with regard to their wars and foreign alliances. "Of the former," said his Lordship, "we have three, of the latter none, even the Empress of Russia, that great potentate, who was constantly held out by the noble Lord with the green riband, (Lord Stormont,) to be our principal ally, now shows to all Europe by her late maritime manifesto, what sort of an ally she means to be to England. The thought of that manifesto made him shudder when he first read it, particularly, as he knew how this country stood in respect to other powers, when Denmark must follow wherever Russia led, when Sweden was ready at the nod of France; think of having the whole force of the northern powers against us; already engaged in three wars, and striving all we can to make a fourth with our old friends and neutral allies, the States-General."

There have appeared few other reflections as yet, upon this great event, the Russian declaration. Even the opposition seems afraid to lay it open, in all its terrors, to the people. They repeat the word neutrality, neutrality, but it is as decisive a determination against them, as a declaration of war would have been, perhaps more so, because now there is a probability that the maritime powers will be unanimous, whereas in the other case they might have been divided. It is very surprising, that the peace between Russia and the Turk, and that between the Emperor and the King of Prussia, (in which the Empress of Russia took a part as spirited and decided as she has upon this occasion, in both of which negotiations the British ministry ought to have known that Russia and France acted in perfect concert,) should not have earlier dissipated their golden visions, but so it is, and so it has been; England, as Governor Pownal says, cannot or will not see. The improvement in the law of nations, which the Empress aims at, and will undoubtedly establish, is hurtful to England, it is true, to a very great degree, but it is beneficial to all other nations, and to none more than the United States of America, who will be carriers, and I hope forever neutrals.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Paris, April 28th, 1780.

Sir,

The news from Hamburg of the 11th of April is, that "the Sieur de Geoss, the Minister of the Empress of Russia, near the circle of the Lower Saxony, has communicated to the Magistracy of that city a declaration, which his Sovereign has made to the three Courts at war, for the maintenance of the free navigation of neutrals; and we learn, that the same notification has been made to the Regencies of Lubec and Bremen, on the part of this Sovereign; who, without ceasing to observe a neutrality between the Courts actually at war, considers the liberty of the seas as a common good of all nations, which different particulars ought not to interrupt."

The news from London of the 18th of April is, "the term of three weeks is fixed for receiving an answer to the answer of the Memorial, which Sir Joseph Yorke has presented to their High Mightinesses, the States-General, expired last Thursday; they have published yesterday a Declaration, against the United Provinces, of which here follows the translation."

"The Resolution taken at a Council held at St James the 17th of April, 1780, in presence of his Majesty. Since Great Britain has been brought involuntarily into a war against France and Spain, the Ambassador of the King to the States-General of the United Provinces has presented several Memorials for demanding the succors stipulated by the treaties. These representations, although repeated in the most pressing manner by the Memorial of the 21st of March, have remained without answer, and their High Mightinesses have not manifested an intention to oppose them. By delaying thus to fulfil engagements the most positive, she deserts the alliance, which has subsisted so long between the Crown of Great Britain and the Republic, and places herself on a level with neutral powers, which are not connected with this kingdom by any treaty. The principles of wisdom and equity prescribe, by consequence, to the King no longer to consider the States but in the distant relation in which they have placed themselves; and his Majesty having taken this subject into consideration, has thought fit, by the advice of his privy council, to put in execution immediately the measures, which have been formerly annexed by the Memorial of the 21st of March last, and which had been previously suggested to the Count de Welderen, the Envoy Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of the Republic, by a verbal declaration of Lord Stormont, one of the Secretaries of State, nearly two months before the presentation of said Memorial. For these causes the King, with the advice of his Council, declares, that the subjects of the United Provinces shall henceforward be considered on the footing of neutral powers, who are not privileged by treaties. His Majesty suspends by these presents, conditionally, and until further order, all the particular stipulations designed to favor in time of war the liberty of the navigation and commerce of the subjects of the States-General, such as they are expressed in the different treaties, which subsist between his Majesty and the Republic, and especially in the Marine Treaty concluded between Great Britain and the United Provinces at London on the 1st day of December, 1674.

"His Majesty, animated by a sentiment of humanity, and willing to spare the interest of individuals, and not seeking their damage by an act of surprise, declares, moreover, with the advice of his Council, that the execution of the present ordinances shall not take place but at the following epochs, to wit; in the Channel and in the northern seas, twelve days after this date; from the Channel and the northern seas, as far as the Canary Islands, inclusively, both on the ocean and in the Mediterranean; the term shall be six weeks, reckoning from the date of these presents; it shall be of three months from the Canary Islands to the equinoctial line or the equator; and, finally, of six months to the parts situated beyond the equator, and, in general, in all the other parts of the world without exception, and without any more particular determination of time or place."

Hague, April the 23d. The Report of the Committee of the Province of Groningen, confirmed by the approbation of the States of the same Province, has been presented to the Assembly of their High Mightinesses. Here follow the contents.

"Noble and Mighty Lords,

"In compliance with the resolution of your Noble Mightinesses of the 31st of March last, in consequence of which was presented into the hands of the Committee of your Noble Mightinesses, the Report presented the 17th of February, by the deputies of their High Mightinesses to their Assembly, who had examined that which passed between Commodore Byland and the English Commodore Fielding, after the relation sent the 5th of January, by the Count de Welderen to Secretary Fagel, and after having heard and collected upon this subject the opinions of the Committees present of the colleges of the Admiralty respectively, purporting, among other things, that for the future, all merchandises, which the treaties do not positively declare to be contraband, ought, without any exception, to be under the convoy and protection of the State; the Committees have the honor to report to your Noble Mightinesses, that,

"From the commencement of the present troubles, this State has not only done all that which his Britannic Majesty, grounding himself upon the law and the treaties, could require of the Republic, but, at the same time, has relinquished some of the prerogatives, which incontestably belonged to it; that, instead of experiencing on the part of England the reciprocation of a treatment thus friendly, the Republic has seen itself cruelly undeceived, as a great number of ships belonging to its inhabitants have been seized by the privateers, and even by the men-of-war of the King of England; ships with their cargoes, or at least one of them, declared lawful prize; violence having even been employed on many occasions against our crews, without our having been able to obtain the least indemnification or satisfaction for such grievances, notwithstanding all the repeated complaints and representations to that effect; that the expedition of Commodore Fielding appeared to have been made in conformity to positive orders; that thereby the flags of the States had been notoriously insulted, and the ships under the convoy of Commodore Byland had been not only carried into England, but had been also there detained, although it appeared, that their loading did not consist in contraband goods; that this condescension, to which the Republic was by no means obliged, had only had disagreeable and dangerous consequences, both with regard to Great Britain and other powers, as is proved by the considerations drawn up by the colleges of the Admiralty respectively. The Committees of your Noble Mightinesses would be, therefore, of opinion, that from this time forward and for the future, we ought to take under convoy and the protection of the State all the merchandises, which the treaties declare not to be contraband, and that they be so effectually protected, that we may have no further room to fear for the future, that the least insult will be committed against the flag of the States, and that, in one word, as to what remains, we ought, conformably to the treaties subsisting, to observe an exact neutrality."

The State of Groningen has entirely conformed to the foregoing Report.

Second Report presented by the same Province.

"Noble and Mighty Lords,

"The Committees of your Noble Mightinesses, in compliance with the Resolution of the 26th of November and the 2d of December of the last year, as well as of the 23d of March last, after an examination of the three Memoirs presented by Sir Joseph Yorke, Ambassador Extraordinary of his Britannic Majesty, on the 22d of July and the 26th of November, 1779, and on the 20th of March last, to their High Mightinesses, demanding, by the first, the succors stipulated by the treaty of 1674; insisting, in the second, on a catagorical answer; and finally complaining, in the last, of the combat held by Commodore Byland; on occasion of what passed with Commodore Fielding, adding thereto, —— instances to the end to obtain before the expiration of three weeks a satisfactory answer concerning the succors demanded, since otherwise, his Majesty would regard this Republic on the footing of neutral powers no ways favored by treaties, and would conditionally suspend all the treaties, and particularly that of 1674, and would treat the Republic according to the ordinary law of nations; after having also examined several letters, and other pieces annexed, successively transmitted by the Count de Welderen, Envoy Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of their High Mightinesses to His Britannic Majesty, they have the honor to report to your Noble Mightinesses, that after having maturely reflected upon what relates to the points in question, their advice will be, that in answer to the said three Memorials of Sir Joseph Yorke, Ambassador Extraordinary, it ought to be replied,

"That their High Mightinesses during the troubles subsisting, which undoubtedly drew their origin from America, and from thence, by an ulterior extension of the war, have spread themselves in Europe, have, by observing an exact neutrality, giving to his Britannic Majesty the most unfeigned proofs of their attachment and of their affection, even beyond their obligations, by a condescension, to which they were by no means obliged towards England, but the consequences of which have been, besides the prejudice thereby occasioned to the commerce and navigation of this country, that there has arisen a marked dissatisfaction, although by no means provoked, of the belligerent powers; and, in particular, the preparations made at the same time by land could not but excite the most serious attention of their High Mightinesses, to the end that they might, without interruption, not deprive themselves of the means indispensably necessary, both for their own preservation and defence, by granting the succors demanded; that they ought rather to think of demanding themselves, in consequence of the aforementioned treaties, the succors, which would be so necessary to them, upon the least apprehension of the continuance of the same preparations. That their High Mightinesses, founded upon good reasons, as well as upon the favorable declarations of his Majesty so often reiterated, ought to have expected a reciprocal affection and a friendly treatment towards the Republic, at least, that he would not have disputed a right, stipulated clearly by the most solemn treaties, and of which, so soon after the conclusion of the treaty of 1674, even before the war was entirely finished, the subjects of his Majesty, to the detriment of this country, make so free a use.

"Their High Mightinesses, penetrated with the most lively grief, have nevertheless perceived, that so far from their good intentions and proceedings having operated to any happy effect, it has happened, on the contrary, that several acts diametrically opposed to justice, have been authorised and executed by connivance, under the illusory pretext of opposition even to the same connivance, and this, in spite of multiplied efforts employed by the Republic to obviate such abuses; that, moreover, the rencounter between Commodore Fielding and Commodore Byland is of a nature, that according to the law of nations, the flag of a sovereign power being, in fact, everywhere sacred, the declaration made by the Count de Byland, an officer commanding in chief a squadron in the name of the Republic whereof he is a subject, ought to have been regarded as authentic, and to have stopped at once all suspicions, and destroyed the intelligence falsely given; from whence it follows, that the said Commodore Byland has not undertaken anything, but for the maintenance and protection of the honor and respect due to the flag of the State; while the seizure and detention of the ships are equally a part of those objects, concerning which, their High Mightinesses ought also to demand a satisfaction convenient to his Majesty, as well as a declaration unequivocal for the time to come; adding, at the same time, that, after a mature consideration upon the situation in which the Republic is at present, their High Mightinesses are perfectly acquainted with the succors demanded by his Britannic Majesty."

The States of the Province of Groningen have conformed themselves to the report before mentioned.

Hague, 22d of April. "We learn that the Province of Gueldres has determined to grant unlimited convoys, and, at the same time, to refuse the succors demanded by Great Britain; by means of which, the Seven United Provinces are actually of one unanimous sentiment upon this object."

Hague, 23d of April. "We learn, that the deputies of the Province of Holland have already been instructed to carry to the Assembly of the States-General, the opinion of their high constituents concerning the invitation, which the Prince de Gallitzin, Envoy of the Empress of Russia, has made in the name of her Majesty, to their High Mightinesses, to protect in concert the navigation of the neuters; and that this opinion, announced in a resolution of the State of the Province, bearing date the 13th of April, tends to accept the invitation in terms full of attachment and gratitude, declaring, 'that their High Mightinesses regard the communication, which has been made to them, as a signal token of the benevolence of her Majesty towards the Republic; that they honor it, and believe it to be their duty to answer it with sincerity and cordiality; that they consider it also as a new proof of the magnanimity and the justice of her Majesty, which are universally acknowledged, both the end which she proposes and the measures she has projected to maintain in the present war, a neutrality the most rigorous between the belligerent powers, and for protecting, not only the honor of the Russian flag, and the safety of the commerce and navigation of her subjects, in not permitting that any of the belligerent powers should strike at it; but also, by establishing by her cares the liberties and repose of Europe upon foundations the most solid, of equity, the law of nations, and the treaties subsisting, and to give validity to an equitable system of navigation and of commerce in favor of the neutral powers; that their High Mightinesses, desiring to observe with her Imperial Majesty in the present war a scrupulous neutrality, have but too much experienced the losses to which the navigation and commerce of neutral nations are exposed by the uncertain and fluctuating ideas of the belligerent powers with regard to the rights of neuters, in proportion as they are guided by their private interest and by the operations of the war; that their High Mightinesses judge with her Imperial Majesty, that it is of the last necessity that this law should be fixed upon solid principles, and maintained in concert by the neutral maritime powers; that for what concerns the determination of the said right, their High Mightinesses conform themselves entirely to the five points contained in the declaration, which her Majesty has made to the Courts of Versailles, Madrid, and London; that after her example, they are ready to transmit parallel —— to the belligerent powers, and that they are very much disposed to enter into conferences with her Majesty and the other neutral powers, upon the measures by which the liberty of navigation and commerce may be maintained in concert, in a manner the most efficacious, both for the future and for the present, observing, at the same time, an exact neutrality among the belligerent powers.'

"The same opinion tends also to cause to be transmitted the copy of such a resolution, not only to the Prince de Gallitzin, Envoy of her Majesty to the Republic, but also to M. de Swart, Resident of their High Mightinesses at Petersburg, and to their Ministers at the Courts of Copenhagen, Stockholm, and Lisbon, with orders to these last to second, as far as possible, the proceedings of the Court of Russia, and to act in concert with the Ministers of her Imperial Majesty, &c."

Congress will be able to draw just inferences from these important papers of State.

The principle, which the English contend for, has no other foundation but the insular situation of Great Britain, and the convenience of that nation. The principle, which the neutral powers are contending for, is evidently laid in the common good of nations; in the ease, safety, convenience, happiness, and prosperity of mankind in general. But we shall see, whether obstinacy and fierce passions will, at length, give way in one instance. At present there is no appearance of it. On the contrary, I see no way for the English to escape a war with Holland and Russia, Denmark and Sweden, and, perhaps, Portugal, unless they should be interrupted in their career by a war with one another at home.

When, where, or in what manner, we shall see the unravelling of the vast plot, which is acting in the world, is known only to Providence. Although my mind has been full twenty years preparing to expect great scenes, yet I confess the wonders of this Revolution exceed all that I ever foresaw, or imagined. That our country, so young as it is, so humble as it is, thinking but lately so meanly of itself, should thus interest the passions, as well as employ the reason of all mankind, in its favor, and effect in so short a space of time, not only thirteen revolutions of government at home, but so completely accomplish a revolution in the system of Europe, and in the sentiments of every nation in it, is what no human wisdom, perhaps, could foresee.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Paris, April 29th, 1780.

Sir,

Walsingham sailed from St Helens the 8th with the Thunderer, the Ramilies, the Berwick, and the Egmont, of seventyfour guns, the Scarborough, of twenty, and the fire-ships, the Blast and the Salamander; only four ships of the line. On the 11th Admiral Graves followed him, with the London, of ninetyeight guns, the Bedford, the Shrewsbury, the Royal Oak, of seventyfour, the Prudent, and the America, of sixtyfour, and the Amphitrite, of twentyfour; these, with the four of Admiral Rodney, make fourteen ships of the line. Admiral Parker, it is said, has not more than nine fit for service, which will make twentythree, supposing that Graves has the same destination. Many people, however, believe he is going to Canada, in order to be beforehand of the fleet of Brest, which the English suppose has designs upon that Province. My intelligence from London is, however, that Graves is intended for the North American station, perhaps New York or Georgia. But the orders to Graves were so suddenly determined on and given, that there has not yet been time to discover with certainty his destination.

The accounts are, that Walsingham returned on account of contrary winds with his numerous fleet of merchant ships to Plymouth; that he sailed again on the 13th, and after sailing twenty leagues, with a good wind, he returned a second time, imagining that he saw a French fleet of men-of-war. The winds have been generally contrary since, and we have not yet a certain account of his sailing a third time.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Paris, April 29th, 1780.

Sir,

The principal officers named for the command of the English fleet in the English Channel, are Sir Charles Hardy, Admiral of the White, Commander in Chief; Vice Admiral, Admiral Barrington, of the Blue, second; Vice Admiral Darby, of the Blue, third; and Rear Admiral Digby, of the Blue, fourth.

The next day after the departure of the fleet of Commodore Walsingham, the London, of ninetyeight guns, commanded by Admiral Graves, the Shrewsbury, the Royal Oak, of seventyfour, the America, the Prudent, of sixtyfour, and the Amphitrite, of twentyfour, having set sail from St Helens, and the Resolution as well as the Invincible of seventyfour, intended as part of the squadron, the crews of the two last vessels refused to sail until they should be paid their wages, and have received their shares of the prize of the Protée. The eleventh of the month, the Resolution, Commodore Ogle, set sail to join Admiral Graves, the crew having at length consented to serve, when they saw their ship surrounded by other vessels, ready to fire upon her by order of Lord Longford. The crew of the Invincible had more obstinacy, and Admiral Pye was forced to send on board the Captains Balfour, Duncan, Holt, and Barkner, to persuade them to return to their duty. These officers called up upon deck the mutinous sailors, whom they harangued, and to whom they represented, that the act of Parliament, to regulate the payment of wages on board the men-of-war, did not authorise them to require more than one month's advance. They did not however submit, and the captains having observed, that among them there were, above all, four more remarkably obstinate, sent them to the Admiral, who put them in irons. The next day the Admiral ordered Captain Faulkner to tell his people, that if they would submit, he would restore the four men whom they had arrested. This proposition was not listened to, and it was not until the 14th, that Rear Admiral Graves set sail from St Helens, without this last vessel.

The Admiralty has sent orders to Portsmouth for a court martial upon the most mutinous of the crew of the Invincible, and it is expected, that as examples, some of them must lose their lives.

I have before informed Congress of a resolution of the County of York against the American war. This has been since repeated by the freeholders of the County of Surry, at a meeting held at Epsom the 14th of April. Mr Nicholls, in an able speech, proposed the following resolution, which was unanimously adopted. "That the American war originating from the corrupt influence of the Crown, and the ill founded assertions of the King's Ministers in Parliament, is the cause of the present calamitous situation of this country." This resolution was unanimously adopted. He then recommended a second resolution similar to that of the freeholders of Yorkshire, condemning the continuance of offensive operations in America, which was likewise carried unanimously.

Mr Budgen then moved a third resolution for thanking those members of Parliament, who had uniformly reprobated the American war, which was likewise carried without opposition.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

P. S. Since the above was written, I have found a resolution of the County of Hertford, of the 17th of April.

"Resolved unanimously, that the opinion of the present assembly is, that a war against North America is evidently a measure, which, by obliging us to carry all our forces to that quarter, puts us out of a condition to resist with vigor, as we might otherwise do, the united efforts of France and Spain, while the said war produces no other effect upon the Americans than to add to the enmity, which has but too long subsisted between us. An enmity, of which we have felt the fatal effects, and which, by putting an obstacle to our union, threatens England with a ruin as complete as it is inevitable."

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Paris, May 2d, 1780.

Sir,

On the twentysixth of April the Duc de Vauguyon, Ambassador of His Most Christian Majesty to the States-General, presented a Memorial to their High Mightinesses, announcing the abolition of the duty of fifteen per cent, to which the greatest part of Dutch merchandises had been subject on their entering into France, as well as the resolution of the Council of State, taken upon this subject. The following are the contents of the Memoir and the Resolution.

"High and Mighty Lords,

"The political system of the King is essentially founded upon the invariable principles of justice and moderation. His Majesty has given the most unequivocal proofs of it from the beginning of the troubles, which have arisen between him and the King of England, in pre-engaging all the neutral powers, by the display of a disposition the most favorable to their prosperity, and by proposing to them no other conditions than those of the most absolute impartiality. His Majesty saw himself, with the most sincere regret, obliged not to acknowledge this character in the resolution of the States-General, of the 19th of November, 1778, by which your High Mightinesses suspended the effects of your protection, relative to one branch of commerce, the liberty of which was assured to you by the public laws of equity, and the most precise stipulations of treaties. The King then instructed me to announce to your High Mightinesses, that if you determined thus to make the sacrifice of one part of your rights to his enemies, his Majesty could not preserve to your subjects the advantages conditionally promised by his last regulation, nor the ancient favors, which their commerce enjoyed in his States, and which are not the result of any treaty, but of a hereditary benevolence and affection. Your High Mightinesses assured his Majesty with earnestness, that you were decided to observe the most exact neutrality during the continuance of the troubles between France and England. But if you announced, that the act, which suspended the effects of the efficacious protection of the Republic in favor of ships loaded with ship timber, ought to be regarded as in force until it should be afterwards confirmed, you declared at the same time, that all discussion upon this matter ought to be suspended, until after the deliberations which were to ascertain the convoys.

"His Majesty not perceiving in this new disposition, any real alteration of intention, thought that he could not avoid setting bounds to the advantages granted in the different parts of his kingdom to the Dutch commerce, whilst your High Mightinesses continued to suspend, in favor of the enemies of his Crown, the exercise of the rights the most solidly established; but he was pleased to preserve them to the different members of the Republic in proportion as they adopted a system, which at the same time that it is conformable to his views is essentially just. He has applauded the remonstrances of your High Mightinesses to the Court of London, and the efforts which you have made to recover the means of restoring to the flag of the United Provinces its ancient consideration, as well as the positive order, which you have given to a squadron, to hold itself ready to convoy and protect all vessels loaded with objects not comprehended among merchandises of contraband, from the time that unlimited convoys should be resolved on, and he has constantly desired, that your High Mightinesses would cease to lay obstacles in the way of the testimonies of his affection, by attaching yourselves entirely to the fundamental principles of your interest, informed of your definitive intentions, in this regard, and assured of the explanation, which your High Mightinesses are determined to make of their neutrality, by granting an efficacious and indefinite protection to the commerce and navigation of your subjects. His Majesty has heard with pleasure the several representations, which several members of the Union, and especially the Prince, who is at the head of the Republic, have made to him relative to the restraints, which the commerce of different Provinces experiences in the ports of his kingdom, and his Majesty has ordered me to declare to your High Mightinesses, that he has revoked by a decree of his Council, of the 22d of April, 1780, an authentic copy of which I have the honor to present, those of the 14th of January, the 27th of April, the 5th of June, and the 18th of September, 1779, but he would not confine himself to re-establish thus the subjects of your High Mightinesses, in the enjoyment of favors, which they experienced before the publication of those new laws; in all the advantages conditionally promised by his regulation, concerning the commerce and navigation of neuters, he would give them a signal proof of his benevolence, and he orders me to declare to your High Mightinesses, that he has ordered the return of all the sums received by the overseers of his Farms, in virtue of the said decrees, he flatters himself, that testimonies so important of his affection, will convince your High Mightinesses, not only that he takes an interest the most sincere in the prosperity of the United Provinces, but also that justice, moderation and beneficence form the essential and invariable basis of his conduct and of his proceedings."