Volume 5 — CONTENTS (continued 8)

JOHN ADAMS.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Amsterdam, December 14th, 1780.

Sir,

I am every day accepting the bills of exchange, which were drawn upon Mr Laurens; but I have no prospect of obtaining money to discharge them, from any other person than Dr Franklin.

For some years before I came to Holland, every person I saw from this place assured me, that in his opinion, money might be borrowed, provided application was made with proper powers directly from Congress to solid Dutch houses. After my arrival here, these assurances were repeated to me, by persons whose names I could mention, and who I thought could not be deceived themselves, nor deceive me. But now that powers have arrived, and application has been made to Dutch houses undoubtedly solid, these houses will not accept the business. In short, I cannot refrain from saying, that almost all the professions of friendship to America, which have been made, turn out, upon trial, to have been nothing more than little adulations to procure a share in our trade. Truth demands of me this observation. Americans find here the politeness of the table, and a readiness to enter into their trade, but the public finds no disposition to afford any assistance, political or pecuniary. They impute this to a change in sentiments, to the loss of Charleston, the defeat of General Gates, to Arnold's desertion, to the inactivity of the French and Spaniards, &c. &c. &c. But I know better. It is not the love of the English, although there is a great deal more of that than is deserved, but it is fear of the English and the Stadtholderian party.

I must, therefore, entreat Congress to make no more drafts upon Holland, until they hear from me that their bills can be accepted, of which, at present, I have no hopes.

People of the first character have been, and are still constantly advising, that Congress should send a Minister Plenipotentiary here, and insist upon it that this would promote a loan. It is possible it may; but I can see no certainly that it will. Sending a few cargoes of produce, would do something.

The Dutch are now felicitating themselves upon the depth and the felicity of their politics. They have joined the neutrality, and have disavowed Amsterdam, and this has appeased the wrath of the English, the appearance of which, in Sir Joseph Yorke's Memorial, terrified them more than I ever saw any part of America intimidated in the worst crisis of her affairs. The late news we have of advantages gained by our arms in several skirmishes in Carolina, contributes a little to allay the panic. But all in Europe depends upon our success.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Amsterdam, December 18th, 1780.

Sir,

War is to a Dutchman the greatest of evils. Sir Joseph Yorke is so sensible of this, that he keeps alive a continual fear of it, by memorials after memorials, each more affronting to any sovereignty of delicate notions of dignity than the former. By this means he keeps up the panic, and while this panic continues, I shall certainly have no success at all. No man dares engage for me; very few dare see me.

On Tuesday last, the 12th of December, the British Ambassador had a conference with the President of the States-General, and upon that occasion presented to their High Mightinesses the following Memorial.

"High and Mighty Lords,

"The uniform conduct of the King towards the Republic, the friendship which has so long subsisted between the two nations, the right of sovereigns, and the faith of engagements the most solemn, will, without doubt, determine the answer of your High Mightinesses to the Memorial, which the subscriber presented some time ago, by the express order of his Court. It would be to mistake the wisdom and the justice of your High Mightinesses to suppose, that you could balance one moment to give the satisfaction demanded by his Majesty. As the resolutions of your High Mightinesses, of the 27th of November, were the result of a deliberation, which regarded only the interior of your government, and it was not then in question to answer the said Memorial, the only remark which we shall make upon those resolutions is, that the principles which dictated them, prove evidently the justice of the demand made by the King. In deliberating upon this Memorial, to which the subscriber hereby requires, in the name of his Court, an answer immediate and satisfactory in all respects, your High Mightinesses will recollect, without doubt, that the affair is of the last importance; that the question is concerning a complaint made by an offended sovereign; that the offence, of which he demands an exemplary punishment and complete satisfaction, is a violation of the Batavian constitution, whereof the King is the warranty, an infraction of the public faith, an outrage against the dignity of his Crown. The King has never imagined that your High Mightinesses would have approved of a treaty with his rebel subjects. This would have been on your part a commencement of hostilities, and a declaration of war. But the offence has been committed by the magistrates of a city, which makes a considerable part of the State, and it is the duty of the sovereign power to punish and repair it. His Majesty, by the complaints made by his Ambassador, has put the punishment and the reparation into the hands of your High Mightinesses, and it will not be but in the last extremity, that is to say, in the case of a denial of justice on your part, or of silence, which must be interpreted as a refusal, that the King will take this charge upon himself.

"Done at the Hague, the 12th of December, 1780."

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Amsterdam, December 21st, 1780.

Sir,

The sentiments and affections of a people may be learned from many little circumstances, which few people attend to. The poets and orators are generally considered as the surest repositories of popular ideas, both in ancient and modern nations. The clergy may be classed among the latter, and it is very certain, that most public preachers accommodate both their sermons and their prayers, in some degree, to the general taste of their hearers, and avoid everything which will unnecessarily give them offence.

At Rotterdam, there are several English churches. The Presbyterian church, which would be the least likely, one should think, to be bigotted by England, I attended. The parson in his prayer, after petitioning heaven for the States of Holland and West Friesland, the States-General and Council of State, and for the Prince of Orange, their hereditary Stadtholder, and Governor, &c. added a petition for England, for the King, Queen, and royal family, for their health, long life, and prosperity, and added, that he might triumph over all his enemies in the four quarters of the world.

At Amsterdam, I have attended both the Episcopal and Presbyterian churches, and heard similar supplications to heaven in both. At Utrecht, I attended the Presbyterian church, and there heard a prayer for the English, with much more fervor and in greater detail. The parson was quite transported with his zeal, and prayed that the rebellion, which has so long prevailed, might be suppressed, and hide its head in shame. At Leyden there is another English church. The parson, I am told, is a tory, but prudently omits such kind of prayers.

This is quite a work of supererogation in the reverend zealots, and is, therefore, a stronger proof that such sentiments are popular. The English, who are very numerous in all these cities, are universally in favor of the British Ministry. But there are so many Dutch families who worship in these churches, that the parsons would not give them offence, if such prayers were offensive. This is the more remarkable, as the religion of North America is much more like that of this Republic, than like that of England. But such prayers recommend the parson to the Prince of Orange, and to the English party, and no other party or person has influence or courage enough to take offence at them.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Amsterdam, December 25th, 1780.

Sir,

It is very difficult to discover with certainty the secret spring, which actuates the Courts of Europe; but whatever I can find, with any degree of probability, I shall transmit to Congress at one time or another.

The Prince of Orange is himself of the royal family of England; his mother was a daughter of King George the Second, and this relation is no doubt one among the several motives, which attach the Stadtholder to England. His Princess is a niece of the King of Prussia, and it is believed is not perfectly agreed with His Most Serene Highness, in his enthusiasm for the English Court. The King of Prussia has a great esteem and affection for his niece, with whom he frequently corresponds. In some of his letters he is supposed to have expressed his sentiments freely upon the Prince's conduct, intimating, that his Highness would take too much upon himself, and make himself too responsible, if he persevered in a resolute opposition to the armed neutrality. The Empress of Russia, who possesses a masterly understanding, and a decided inclination for America, is thought too, to have expressed some uneasiness at the Prince's political system. The King of Sweden, who was lately at the Hague, is reported to have had free conversation with the Prince upon the same subject. All these intimations together, are believed to have made His Most Serene Highness hesitate a little, and consider whether he was not acting too dangerous a part, in exerting all his influence in the Republic, to induce it to take a part in opposition to the general sense and inclination of the people, and to all the maritime powers of Europe.

The English Court is undoubtedly informed of all this. They dread the accession of the Dutch to the armed neutrality, more than all the other branches of that confederation, because of the rivalry in commerce, and because the Dutch will assist the Royal Marines of France and Spain, more than all the others. The present conduct of the English indicates a design to go to war with the Dutch, on pretence of an insult to their Crown, committed two years ago, by a treaty with America, in hopes, that they will not be supported in this quarrel by the confederated neutral powers. But they will be mistaken. The artifice is too gross. The confederated powers will easily see, that the real cause of offence is the accession to the armed neutrality, and the conduct of Amsterdam, in projecting a treaty with America, only a pretence.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Amsterdam, December 25th, 1780.

Sir,

The dispute between Great Britain and the United Provinces is now wrought up to a crisis. Things must take a new turn in the course of a few days, but whether they will end in a war, or in the retraction of one party or the other, time alone can determine.

I have before transmitted to Congress the two Memorials of Sir Joseph Yorke, against M. Van Berckel, and the Burgomasters of Amsterdam. The language of both is conformable to that domineering spirit, which has actuated the Councils of St James, from the beginning of this reign, and they have committed the honor and dignity of the King, and engaged the pride of the nation so far, that there is no room left for a retreat, without the most humiliating mortification. On the other hand, there is authentic information, that the States proceeding in their usual forms, have determined to refer the conduct of Amsterdam to a committee of lawyers, who are to consider and report, whether the Burgomasters have done anything, which they had not by law and the Constitution authority to do. It is universally known and agreed, that the report must and will be in favor of the Burgomasters. This report will be accepted and confirmed by the States, and transmitted to all the neutral Courts, in order to show them, that neither the Republic in general nor the city of Amsterdam in particular, have done anything against the spirit of the armed neutrality. The States have also determined to make an answer to the British Ambassador's Memorials, and to demand satisfaction of the King his master, for the indignity offered to their sovereignty, in those memorials. In this resolution, the States have been perfectly unanimous, the Body of Nobles, for the first time, having agreed with the Generality. The question then is, which power will recede. I am confidently assured, that the States will not; and indeed if they should, they may as well submit to the King, and surrender their independence at once. I am not, however, very clear what they will do. I doubt whether they have firmness to look a war in the face. Will the English recede, if the Dutch do not? If they should, it would be contrary to the maxims, which have invariably governed them during this reign. It will humble the insolent overbearing pride of the nation; it will expose the Ministry to the scoffs and scorn of opposition; it will elevate the courage of the Dutch, the neutral powers, and the House of Bourbon, not to mention the great effect it will have in America, upon the whigs and tories, objects which the British Court never loses sight of.

This Republic is certainly, and has been for several weeks, in a very violent struggle. It has every symptom of an agony, that usually precedes a great revolution. The streets of the city swarm with libels of party against party. Some masterly pamphlets have been written in favor of the Burgomasters. Thousands of extravagant and incredible reports are made and propagated. Many new songs appear among the populace, one particularly adapted for the amusement of the sailors, and calculated to inspire them with proper sentiments of resentment against the English. A woman, who sung it in the streets, the day before yesterday, sold six hundred of them in an hour, and in one spot. These are symptoms of war. But it is not easy to conquer the national prejudices of a hundred years' standing, nor to avoid the influence of the Stadtholder, which is much more formidable. In this fermentation, the people can think of nothing else, and I need not add, that I have no chance of getting a ducat of money, but I think Congress will see the necessity of having here in these critical times more ample powers.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Amsterdam, December 25th, 1780.

Sir,

Affairs are still in suspense. This day being Christmas, and yesterday a Sunday, there was no public Exchange held on either. But business, and especially stockjobbing, goes on without ceasing, being done at the coffee-houses on Sundays, and holy-days, when it cannot be held upon 'Change.

The English mail, which had been interrupted by contrary winds for three posts, arrived on Saturday. The English gazettes of the 19th announced, that Sir Joseph Yorke was recalled, and a Dutch war was inevitable. Private letters informed, that the Count de Welderen was about leaving the British Court, and that an embargo was laid on all Dutch ships in Great Britain; that the stocks had fallen two per cent, and that a war was inevitable. The stock-jobbers, Englishmen, and others at the coffee-houses, had melancholy countenances, and uncommon anxiety. News was also propagated from the Hague, that Sir Joseph Yorke was gone. Others said he had received his orders to go. As there was no Exchange, the public judgment is not made up, whether there will be war or not. Some gentlemen of knowledge and experience think all this a farce, concerted at the Hague, between Sir Joseph and his friends there, and the Ministry in England, in order to spread an alarm, intimidate the States into an answer, which may be accepted with a color of honor, &c. or to do something worse, that is, rouse a spirit among the mobility against the Burgomasters of Amsterdam. I cannot, however, but be of opinion, that there is more in this, and that the Ministry will carry their rage to great extremities. They have gone too far to look back, without emboldening their enemies, confounding their friends, and exposing themselves to the contempt and ridicule of both. A few hours, however, will throw more light upon this important subject. The plot must unravel immediately.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Amsterdam, December 26th, 1780.

Sir,

The public papers of this morning inform me, that Sir Joseph Yorke left the Hague on the morning of the 24th, without taking leave of anybody, and bent his way to London by the way of Antwerp and Ostend.

Sometime in the month of April last, a certain British Ambassador, who had an inclination to take a few of the pleasures of Paris in his way to Germany, said in that city, where I received the information in the time of it, "to be sure the Americans will carry their point, and establish their independence, for there will infallibly be a war between England and Holland before Christmas."

If the war is considered to commence from the departure of the Ambassador, Sir Joseph went off exactly in time to accomplish the prophecy. Since the departure of Sir Joseph has been generally known, the city has been in a fermentation. The English Ministry are cursed here as heartily as anywhere in general. Things are said by our friends to be in a very good situation, but I never know what to believe. The English are very bold I think; they are very enthusiastic, they are sure of the assistance of Providence, as sure of success against all their enemies as the old lady was of relief from want, and making her fortune by drawing a prize in the lottery. "But have you bought a ticket, mamma?" said her daughter. "No, my child," replied the old lady, "I have no ticket, but Providence is Almighty, and therefore I am sure of the highest prize, ticket or no ticket."

I have the honor to be, &c

JOHN ADAMS.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Amsterdam, December 28th, 1780.

Sir,

The Dutch say, that the English are acting the part of the sailor, who having quarrelled with three others, as stout as himself, and got his bones broken and eyes beat out in the squabble, challenged four more to fight him at the same time, that he might have it in his power to make up with all seven with honor.

If the English are not actuated by the same blind and vindictive passions, which have governed them so many years, it is impossible to see through their policy. I think it is impossible they should be ignorant of the articles of confederation of the neutral powers. These articles as I am informed, warrant to all the neutral powers their treaties with England, and stipulate that if either is attacked after the 20th of November last, it shall be made a common cause.

If the English should issue letters of marque against the Dutch, the States-General will not immediately issue letters of marque in return, but will represent the facts to the Congress at Petersburg, and demand the benefit of the treaty of armed neutrality, and all the powers who are parties to that confederation will join in demanding of England restitution, and in case of refusal, will jointly issue letters of marque and reprisal.

The political machine that is now in motion, is so vast, and comprehends so many nations, whose interests are not easy to adjust, that it is perhaps impossible for the human understanding to foresee what events may occur to disturb it. But at present there is no unfavorable appearance from any quarter. We are in hourly expectation of interesting news from the English, French, and Spanish fleets, from Petersburg, from London and the Hague, and especially from North America. Every wheel and spring in the whole political system of Europe would have its motions rapidly accelerated by certain news from America, of any decisive advantage obtained over Cornwallis, in South Carolina; so true it is, that America is the very centre and axis of the whole.

The death of the Empress Queen it is generally thought will make no alteration in the system of Europe. Yet it is possible after some time there may be changes, none, however, which can be hurtful to us.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Amsterdam, December 30th, 1780

Sir,

The Province of Zealand having been opposed to the other Provinces in so many instances, and having lately protested against the resolution of the States-General, which begin to be thought spirited, it may be useful to explain to Congress the causes which influence that Province to a conduct which is generally thought to be opposite to the true interest of the Republic in general.

In the States of Zealand there are only five voices, three of which are absolutely in the discretion of the Prince of Orange, who has one voice as Stadtholder of the Province, another as Marquis of Veere, and a third as First Noble. The Stadtholder is therefore absolute in this Province, which accounts at once for its conduct upon every occasion. The friends, however, of the Prince, of England, and of Zealand, are not willing that the world should believe that the Prince's power in this Province, and his attachment to England are the sole causes of its conduct upon every occasion, and therefore they enlarge upon several topics, as apologies and excuses for a behavior, which cannot wholly be justified. The arguments in justification or excuse of Zealand are drawn from four principal sources. First, the situation of the islands, which compose the Province. Secondly, the interests of its particular commerce. Thirdly, the weakness of its interior forces. Fourthly, the state of its finances.

1. The territory of Zealand consists of five or six islands, two of which are moderately large, and the rest very small. These islands are formed in the mouth of the (Escaut) Scheldt, by the sea, or by the different branches of the Scheldt itself. In case of a sudden invasion, these islands separated from the Province of Holland by an arm of the sea, are too unconnected to receive any immediate assistance. Such an invasion is so much the more easy for the English, as Zealand is very near them. They may invade this Province even before a suspicion should be conceived that the project had been formed. Who shall oppose their enterprise? Shall it be the French, who are now friendly? Dunkirk, it is true, is near enough, but what forces are there at Dunkirk? The only naval force there, consists of a few privateers, who could neither oppose an armament escorted by British men-of-war, nor venture to transport troops to oppose it, even supposing the invasion was not made by surprise. Shall the Zealanders themselves make a resistance to the English? But separated from one another by waters, which would necessarily retard their junction, the island of Walcheren, the principal of all, would be in possession of the enemy before they could put themselves in a posture to repel force by force. It is, moreover, not only possible but easy to make a descent upon Zealand by so many places, that the Zealanders with their own forces alone could not defend effectually all the passages. Eight thousand English, or even a smaller number would force the Zealanders everywhere, because there is nowhere a fortress capable of holding out twelve hours. The ports of Flushing and Veere are the only ones which have any defence; but they are very far from the state in which they ought to be, to stop an enemy determined upon pillage, animated by revenge, and whom the pleasure of doing mischief instigates forcibly. It is conceded that if the English descended in Zealand, they would be constrained to abandon it very soon; that they might and would be driven from it in a few days; that the figure which they would make would be neither glorious nor honorable, and that their temerity would cost them dear; but the disorder caused by an invasion remains after the expulsion of the invaders. The people invaded are always the victims of the evils which they have suffered, and these evils, always considerable to the individuals, are seldom compensated entirely. When an incendiary has burned my house, whether he is punished or not, my house is consumed and lost to me. The exactions, the pillage, and all the abominations which follow the coups de main of an unbridled soldiery, would be cruelly felt by the unfortunate Zealanders, even after the perpetrators should be driven out, or sacrificed to the public resentment.

2. The peculiar commerce of Zealand. This Province has no other than that small commerce, which is known by the name of the coasting trade. This kind of trade is considerable in the Provinces of Holland, North Holland, and Friesland. The number of vessels employed in these three Provinces in this kind of trade is inconceivable, and the greatest part of them is destined for the service of France. All which France receives from foreigners, and all which it furnishes to foreigners, is carried in these Holland vessels, and if there was no other than the freight for the masters and owners of these vessels, this profit would still be of the greatest consideration. Thus it is not surprising that the Province of Holland has taken such strong measures in favor of France. Its particular commerce would naturally determine it this way. On the contrary, Zealand employs the small number of her merchant ships in a commerce with England, a commerce so much the more lucrative, as it is almost entirely contraband or smuggled.

The profits to be made on brandy and other spirituous liquors, imported clandestinely into England, are very considerable; and it is Zealand that makes these profits, because they are her subjects who entertain a continual correspondence with the English smugglers. The proximity of the coasts of Zealand to those of England, renders this commerce, which is prohibited to English subjects, sure for the inhabitants of Zealand. Fishing barks are sufficient to carry it on, and these barks are rarely taken, whether it is that they are difficult to take, or whether there is not much desire to take them. These barks, arrived upon the coasts of England, find others which come to take what they bring. The place where this traffic is held, is generally some creek upon the coast of England, where the vessel may be loaded and unloaded in secrecy. Moreover, those whom the English Ministry appoint to prevent this commerce at sea, are those who favor it. We know very well the decided inclination of the English in general, and, above all, of their seamen for strong liquors. Zealand, concurring openly in the measures, which the Republic is now taking against England, or, if you will, against the powers at war, would draw upon itself particularly the hatred, anger, and vengeance of a nation, without which it is impossible to sustain its trade, and this Province would, by this means, deprive a great number of its subjects of a source of gain, which places them in a condition to furnish the imposts which they have to pay. Is it not then the part of prudence in the States of Zealand, to avoid with care everything that might embroil them, particularly with England? Is it not also the wisdom of the States-General to have a regard to the critical situation of one of the Seven Provinces which compose the union?

3. The weakness of her internal forces. Zealand is open on all sides to the English. To set them at defiance, she ought to have in herself forces capable of intimidating Great Britain. But where are such forces to be found? In the garrisons, which the Republic maintains there? Two or three thousand men dispersed at Flushing, at Veere, and in some other cities, are but a feeble defence against a descent of six or seven thousand English, well determined. Will these troops of the Republic be supported by armed citizens? Suppose it; their defeat will be not less certain. These citizens, who have never seen a loaded musket discharged, are more proper to carry an empty fusil, to mount guard at a state-house, which is never to be attacked, than to march to the defence of a coast threatened with a descent, or to present themselves upon the parapet of a fort, battered with machines that vomit forth death. These citizens, or rather these soldiers of a moment, would carry disorder into the ranks, and do more injury than service, by giving countenance to the flight of those brave warriors, who make it a point of honor to combat with a steadfast foot. Moreover, who are these citizens, which might be joined to the regular troops? Are they the principal inhabitants? Those who have the most to lose? Those to whom birth and education have given sentiments of honor and of glory? No. These have, by paying sums of money, exemptions, which excuse them from taking arms, to defend the country in time of peace. Is it credible that in the most critical moments they will generously renounce these exemptions? It will be, then, the citizens of the second order, the artisans, or people who have little or nothing to lose, who will serve for the reinforcement to the veterans. Experience demonstrates what dependence is to be placed at this day upon such militia. It would be in vain to oppose to this the time of the revolution, those times of the heroism of the ancestors of the Dutch. The cause is not the same; they attack at this day in a different fashion, and perhaps the defence too would be made in a very different manner. It might be otherwise, if the coasts of Zealand were fortified with good forts, or if the cities of Flushing and Veere were in a condition to sustain a siege of some months, and with their little garrisons stop the assailants, until the arrival of succors. But one must be very little informed not to know that the English, although they should be incommoded in their landing, would nevertheless effect it with little loss.

4. The state of her finances. Zealand, of all the Seven Provinces, is that which costs the most for the maintenance of her dykes. More exposed than all the others to be drowned by the sea, her coasts require continual repairs. These reparations cannot be made, but at great expense. Unprovided with wood suitable for the construction of ramparts capable of stopping the waves, which beat upon her continually, she is obliged to import from foreigners those numberless and enormous timbers, which art substitutes in the place of those rocks, which nature has granted to other countries, for holding in the ocean and restraining its fury. It is necessary, therefore, that a great part of the public revenue of the Province should go to foreigners. She must, moreover, furnish her quota to the general treasury of the Republic; from whence it follows, that she cannot expose herself to the indispensable necessity of increasing her imposts, to furnish the new expenses, which an extraordinary armament would bring upon all the State. More than once, in time of peace, the public coffers of the State have been obliged to furnish to the Province of Zealand, the succors which she could not find at home, without reducing her subjects to the most horrible distress. To what condition, then, would those subjects be reduced, if in the progress of the armed neutrality, such as is proposed, or in a war with England, they should still be obliged to pay new contributions? All the world agrees that Zealand is poor; it must be acknowledged then that she will be plunged in the lowest indigence, if the expenses of the country are augmented, although there are many individuals in Zealand who are very rich and grand capitalists, and luxury among the great is carried to excess as immoderate as it is in Holland. Zealand has so long embarrassed the Republic in all their deliberations concerning the armed neutrality, and lately concerning the serious quarrel, that England has commenced against her, that I thought it would at least gratify the curiosity of Congress to see the causes which have governed, laid open, as I find them explained in conversation and in public writers. Zealand's reasons seem to be now overruled, and the Prince's absolute authority there of little avail. To all appearances, the English must recede, or contend with a bitter enemy in this Republic. Old prejudices seem to wear off, and it is now said publicly, that the friendship between the English and Dutch has been like the brotherly love between Cain and Abel; yet I can never depend upon anything here until it is past, I have been so often disappointed in my expectations.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Amsterdam, December 31st, 1780.

Sir,

It will scarcely be believed in Congress, that at a time when there are the strongest appearances of war, there has not been a newspaper nor a letter received in this city from London, since the 19th or 20th of the month. There are symptoms of a more general war. If Britain adheres to her maxims, this Republic will demand the aid of Russia, Sweden, Denmark, and Prussia, in pursuance of the treaty of armed neutrality. These powers will not be duped by the artifice of the British Court, and adjudge this war not a casus fœderis, when all the world agrees, that the accession of the Republic to the armed neutrality is the real cause of it, and the treaty between Mr Lee and M. de Neufville, only a false pretence. If the armed neutral confederacy takes it up, as nobody doubts they will, all these powers will be soon at war with England, if she does not recede. If the neutral powers do not take it up and England proceeds, she will drive this Republic into the arms of France, Spain, and America. In this possible case, a Minister here from Congress would be useful. In case the armed neutrality take it up, a Minister authorised to represent the United States to all the neutral Courts, might be of use.

The Empress Queen is no more. The Emperor has procured his brother Maximilian, to be declared coadjutor of the bishopric of Munster and Cologne, which affects Holland and the Low Countries. He is supposed to have his eye on Liege; this may alarm the Dutch, the King of Prussia and France. The war may become general, and the fear of it may make peace, that is, it might if the King of England was not the most determined man in the world. But depressed, and distracted, and ruined as his dominions are, he will set all Europe in a blaze before he will make peace. His exertions, however, against us cannot be very formidable. Patience, firmness, and perseverance are our only remedies; these are sure and infallible ones, and with this observation, I beg permission to take my leave of Congress for the year 1780, which has been to me the most anxious and mortifying year of my whole life. God grant that more vigor, wisdom, and decision may govern the councils, negotiations, and operations of mankind in the year 1781.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS TO JOHN ADAMS.

Philadelphia, January 1st, 1781.

Sir,

You will receive herewith enclosed, a commission as Minister Plenipotentiary to the United Provinces of the Low Countries, with instructions for your government on that important mission, as also a plan of a treaty with those States,[11] and likewise a resolve of Congress relative to the declaration of the Empress of Russia, respecting the protection of neutral ships, &c.[12]

Proper letters of credence on the subject of your mission will be forwarded by the next conveyance; but it is thought inexpedient to delay the present despatches on that account.

I have the honor to be, &c.

SAMUEL HUNTINGTON, President.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Amsterdam, January 1st, 1781.

Sir,

The mail from London, arrived this morning, brought us, for a new years' entertainment, the following

MANIFESTO.

"George R.—Through the whole course of our reign, our conduct towards the States-General of the United Provinces, has been that of a sincere friend and faithful ally. Had they adhered to those wise principles, which used to govern the Republic, they must have, shown themselves equally solicitous to maintain the friendship, which has so long subsisted between the two nations, and which is essential to the interests of both; but from the prevalence of a faction devoted to France, and following the dictates of that Court, a very different policy has prevailed. The return made to our friendship, for sometime past, has been an open contempt of the most solemn engagements, and a repeated violation of public faith.

"On the commencement of the defensive war, in which we found ourselves engaged by the aggression of France, we showed a tender regard for the interests of the States-General, and a desire of securing to their subjects every advantage of trade, consistent with the great and just principles of our own defence. Our Ambassador was instructed to offer a friendly negotiation, to obviate everything that might lead to disagreeable discussion; and to this offer, solemnly made by him to the States-General the 2d of November, 1778, no attention was paid. After the number of our enemies was increased by the aggression of Spain, equally unprovoked with that of France, we found it necessary to call upon the States-General for the performance of their engagements. The 5th article of the perpetual defensive alliance between our Crown and the States-General, concluded at Westminster, the 3d of March, 1678, besides the general engagement for succors, expressly stipulates, 'That that party of the two allies that is not attacked, shall be obliged to break with the aggressor in two months after the party attacked shall require it.' Yet two years have passed, without the least assistance given to us, without a single syllable in answer to our repeated demands. So totally regardless have the States been of their treaties with us, that they readily promised our enemies to observe a neutrality in direct contradiction to those engagements, and whilst they have withheld from us the succors they were bound to furnish, every secret assistance has been given to the enemy; and inland duties have been taken off, for the sole purpose of facilitating the carriage of naval stores to France.

"In direct and open violation of treaty, they suffered an American pirate to remain several weeks in one of their ports, and even permitted a part of his crew to mount guard in a fort in the Texel.

"In the East Indies, the subjects of the States-General in concert with France, have endeavored to raise up enemies against us. In the West Indies, particularly at St Eustatia, every protection and assistance has been given to our rebellious subjects. Their privateers are openly received in the Dutch harbors, allowed to refit there, supplied with arms and ammunition, their crews recruited, their prizes brought in and sold; and all this in direct violation of as clear and solemn stipulations as can be made.

"This conduct, so inconsistent with all good faith, so repugnant to the sense of the wisest part of the Dutch nation, is chiefly to be ascribed to the prevalence of the leading magistrates of Amsterdam, whose secret correspondence with our rebellious subjects was suspected long before it was made known by the fortunate discovery of a treaty, the first article of which is, 'That there shall be a firm, inviolable, and universal peace and sincere friendship between their High Mightinesses the Estates of the Seven United Provinces of Holland, and the United States of North America, and the subjects and people of the said parties; and between the countries, islands, cities, and towns, situated under the jurisdiction of the said United States of Holland, and the United States of America, and the people and inhabitants thereof, of every degree, without exception of persons or places.[13]

"This treaty was signed in September, 1778, by the express order of the Pensionary of Amsterdam, and other principal magistrates of that city. They now not only avow the whole transaction, but glory in it, and expressly say, even to the States-General, that what they did was what their indispensable duty required. In the meantime, the States-General declined to give any answer to the Memorial presented by our Ambassador; and this refusal was aggravated by their proceeding upon other business, nay, upon the consideration of this very subject to internal purposes; and while they found it impossible to approve the conduct of their subjects, they still industriously avoided to give us the satisfaction so manifestly due. We had every right to expect, that such a discovery would have roused them to a just indignation at the insult offered to us and to themselves, and that they would have been eager to give us full and ample satisfaction for the offence, and to inflict the severest punishment upon the offenders. The urgency of the business made an instant answer essential to the honor and safety of this country. The demand was accordingly pressed by our Ambassador, in repeated conferences with the Ministers, and in a second Memorial; it was pressed with all the earnestness, that could proceed from our ancient friendship, and the sense of recent injuries; and the answer now given to a Memorial on such a subject, presented more than five weeks ago, is, that the States have taken it ad referendum. Such an answer, upon such an occasion could only be dictated by the fixed purpose of hostility meditated and already resolved by the States, induced by the offensive Councils of Amsterdam, thus to countenance the hostile aggression, which the magistrates of that city have made in the name of the Republic.

"There is an end of the faith of all treaties with them, if Amsterdam may usurp the sovereign power, may violate these treaties with impunity, by pledging the States to engagements directly contrary, and leaguing the Republic with the rebels of a sovereign to whom she is bound by the closest ties. An infraction of the law of nations, by the meanest member of any country, gives the injured State a right to demand satisfaction and punishment; how much more so, when the injury complained of is a flagrant violation of public faith, committed by leading and predominant members of the State? Since then the satisfaction we have demanded is not given, we must, though most reluctantly, do ourselves that justice, which we cannot otherwise obtain.

"We must consider the States-General as parties in the injury, which they will not repair, as sharers in the aggression, which they refuse to punish, and must act accordingly. We have, therefore, ordered our Ambassador to withdraw from the Hague, and shall immediately pursue such vigorous measures as the occasion fully justifies, and our dignity and the essential interest of our people require. From a regard to the Dutch nation at large, we wish it were possible to direct those measures wholly against Amsterdam; but this cannot be, unless the States-General will immediately declare, that Amsterdam shall upon this occasion receive no assistance from them, but be left to abide the consequences of its aggression.

"Whilst Amsterdam is suffered to prevail in the general councils, and is backed by the strength of the State, it is impossible to resist the aggression of so considerable a part, without contending with the whole. But we are too sensible of the common interests of both countries not to remember, in the midst of such a contest, that the only point to be aimed at by us, is to raise a disposition in the Councils of the Republic to return to our ancient union, by giving us that satisfaction for the past, and security for the future, which we shall be as ready to receive, as they can be to offer, and to the attainment of which we shall direct all our operations. We mean only to provide for our own security by defeating the dangerous designs that have been formed against us. We shall ever be disposed to return to friendship with the States-General, when they sincerely revert to that system, which the wisdom of their ancestors formed, and which has now been subverted by a powerful faction, conspiring with France against the true interests of the Republic, no less than against those of Great Britain.

"St James, December 20th, 1780." "At the Court at St James, the 20th of December, 1780. "Present,—The King's most Excellent Majesty in Council.

"His Majesty having taken into consideration the many injurious proceedings of the States-General of the United Provinces and their subjects, as set forth in his Royal Manifesto of this date, and being determined to take such measures as are necessary for vindicating the honor of his Crown, and for procuring reparation and satisfaction, is pleased, by and with the advice of his Privy Council, to order, and it is hereby ordered, that general reprisals be granted against the ships, goods, and subjects of the States-General of the United Provinces, so that, as well his Majesty's fleet and ships, as also all other ships and vessels that shall be commissioned by letters of marque, or general reprisals, or otherwise, by his Majesty's commissioners for executing the office of Lord High Admiral of Great Britain, shall, and may lawfully seize all ships, vessels, and goods belonging to the States-General of the United Provinces, or their subjects, or others, inhabiting within any of the territories of the aforesaid States-General, and bring the same to judgment in any of the Courts of Admiralty within his Majesty's dominions. And to that end, his Majesty's Advocate-General, with the Advocate of the Admiralty, are forthwith to prepare the draft of a commission, and present the same to his Majesty at this Board, authorising the commissioners for executing the office of Lord High Admiral, or any person or persons by them empowered and appointed, to issue forth and grant letters of marque and reprisals to any of his Majesty's subjects, or others whom the said commissioners shall deem fitly qualified in that behalf, for the apprehending, seizing, and taking the ships, vessels, and goods belonging to the States-General of the United Provinces, and their vassals and subjects, or any inhabiting within the countries, territories, or dominions of the aforesaid States-General; and that such powers and clauses be inserted in the said commission as have been usual, and are according to former precedents; and his Majesty's said Advocate-General, with the Advocate of the Admiralty, are also forthwith to prepare the draft of a commission, and present the same to his Majesty at this Board, authorising the said commissioners for executing the office of Lord High Admiral, to will and require the High Court of Admiralty of Great Britain and the Lieutenant and judge of said Court, his surrogate or surrogates, as also the several Courts of Admiralty within his Majesty's dominions, to take cognisance of, and judicially proceed upon all manner of captures, seizures, prizes, and reprisals of all ships and goods that are, or shall be taken, and to hear and determine the same; and according to law to judge and condemn all such ships, vessels, and goods, as shall belong to the States-General of the United Provinces, or their vassals and subjects, or to any others inhabiting within any of the countries, territories, and dominions of the aforesaid States-General; and that such powers and clauses be inserted in said commission as have been usual, and are according to former precedents; and they are likewise to prepare, and lay before his Majesty at this Board, a draft of such instructions as may be proper to be sent to the Courts of Admiralty in his Majesty's foreign governments and plantations, for their guidance herein; as also another draft of instructions for such ships as shall be commissioned for the purposes aforementioned."

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Amsterdam, January 4th, 1781.

Sir,

Notwithstanding the influence of the English nation, notwithstanding the influence of old prejudices and habits, notwithstanding the apprehensions that are entertained for immense sums in the English funds, and for the sudden destruction of an innumerable navigation at the commencement of a war; and above all, notwithstanding the authority and influence of the Stadtholder, I am confidently assured by several gentlemen, that the national opinion and affection is with us. The Baron Van der Capellan, with whom I have the honor of an agreeable acquaintance, is of opinion, that four fifths of the nation wish us success in our enterprise.

The symptoms of popularity in this city are decisive. The Sunday before last, in the Presbyterian meeting, the parson, beginning as usual to pray for the King of England, was absolutely interrupted by a general murmur. On Christmas day, he attempted to repeat his imprudence, and was interrupted by still greater confusion; so that last Sunday he had learned discretion to leave out wholly this offensive clause. On the evening of new year's day, at the theatre, the public were entertained with the national tragedy, as it is called, Gysbrecht Van Amstel, after which the actors, as is customary, addressed the audience. There were many strokes in this address, which sufficiently indicated the spirit of the times, particularly a solemn injunction, that "they must not be slaves," and a quotation from a very popular song, with which the streets have rung these ten days, which were deeply and universally applauded.

The presses swarm with pamphlets, handbills, songs, and poems, generally much against the English, and commonly with some favorable hints to Americans. The conversation in private families, and the toasts in jovial circles, indicate a tremendous spirit in the body of this people, which, if once let loose from restraint, and properly directed, would make this nation the worst enemy that England ever had. It is essential to attend to these symptoms of popularity at this time, and in this country, because it is manifest, that the whole system of the English, in concert with their faction in the Republic, is now bent to excite the populace against the burgomasters of Amsterdam. They succeeded in 1748, and accomplished a change in the Regency. If they could succeed in the same manner now, they would change the political system of this nation entirely, and by this means, in the present situation of affairs in Europe and America, it is plain, they would work its entire and irretrievable ruin.

Yet the course is so circuitous, to apply to the Courts of Russia, Sweden, and Denmark, to induce them to join in demanding satisfaction of England, the shocks upon 'Change will be so great, by the sudden capture of so many ships, so many ensurers, merchants, &c. will be ruined, and there will be so many arts to divide and discourage this people, that I cannot pretend to foresee what will happen. The confusion is yet so great, that I have no hopes at present of obtaining money. There must be time for the fermentation to go off; and the quarrel with England must become in the minds of all irreconcilable, before we can try the experiment whether we have any credit or not.

If Congress should think proper to send powers here to treat with the States-General, I beg leave to submit to their consideration the case of M. Dumas. He was early employed in our affairs here, has neglected all other business, has been attentive and industrious, and is a gentleman of extensive learning and amiable character. I believe he is not ambitious or avaricious, but moderate in his expectations. Whoever shall be honored with powers from Congress to reside here would find his assistance useful, for he is much devoted to the American cause; I hope, therefore, that Congress will pardon me if I venture to recommend him to their attention.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Amsterdam, January 5th, 1781.

Sir,

On the 10th of November, 1780, the Memorial of Sir Joseph Yorke to the States-General was presented, for a disavowal, satisfaction proportioned to the offence, and punishment of the guilty.

November 28th. A formal disapprobation of the States-General of the conduct of the Regency of Amsterdam.

December 12th. Second Memorial of Sir Joseph Yorke, for a satisfaction proportioned to the offence, and the punishment of the guilty.

14th. Answer of the States-General despatched by express to London, importing, that their High Mightinesses had taken the said Memorials ad referendum.

16th. Order of his Britannic Majesty to Sir Joseph Yorke to withdraw from the Hague, without taking leave, despatched by express; arrived at the Hague on the 23d.

19th. Letter of the Count de Welderen to the States-General, acknowledging the receipt of those of the 12th and of the 15th; Declaration of the States-General, touching their accession to the confederation of the North.

20th. Signature of the Manifesto of his Britannic Majesty, published the 21st in the London Gazette extraordinary.

21st. Expedition of an express to Sir Joseph Yorke, arrived at the Hague on the night of the 23d, with the Manifesto published the 21st.

22d. Resolution of the States-General to refer the affair of the satisfaction and punishment of the guilty, to the Provincial Court of Justice.

25th. The departure of Sir Joseph Yorke for Antwerp.

26th. Expedition of an express to the Count de Welderen, with orders to present the Declaration touching the Confederation of the North, and to withdraw from London, without taking leave.

28th. The ordinary packet from London not yet arrived, and the last letters from London are of the 19th.

In this rapid succession have events rolled one after another, until the war has seemingly become inevitable.

The Prince of Orange has made a requisition or proposition to the States-General, to augment their navy with fifty or sixty vessels of war, and their army to fifty or sixty thousand men. The ships of war will be agreed to, but the troops not, as I am told. Once more I beg leave to say, I can believe nothing until it is past.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Amsterdam, January 14th, 1781.

Sir,

In an excursion, which I have lately made through the principal cities of this Province, Haerlem, Leyden, the Hague, and Rotterdam, I have had an opportunity of perceiving that there is a spirit of resentment against the English very general among the people. Notwithstanding this, everything is so artfully retarded, the manifesto, the letters of marque, and above all, the decision of the Court of Justice of Holland is so studiously delayed, while the English are making such vast depredations upon the defenceless merchant vessels, that I cannot yet be sure that war is decided. The counsels of the Prince, united with those of the proprietors in British funds, and the distresses of merchants may yet induce the Republic, against the general sense of the nation, to sue for a dishonorable peace.

I have received a letter, however, since my return, from M. Dumas of last Friday, which informs me that a letter is received from the Plenipotentiaries at Petersburg, dated the 19th of December, announcing that the Empress of Russia was well satisfied with all that had passed; that she had seen the two last Memorials presented by Sir Joseph Yorke to their High Mightinesses, and that she had more indignation than surprise at the sight of them; (it may be doubted, however, whether this is not a mistake, as the last Memorial was dated the 12th, and the letter of the Minister the 19th,) that the signature was to be on the 23d, after which, these Ministers were to display the character of Ambassadors Extraordinary, and that they would forthwith despatch another express with the convention signed. This express is now expected every moment, and as soon as he arrives, their High Mightinesses will publish the Manifesto. This little delay is but a pure formality. In the meantime, they resolved on the 12th of this month to distribute letters of marque to privateers, and orders to the ships of the State, to seize everything they can belonging to the English.

Notwithstanding this, there are no privateers ready, and I fear there are fewer ships of war ready than there ought to be. It will be long before the Dutch can do any great things, and they must suffer very severely. Such are the effects of blind and mistaken policy. War is so new and so terrible a thing to this people, they are so divided in sentiment, their minds are so agitated with uncertainty, irresolution, and apprehension, that there is as yet no possibility of borrowing any money.

I must therefore repeat the request, that Congress would not think upon drawing for any more money here, until they receive certain advices from me, that there is some in hand.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Amsterdam, January 15th, 1781.

Sir,

The following is the declaration of the States-General, of their accession to the armed neutrality.

DECLARATION.

"Their High Mightinesses, the States-General of the United Provinces of the Low Countries, having had nothing more at heart, since the commencement of the present war, and having desired nothing more earnestly, than to observe invariably the most strict and the most perfect neutrality between the belligerent powers, and to fulfil at the same time their essential and indispensable obligations by granting a convenient protection to the commerce and the navigation of their subjects, and by maintaining and defending the rights and liberties of their neutral flag, have learned with the highest satisfaction, that her Majesty, the Empress of all the Russias, constantly animated with noble and generous sentiments, which must transmit to the latest posterity the immortal lustre and renown of her glorious reign, has thought fit to declare to the belligerent powers, 'That being in the intention to observe during the present war the most exact impartiality, she is determined to maintain, by all the means the most efficacious, the honor of the Russian flag, as well as the safety of the commerce and the navigation of her subjects, and not to suffer any of the belligerent powers to give them any interruption.' The sentiments and the views of their High Mightinesses answer perfectly, and are entirely conformable to the principles, which make the basis of the declaration of her Imperial Majesty; and they consequently do not hesitate to lay open, after her example, to the belligerent powers, the same principles, which they are determined to follow, and to maintain in concert with her Imperial Majesty; viz.

"1st. That neutral vessels may freely navigate from port to port, and upon the coasts of the powers at war.

"2dly. That the effects belonging to the subjects of the powers at war, shall be free upon neutral vessels, excepting only merchandises of contraband.

"3dly. That with regard to contraband, their High Mightinesses adhere to what is stipulated by the treaties concluded between them and the belligerent powers, and more expressly, by the sixth article of the treaty of marine with the Crown of Spain of the 17th of December, 1650; the third article of the treaty of marine with the Crown of England of the 1st of December, 1674; and the sixteenth article of the treaty of commerce, of navigation and of marine with the Crown of France of the 1st of December, 1739, for twentyfive years. The dispositions and determinations of which treaties, in their full extent relative to merchandises of contraband, their High Mightinesses consider as entirely founded on natural equity and the law of nations.

"4thly. That no place shall be adjudged blockaded, but when ships of war, stationed in the neighborhood, shall hinder, that no vessel can enter without evident danger.

"5thly. That these principles shall serve as rules to judge of the lawfulness or the unlawfulness of prizes.

"As these principles form and constitute the universal rights of neutral powers, and as they are, moreover, confirmed by treaties which can never be lawfully annulled or altered, or suspended but by a common act, and reciprocal consent of the contracting parties, their High Mightinesses flatter themselves, that the belligerent powers will acknowledge and respect the justice of them, by giving no obstruction to the commerce of the subjects of their High Mightinesses, and by not troubling them in the free enjoyment of rights, the propriety of which cannot be contested, to the flag of neutral and independent powers."

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Amsterdam, January 15th, 1781.

Sir,

Zealand is still endeavoring to divert the Republic from its interest and its duty, to embarrass its operations, and involve it in disgrace and ruin.

The Directors of the Company of Commerce, and that of Ensurance, and a great number of merchants, established at Middleburg, in Zealand, have presented a petition to the States-General, to supplicate their High Mightinesses to try again the way of negotiation, and to endeavor to prevent by this means the damages with which the subjects of the Republic are still threatened, by a war with England, and to come to a friendly accommodation. This petition has been supported by a resolution of the States of Zealand, transmitted to the Assembly of the States-General; but it is said, that this petition has been rendered commissorial, and will not be taken into consideration, unless the English should make some propositions of peace. The state of the Marine of this Republic, during the year 1781, as it has been proposed by the petition of the Council of State, is, two vessels of seventy guns, and five hundred and fifty men; nine of sixty guns, and four hundred and fifty men; fifteen of fifty guns, and three hundred men; two of forty guns, and two hundred and seventy men; one of forty guns, and two hundred and fifty men; fourteen of thirtysix guns, and two hundred and thirty men; thirteen of twenty guns, and one hundred and fifty men; five sloops, one hospital ship, four packet boats, twelve large armed vessels, sixteen smaller; making in the whole ninetyfour ships, and eighteen thousand four hundred and ninety men.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Amsterdam, January 16th, 1781.

Sir,

The Prince, on the 26th of December, made a proposition to the States-General, viz. in substance, "That His Most Serene Highness had already communicated the last year to the respective Provinces his advice, to equip fifty or sixty vessels of war, and to augment the land forces to fifty or sixty thousand men, to put the frontier places in a good state of defence, and to provide necessary magazines of warlike stores, to the end, to be in a condition to defend the lawful rights of the Republic; that His Most Serene Highness had seen with satisfaction, that as far as respected the marine, it had been made better in some degree; and that he flattered himself, that the States of all the Provinces would reinforce it for the ensuing year, with redoubled zeal, since they could not be too much upon their guard in the present conjuncture; that it was equally necessary to put the Republic in a convenient state of defence, on the land side; and that he hoped, that they would at this day think seriously of it; that they would augment the fortifications, and supply the magazines, since, if they failed in this, His Most Serene Highness would not be responsible for the events, &c."

The States-General, after having thanked the Stadtholder, for his assiduous zeal and solicitude to maintain the Republic in the enjoyment of its liberty and independence, resolved, "That the proposition of His Most Serene Highness should be communicated to the respective Provinces, and that it should be represented to them, that His Most Serene Highness, animated with the purest love of his country, insists with reason (at this day when the danger is immediate, and war appears inevitable) upon the necessity of making unanimous efforts, to the end to resist this danger, and to preserve the Republic, by joining courage to prudence; that the maritime forces of the Republic are not yet sufficient to protect the commerce, the source of the well being of the public in all its branches, and to ensure from all invasion the possessions of the Republic, both in the East and the West Indies; that, therefore, their High Mightinesses think themselves under obligation to pray the members of the union, in a manner the most friendly and the most pressing, to fix their attention as soon as possible upon these objects, and to accomplish them with vigor, since the storm, which approaches at sea, may easily, by a sudden revolution, discharge itself upon the continent, so that an augmentation of land forces is as indispensably necessary, as the armament by sea; that from these motives, their High Mightinesses assure themselves, that since there no longer remains for the Republic a choice between peace and war, the respective members of the union will endeavor, as far as possible to defend their country, and all which is dear to them, by acting with unanimity, courage, and candor."

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Amsterdam, January 15th, 1781.

Sir,

Congress will not expect me to write upon the subject of peace at this time, when the flames of war are spreading far and wide, with more rapidity than ever, and I have no comfortable tidings on the subject of money.

In the first place, I believe there is not so much money here as the world imagines; in the next place, those who have what there is, have now no confidence in any nation or individual. All credit seems at a stand.

The Republic will want a loan; the northern neutral powers will want loans, and even a loan will be wanted to support the credit of a number of houses in the mercantile way, which are affected by the violent and sudden revolution of the times, and by the piratical depredations of the English. I hope, therefore, that Congress will not venture to draw here, until they have certain information that they may draw with safety.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Amsterdam, January 18th, 1781.

Sir,

At length one act has appeared, which looks like war. The following placard was resolved on the 12th of this month.

"The States-General of the United Provinces of the Low Countries to all those who shall see, hear, or read these presents. Greeting. Know ye, that the King of Great Britain having thought proper, without any lawful cause, to attack in a hostile manner this Republic, and as we are obliged to neglect nothing, which can serve for our defence, and to use at the same time the right, the example of which the conduct of the said Crown has commenced by setting us, and to act against it, in the same manner as they act against us, and consequently to do to the said King, and to his subjects, all the prejudice, which shall be in our power; for these causes, and for the protection of the commerce and of the navigation of this country, we have thought fit to establish, and to permit to all the subjects of these States, who shall take or destroy any English vessels of war, or privateers, the following rewards.

I. "All those who shall fit out a privateer, and shall have obtained of his Highness the Prince of Orange and Nassau, in quality of Admiral-General of these countries, suitable commissions, after having given beforehand the requisite securities, shall not be held to furnish the third man of their crew, as it is ordained by the placard of their High Mightinesses, of the 26th of June, 1780, excepting those who will load with merchandises, and take at the same time the said letters of marque. Those, who shall have taken and conducted into one of the ports, or roads, within the jurisdiction of one of the Colleges of Admiralty of this country, a vessel of war or privateer of the King of Great Britain, shall draw, moreover, a bounty of one hundred and fifty florins for each man, who shall be found at the commencement of the combat on board of the said vessel of war, or privateer, as also a like sum for each pound of ball which the artillery, which shall be found on board the said vessel at the time aforesaid, can discharge at one time, not including the swivels, or the balls of the new artillery, called carronades, valued only at one quarter of their weight; in such sort, that if one of our privateers shall make herself master of an English vessel of war, or privateer mounted, for example, with forty pieces of cannon, carrying altogether three hundred and fifty pound weight of ball, that is to say, forty carronades, and fourteen hundred balls of eight pound, and the crew of which shall be two hundred and twenty men, shall receive for bounty or reward, by calculating each man and each pound of ball upon the footing of one hundred and fifty florins, the sum of eightyfive thousand eight hundred florins, and thus more or less in proportion to the crew; and the caliber of the cannon, which shall be found at the time of the combat, upon the English ship, besides the booty and the prize, and all the effects which shall be found on board, without any other deduction to be made from it, than the tenth for the Admiral.

II. "The said recompenses assigned for prizes shall also take place in case the English vessel of war, or privateer, shall be totally destroyed, whether our armed vessel shall have sunk her, or burnt her, or shipwrecked her, or whether the said vessel shall have perished in any other manner, after having been taken; provided, nevertheless, that this recompense is not to be claimed in the whole, at least if the crew of the vessel destroyed has not been taken or killed. And if it should happen, that they have only driven the enemy's vessel on shore, so that the vessel has perished, but the crew has saved itself, our letters of marque shall not enjoy, in this case, but one half of the bounty or reward promised; so that in the case last mentioned they shall receive only fortytwo thousand nine hundred florins, instead of eightyfive thousand eight hundred.

III. "Provided, nevertheless, that neither the prize nor the bounty shall ever be adjudged to any of our letters of marque, until after the affair shall have been carried before one of the Colleges of the Admiralty of this country, and the sentence shall have been there pronounced in her favor.

IV. "The said Colleges of the Admiralty may not adjudge these rewards, until after the Captain, Lieutenant, and Pilot of the privateer, as well as those who shall have freighted her, their book-keepers, and others authorised, shall have declared by a solemn oath, that the vessel of war, or privateer, of which they have made themselves masters, has been duly taken without any collusion directly or indirectly with the English, or with any other known to them. In case the freighters, who claim the adjudication of prizes and bounties, are out of the country, absent, or hindered by some other obstacle, it shall suffice, that the book-keepers, or some other authorised, take the oath, but so far as it is of his knowledge for himself, and for his freighters, conformably to the special procuration, which he shall have for this effect; the freighters nevertheless shall be obliged to take an oath beforehand before the magistrate of their residence, or before other persons competent, whose testimonies they shall send.

V. "And for the better encouragement of the said ships, which shall have armed as privateers, we ordain, that those who shall have been wounded in a combat with the English ship, shall be maintained at the expense of the State, without its costing anything to the proprietors of the privateers, or those who shall be on board. We ordain also, that those who shall be maimed in fighting an English ship, shall be gratified on the part of the State, and without its costing anything to the freighters, with the moiety of the recompense granted by the Republic to those who serve on board vessels of war; they shall not, however, have a right but to those rewards which are given once, and not to those which shall be granted weekly, or monthly, or otherwise. As to what respects the maintenance of the wounded, the account of it shall be presented to the competent College of the Admiralty, to be there examined and duly regulated, so that the maimed, to the end that they may enjoy the moiety of the recompense proposed, may procure themselves an act of the said College of the Admiralty, after having furnished it the necessary proofs.

VI. "For the encouragement of the ships of war, as well as the merchant vessels, which may be provided with commissions to make use of, in case of need, to cause to the English ships all the prejudice possible, we intend that the English ship of which they may make themselves masters, of what nature or denomination soever it may be, shall be given them entire, the tenth for the Admiral excepted, without pretending, however, to any further recompense.

VII. "If it should happen, that our privateers, merchant vessels, or others armed for a cruise at the expense of individuals of this country, should retake any vessels or effects belonging to the subjects of the State, and that such recapture shall be made in the space of fortyeight hours after they shall have been in the hands of the enemy, they shall enjoy in that case one fifth of the just value of the vessels or effects, which they shall have delivered; but if the recapture shall be made in the space of four days after the vessel shall have been in the hands of the English, they shall have one third of the said value; and if the recapture shall be made after four days, they shall have the moiety of it, without having any further regard to the greater or lesser time, that the said vessels or effects retaken shall have been in the hands of the English, after the expiration of the four days.

VIII. "The adjudication of any one of the said recompenses, as well as the acts of the respective Colleges of the Admiralty in favor of the maimed or wounded, being shown to the Receiver-General of the duties of entry and clearance, to receive the appointed recompense, the payment of it shall be promptly made by the said Receiver-General at the Hague, or in the place of the College of Admiralty, in which the sentence or the taxation shall have been pronounced, as it shall be most convenient for the said Receiver-General.

IX. "Which Receiver-General shall be provided with sufficient sums of money to satisfy the said payments, and he shall always take care, that after having paid some bounties, he has always wherewith to satisfy promptly those which may be demanded of him in the sequel, either by the second moiety of the duties of Last and Vielgeld, or by negotiating successively the sums which he shall have occasion for, for a supply.

X. "In all cases, the privateer, who shall have taken or destroyed any English vessel, ought to take care to give without delay, and as soon as he arrives, notice to the said Receiver-General of the value of the bounties, which he has a right to claim, to the end that the said Receiver-General may be in a condition to make prompt payment.

XI. "And in all the respective Colleges of Admiralty, where the case shall be brought, they shall take care to render prompt sentences, even by postponing to other times the other affairs which may be before them.

XII. "And in case an appeal or revision should be demanded, and by this means the sentences of the said Colleges shall be annulled, we have desired that in this case, the recompenses assigned by the sentences of the Admiralty should be delivered to the said privateers, so that the demand of revision may not suspend or hinder the payment; we mean at the same time, that the sureties, which the ships going to cruise ought to furnish, shall be obliged in that case to augment the surety, and to promise a prompt restitution of what shall have been paid to the said privateers in consequence of sentences of the Admiralty, in case that these sentences shall be reversed in the revision, and the privateers denied their demand. And to be the more sure that the sums delivered in such cases be restored, we have declared, and do declare by these presents, that the vessels and all which belongs to them, with which the said prizes shall have been made, shall be held judicially to make restitution of the bounties received; and that the said juridical obligation shall commence from the day that the said privateers shall have received their commissions, and shall go upon a cruise.

XIII. "And this placard shall have its effects from the day of this publication; and that nobody may pretend ignorance, we request and demand the Lords, the States, the Stadtholder, the Counsellors, Committees, and the Deputies of the States of the respective Provinces of Guelderland, and the Earldom of Zutphen, of Holland, and West Friesland, of Zealand, of Utrecht, of Friesland, of Overyssel, and of Groningen and Ommelanden, and all other members and officers of justice, that they announce, publish, and post up this ordinance immediately, in all the places of this country, where it is customary to make such annunciations, publications, and postings; we charge and enjoin moreover, the Counsellors of the Admiralty, the Advocates of the Treasury, Secretaries-General of Convoys, and Licensers, Receivers, Masters of Convoys, Controllers, and Searchers, and at the same time the Receiver-General of the augmentation of the duty of Last and Vielgeld, and to all others to whom it belongs, to govern themselves exactly according to the tenor of these presents."

Their High Mightinesses have also published the following.

"The States-General of the United Provinces to all those who shall see, hear, or read these presents. Greeting. We make known, that to the end to encourage the loyal inhabitants of this State, we have thought proper by the present publication, to notify to all and every one, and to assure them that all those who, employed in the service of the Republic, in the war at sea, may be maimed in such a manner as to become incapable of gaining their livelihood by labor, and shall desire to be assisted by a sum of money, payable once for all, shall receive in proportion to the importance of their wounds, that which follows.

1. "For the loss of two eyes, fifteen hundred florins; for the loss of one eye, three hundred and fifty florins; as to other accidents, which may happen under the case mentioned, gratifications shall be given according to the good pleasure of the respective Colleges of the Admiralty.

2. "For the loss of two arms, fifteen hundred florins; for the loss of the right arm, four hundred and fifty florins; for that of the left arm, three hundred and fifty florins; and for other accidents and wounds in these members, at the discretion of the Colleges of the Admiralty, upon which each one depends.

3. "For the loss of two hands, twelve hundred florins; for the loss of the right hand, three hundred and fifty florins; for that of the left hand, three hundred and fifty florins; as to lesser accidents, valuable at sums less considerable, at the discretion aforementioned.

4. "For the loss of two legs, seven hundred florins; for the loss of one leg, three hundred and fifty florins; for accidents less serious, the gratification shall be fixed by the Colleges of the Admiralty.

5. "For the loss of two feet, four hundred and fifty florins; for that of one foot, two hundred florins; and for smaller wounds, at the discretion of the respective Colleges.

6. "Moreover, all those who in the service of the Republic shall be maimed to such a degree as to be no longer able to gain a living by labor, nor to provide in any manner for their subsistence, shall receive during their lives, one ducatoon a week; and all other wounds or mutilations less considerable shall be paid in proportion."

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Amsterdam, February 1st, 1781.

Sir,

One of the most brilliant events, which has yet been produced by the American Revolution, is the following Treaty of Marine, concluded at Copenhagen, the 28th of June, 1780, old style, between her Majesty, the Empress of Russia, and his Majesty, the King of Denmark and of Norway, for the maintenance of neutral mercantile navigation, and in which his Majesty, the King of Sweden, as well as their High Mightinesses, the States-General of the United Provinces, have taken part and acceded, and which has been signed respectively, at St Petersburg, the 21st of July, 1780, and the 5th of January, 1781.

TREATY OF MARINE BETWEEN RUSSIA AND DENMARK.

"As by the war by sea, which has actually broken out between Great Britain, on one side, and France and Spain on the other, the commerce and the navigation of neutral powers suffer considerable damages, her Majesty, the Empress of Russia, and his Majesty, the King of Denmark and of Norway, in consequence of their assiduous attention to unite their proper dignities, and their cares for the safety and the well being of their subjects, from the regard which they have so often testified for the rights of nations in general, have found it necessary, in the present circumstances, to determine their conduct according to those sentiments.

"Her Majesty, the Empress of Russia has, by her declaration, dated the 28th of February, 1780, to the belligerent powers, exposed to light, in the face of all Europe, the fundamental principles, which spring from the original law of nations, which she claims, and which she adopts as a rule of her conduct in the present war. As this attention of the Empress, to watch over the reciprocal rights of nations, has united the suffrages of all the neutral powers, so she has engaged herself in it, as an affair, which concerns the most essential of her interests, and she has carried it to that length, that we may seriously consider it as a subject worthy of the times present and to come, considering that it is to bring into one system, and establish permanently, the rights, prerogatives, and engagements of neutrality.

"His Majesty, the King of Denmark and of Norway, convinced of these principles, has likewise established and demanded them in the declaration of the 8th of July, 1780, which he has caused to be presented, as well as that of Russia, to the belligerent powers; and to give them support, he has caused to be equipped a part of his fleet. From hence has arisen the harmony and unanimity, with which her Majesty, the Empress of Russia, and his Majesty, the King of Denmark and of Norway, have judged necessary, by a reciprocal friendship and confidence, and conformably to the interests of their subjects, to confirm these common engagements, to be concluded by a formal convention. In this view, their said Imperial and Royal Majesties have chosen and named for their Plenipotentiaries, viz. her Majesty, the Empress of Russia, M. Charles Van Osten, named Saken, present Counsellor of State, Knight of the Order of St Anne, Minister Plenipotentiary of her said Majesty to the Court of Denmark, &c. &c.; and his Majesty, the King of Denmark and of Norway, M. Otton, Count de Thott, Privy Counsellor, Knight of the Order of the Elephant, &c.; M. Joachim Otton de Schack-Reventlaw, Privy Counsellor, Knight of the Order of the Elephant, &c.; M. Jean Henri d'Eichstedt, Privy Counsellor, Governor of his Royal Highness, the Hereditary Prince, Knight of the Order of the Elephant, &c.; and M. André Pierre, Count de Bernstorff, Privy Counsellor, Secretary of State of the Department of Foreign Affairs, Director of the Royal German Chancery, and Knight of the Order of the Elephant, &c.; who, after having exchanged their full powers, which are found in good and due form, have agreed and resolved upon the Articles following.

"Article i. That their said Majesties have sincerely resolved to maintain constantly the most perfect friendship and concord with the powers actually engaged in the war, and to observe the most scrupulous neutrality; that they declare, in consequence, to hold themselves exactly to this, that the prohibition to carry on commerce of contraband with the powers actually at war, or with those, who may in the sequel be engaged in it, shall be strictly observed by their subjects.

"Art. ii. To avoid all error and misunderstanding concerning the subject of the name of contraband, her Majesty, the Empress of Russia, and his Majesty, the King of Denmark and Norway declare, that they acknowledge only as effects of contraband, those which are comprehended in the treaties subsisting between the said Courts, and one or the other of the belligerent powers.

"Her Majesty, the Empress of Russia, conforms herself entirely to the tenth and eleventh articles of her treaty of commerce with Great Britain, and extends also the engagements of this treaty, which are entirely founded upon natural law, to the Crowns of France and Spain, which at the date of the present convention, have no treaty of commerce with her empire. His Majesty, the King of Denmark and Norway conforms himself, on his part, principally to the second article of his treaty of commerce with Great Britain, and to the twentysixth and twentyseventh articles of his treaty of commerce with France, and extends also the engagements of this latter to Spain, considering that he has not with this last Crown any treaty, which determines any conditions upon this subject.

"Art. iii. As by this means the contraband is determined and fixed, conformably to special treaties and conventions subsisting between the high contracting parties and the belligerent powers, and principally in the treaty between Russia and Great Britain, of the 20th of June, 1766, as well as by that between Denmark and Great Britain, dated the 11th of July, 1670, and by that concluded between Denmark and France, the 23d of August, 1742, the will and intention of her Russian Imperial Majesty, and his Majesty the King of Denmark and Norway are, that all other commerce shall be, and remain free.

"Already their Majesties, in their declarations presented to the belligerent powers, have grounded themselves upon the general principles of the law of nature, from whence are derived the liberty of commerce and of navigation, the rights of neutral nations, and have resolved to depend no longer upon the arbitrary interpretations, that partial advantages and momentary interests may dictate. In this view, they have agreed upon the following articles.

"1. That it shall be lawful for every vessel to navigate from one port to another, and upon the coasts of the belligerent powers.

"2. That the effects belonging to the subjects of the belligerent powers shall be free upon neutral vessels, except merchandises of contraband.

"3. That to determine what ought to be held a port blocked, that alone can be considered as such, in which the vessels, which would enter, shall be exposed to an evident danger, by the force, which with this view attacks it, and by its vessels, which shall have taken a station sufficiently near.

"4. That neutral vessels may only be stopped for just causes, and upon evident proofs; that, without loss of time, right shall be done them, and the procedures shall be always uniform, prompt, and according to the laws; and that every time, besides reparation to those who shall have suffered without cause, there shall be also given a complete satisfaction for the insult committed against the flags of their Majesties.

"Art. iv. To the end to protect the general commerce of their subjects, supported by the fundamental rules above laid down, her Majesty, the Empress of all the Russias, and his Majesty, the King of Denmark and Norway, have thought fit, each one in particular, in order to obtain these ends, to equip a proportional number of vessels of war and frigates. The squadron of each one of these respective powers shall be stationed in a certain latitude, and shall be employed in convoys, according to the exigence of the case, in which the commerce and the navigation of each nation may be.

"Art. v. If the merchant ships of one of the contracting powers shall be in a part of the sea where the ships of war of their own nation are not stationed, and, for this reason, cannot enjoy their protection; in that case, the commander of the vessels of war of the other power, being thereto required, shall grant them, with good faith and sincerity, the necessary assistance; and in this case, the vessels of war and frigates of one of the two powers, shall protect and support the merchant vessels of the other; provided, nevertheless, that, under the shelter of the protection demanded, there be not exercised any prohibited commerce, contrary to the laws adopted by the neutrality.

"Art. vi. The present convention cannot be retroactive, and, by consequence, we cannot take part in differences, which have arisen before its conclusion; at least, if these affairs do not concern the violences which continue still, and which tend to oppress all the neutral nations of Europe.

"Art. vii. If, in spite of the vigilant and friendly care of the two powers, and the exact observation of the neutrality on their part, the Russian or Danish merchant vessels are insulted, or taken by the vessels of war, or privateers, of one or the other of the belligerent powers, in that case, the Minister of the party offended shall make representations to the Court, whose vessels of war or privateers shall have been guilty of this act, shall demand the restoration of the vessel taken, and shall insist upon a suitable reparation, without ever losing sight of the satisfaction for the insult done to the flag. The Minister of the other contracting party shall second efficaciously and seriously these representations, and shall thus continue them conjointly and unanimously; but if they refuse, or put off from time to time to do right, touching such grievances, in this case, their Majesties shall make reprisals against the power which refuses to do them right, and shall unite themselves forthwith, in the most efficacious measures for this just reprisal.

"Art. viii. If one or the other of the contracting powers, or both together, in virtue of this convention, or any other which may be made, which may have relation to it, are disturbed, molested, or attacked, it is agreed that the two powers shall act in concert, to defend themselves reciprocally, and to procure themselves, by united efforts, an entire and satisfactory reparation, both for the insult done to the flag, and for the loss caused to their subjects.

"Art. ix. This Convention is resolved and fixed for all the time that the present war shall continue, and shall serve as the basis of all the engagements which may be contracted in the sequel, according to the circumstances of the times, and upon occasion of new wars at sea, which may unfortunately trouble the repose of Europe; besides, these conditions shall be regarded as subsisting, and shall have a legal validity in the affairs both of commerce and navigation, and in the determination of the rights of neutral nations.

"Art. x. As the end and the principal motive of this Convention is, to assure the general liberty of commerce and of navigation, her Majesty, the Empress of Russia, and his Majesty, the King of Denmark and of Norway, agree and engage beforehand, to permit that other neutral powers accede to this convention, and by taking cognizance of these principles, to partake also of the obligations and advantages of the said convention.

"Art. xi. To the end that the belligerent powers may not pretend a cause of ignorance of these said engagements between the said Courts, the high contracting parties will communicate in a manner the most friendly to all the belligerent powers these maxims, in which they have united, which measures are so much the less hostile, as they are not hurtful to any other power; but have solely for their object the safety of the commerce and of the navigation of their respective subjects.

"Art. xii. The present Convention shall be ratified by the two contracting parties, and the ratifications shall be exchanged in good form in the term of six weeks, to be computed from the signatures, or even sooner; if it may be. In faith of which we have, in virtue of our full powers, signed the present, and, sealed it with our seals. Done at Copenhagen, the nineteenth of July, 1780.

CHARLES VAN OSTEN, named SAKEN, O. THOTT, I. SCHACK REVENTLAW, A. P. COMTE DE BERNSTORFF, H. EICHSTEDT."

The ratifications of this Convention were exchanged at Copenhagen the 16th of September, 1780, by the same Ministers Plenipotentiary who signed it, and as to this end, the Ministers Plenipotentiary named to this purpose, viz. on the part of her Imperial Majesty, the Count Nikia Panin, actually Privy Counsellor, Senator, Chamberlain in Exercise, and Knight of the Orders of St Andrew, St Alexander Newsky, and St Anne, and the Count John Osterman, Vice Chancellor, Privy Counsellor, and Knight of the Orders of St Alexander Newsky and St Anne; and on the part of his Majesty the King of Sweden, the Baron Frederick Van Nalken, Envoy Extraordinary of his Swedish Majesty at the Court of her Imperial Majesty, Chamberlain, Commandant of the Order of the Polar Star, Knight of the Orders of the Sword and of St John, have signed, the 21st of July, 1780, at St Petersburg, a similar Convention, conceived in the same form, and word for word, of the same tenor with that signed at Copenhagen, except the second article, in which the stipulations of contraband being resolved and ratified, to which they are to adhere, in consequence of treaties subsisting between the Crown of Sweden and the other powers, we have to this purpose, to avoid the repetition of what has been already said, added here, literally, the said second article.