Volume 5 — CONTENTS (continued 3)

Would it not be proper for Congress to discover some sensibility to the injuries, which the United States receive from these States, such as Denmark and Portugal? I think they should remonstrate coolly and with dignity; not go to war, nor be in a passion about it; but show that they understand their behavior. Denmark restored Jones' and Landais' prizes to England, without knowing why. Why would it not do to remonstrate; then prohibit any of the productions of Portugal from being consumed in America?

The prospect brightens in the West Indies. De Guichen has arrived. De la Motte Piquet has defended himself very well, secured his convoys, fought the English, even with inferior force, and got the better. De Guichen's appearance dissipated all thoughts of their expedition, and threw the English Islands into great consternation; but you will see in the public prints all the news.

The force from Brest, which sailed on the 2d, and that from Cadiz, which I hope sailed as soon or sooner, will not diminish the terror and confusion of the English in America and the islands.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Paris, May 16th, 1780.

Sir,

I have delivered to the Chevalier de la Colombe, formerly aid-de-camp to the Marquis de Lafayette, and afterwards to the Baron de Kalb, and one of my fellow passengers in the leaky Sensible to Ferrol, a number of letters and three packets of newspapers. He goes in the Alliance.

In a private letter, which I have received from Brussels, I am informed there is a talk of opening the navigation of Antwerp. This is a hint. And in the Gazette of France of this day, is a paragraph from Vienna of the 14th of April, which is another. This Court (Vienna) not having yet made any maritime treaty with the States of Barbary, and as its commerce in the Mediterranean may be exposed to their corsairs, their Imperial and Royal Majesties have resolved in their Council, that there shall be this year equipped at Trieste and at Fiume one ship and two frigates of war, for the protection of the commerce of their subjects.

Time will discover whether there is any English politics in either of them. Two and twenty millions a year is enough, without sending additional millions in subsidies.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

TO M. GENET, AT VERSAILLES.

Paris, May 17th, 1780.

Sir,

General Conway, in his speech in the House of Commons, on the 6th of May, affirms, that the alliance between France and the United States is not natural. Whether it is or not, is no doubt a great question. In order to determine whether it is or not, one should consider what is meant by a natural alliance; and I know of no better rule than this; when two nations have the same interests in general, they are natural allies; when they have opposite interests, they are natural enemies. The General observes, first, that nature has raised a barrier between France and America; but nature has raised no other barrier than the ocean; and the distance and this barrier are equally great between England and America. The General will not pretend that nature, in the constitution of American minds or bodies, has laid any foundation for friendship or enmity towards one nation more than another. The General observes, further, that habit has raised another barrier between France and America. But he should have considered, that the habits of affection or enmity between nations are easily changed, as circumstances vary, and as essential interests alter. Besides, the fact is, that the horrible perfidy and cruelty of the English towards the Americans, which they have taken care to make universally felt in that country for a long course of years past, have alienated the American mind and heart from the English; and it is now much to be doubted, whether any nation of Europe is so universally and heartily detested by them. On the contrary, most of the other nations of Europe have treated them with civility, and France and Spain with esteem, confidence, and affection, which has greatly changed the habits of the Americans in this respect.

The third material, of which the general barrier is created, is language. This, no doubt, occasions many difficulties in the communication between the allies; but it is lessening every day. Perhaps no language was ever studied at once by so many persons at a time, in proportion, as the French is now studied in America. And it is certain, that English was never so much studied in France as since the revolution; so that the difficulties of understanding one another are lessening every day.

Religion is the fourth part of the barrier. But let it be considered, first, that there is not enough of religion of any kind among the great in England to make the Americans very fond of them. Secondly, that what religion there is in England, is as far from being the religion of America as that of France. The hierarchy of England is quite as disagreeable to America as that of any other country. Besides, the Americans know very well, that the spirit of propagating any religion by conquest, and of making proselytes by force or by intrigue, is fled from all other countries of the world, in a great measure, and that there is more of this spirit remaining in England than anywhere else. And the Americans had, and have still, more reason to fear the introduction of a religion that is disagreeable to them, at least as far as bishops and hierarchy go, from a connexion with England, than with any other nation of Europe.

The alliance with France has no article respecting religion. France neither claims nor desires any authority or influence over America in this respect; whereas, England claimed and intended to exercise authority and force over the Americans; at least, so far as to introduce bishops; and the English Society for Propagating Religion in Foreign Parts, has, in fact, for a century, sent large sums of money to America to support their religion there, which really operated as a bribe upon many minds, and was the principal source of toryism. So that upon the whole, the alliance with France is in fact more natural, as far as religion is concerned, than the former connexion with Great Britain, or any other connexion that can be formed.

Indeed, whoever considers attentively this subject, will see, that these three circumstances of habit, language, and religion, will for the future operate as natural causes of animosity between England and America, because they will facilitate migration. The loss of liberty, the decay of religion, the horrible national debt, the decline of commerce, and of political importance in Europe, and of maritime power, which cannot but take place in England, will tempt numbers of their best people to emigrate to America; and to this, fashion, language, and religion will contribute. The British government will, therefore, see themselves obliged to restrain this by many ways; and among others, by cultivating an animosity and hatred in the minds of their people against the Americans. Nature has already sufficiently discovered itself, and all the world sees, that the British government have for many years, not only indulged in themselves the most unsocial and bitter passions against Americans, but have systematically encouraged them in the people.

After all, the circumstances of modes, language, and religion, have much less influence in determining the friendship and enmity of nations, than other more essential interests. Commerce is more than all these and many more such circumstances. Now it is easy to see, that the commercial interests of England and America will forever hereafter be incompatible. America will take away, or at least diminish, the trade of the English in ship building, in freight, in the whale fisheries, in the cod fisheries, in furs and skins, and in other particulars, too many to enumerate. In this respect, America will not interfere with France, but on the contrary, will facilitate and benefit the French commerce and marine, to a very great degree. Here, then, will be a perpetual rivalry and competition between England and America, and a continual source of animosity and war. America will have occasion for the alliance of France, to defend her against this ill will of England, as France will stand in need of that of America, to aid her against the natural and continual jealousies and hostility of England.

The boundaries of territory will also be another constant source of disputes. If a peace should unhappily be made, leaving England in possession of Canada, Nova Scotia, the Floridas, or any one spot of ground in America, they will be perpetually encroaching upon the States of America; whereas, France, having renounced all territorial jurisdiction in America, will have no room for controversy.

The people of America, therefore, whose very farmers appear to have considered the interests of nations more profoundly than General Conway, are universally of the opinion, that from the time they declared themselves independent, England became their natural enemy and as she has been for centuries, and will be the natural enemy of France, and the natural ally of other natural enemies of France, America became the natural friend of France, and she the natural friend of the United States; Powers naturally united against a common enemy, whose interests will long continue to be reciprocally secured and promoted by mutual friendship.

It is very strange, that the English should thus dogmatically judge of the interests of all other nations. According to them, the Americans are, and have been for many years, acting directly against their own interest; France and Spain have been acting against their own interests; Holland is acting against her own interest; Russia and the Northern Powers are all acting against their own interests; Ireland is acting against hers, &c.; so that there is only that little island of the whole world, that understands their own interest; and of the inhabitants of that, the committees, and associations, and assemblies, are all in the same error with the rest of the world; so that there remains only the Ministry and their equivocal and undulating majority, among all the people upon the face of the earth, who act naturally, and according to their own interests. The rest of the world, however, think that they understand themselves very well, and that it is the English or Scottish majority who are mistaken.

Your friend, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

TO THE COUNT DE VERGENNES.

Paris, May 19th, 1780.

Sir,

I have the honor to enclose a few newspapers, received by the last post from Boston, by the way of Bilboa. There is very little news. I have letters as late as the 27th of March.

The most remarkable thing in the Pennsylvania Gazette is, that the great seal of the Province of Pennsylvania was brought into the House of the Assembly of that State, and by order of the House defaced and cut to pieces, which, to be sure, is no proof of a desire to go back to their old government. I do not see how they could have expressed a stronger contempt of it.

In the Independent Chronicle of the 9th of March is a list of prizes, made by the privateers of the middle district of the Massachusetts Bay, only since the last session of the Court of Admiralty. They amount to nineteen vessels; which shows that privateering flourishes in those seas, and also shows what havoc may, and probably will be made among the English transports, provision vessels, and merchant-men, when the superiority of the French and Spanish fleets comes to be as clear, as it soon will be; perhaps, as it is now, and has been, since the arrival of M. de Guichen.

In a private letter of the 27th of March I am told, that two prizes had just then arrived, one with four hundred hogsheads of rum, and another with four thousand barrels of flour, pork, and beef, articles much wanted by the enemy, and not at all amiss in Boston.

The convention had gone through the constitution of government, and had accepted the report of the committee with some few unessential amendments.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Paris, May 19th, 1780.

Sir,

The answer of the King of Spain to the declaration of the Empress of Russia, is said to be in substance,

"That the King has received with pleasure the overtures, which have been made to him on the part of her Majesty, the Empress of Russia, relative to the measures which this Princess proposes to follow, both with regard to the Courts actually at war and the neutral powers; that these principles are precisely the same which have governed the King heretofore, and which he has endeavored to recommend to Great Britain; that from the beginning of the troubles, his Catholic Majesty has not departed from the system of equity and of moderation, of which he has given proofs to all the powers of Europe, and that he is solely upon the arbitrary proceedings of England, that he determined upon more vigorous measures; that since the English, far from respecting the neutral flags, have even allowed themselves to attack vessels, the cargoes of which are authorised by treaties, it became necessary, that Spain on her part should take care of her interests; that the King, not content to confine himself to the frequent marks which he has given of his equity, declares, moreover, that he is ready to show all possible deference for those of the neutral powers, who shall determine to protect their flags, and that he will continue faithful to his engagement, until England shall put an end to those exactions, which her ships do not cease to commit; that in fine, his Catholic Majesty accedes to the other articles of the declaration presented the 15th of April, by the Sieur de Sinovief, but flatters himself at the same time, that for what concerns the blockade of Gibraltar, her Imperial Majesty will prescribe to her subjects to conform themselves to the restrictions proposed by the ordinance issued at Madrid the 13th of March last."

It is said, that in conformity to the resolutions taken by their High Mightinesses the 25th of last month, the Count de Welderen has presented a Memorial to Lord Stormont, who after having run it over answered, "that he would lay it before his Majesty, and request his orders upon the subject; although beforehand he could assure him, that the King highly approved the conduct held by Mr Fielding, as well as the manner in which he had executed his orders," adding, "that at London we think that Mr Fielding conducted himself according to the tenor of treaties, and that it was the Count de Byland that violated them."

This answer having given rise to an animated conversation between the Count de Welderen and Lord Stormont, the latter employed all possible arguments to prove, that it was the Count de Byland who had been the aggressor, while, on the contrary, the Minister of their High Mightinesses had asserted, and incontestably proved, "that their High Mightinesses had never consented, that any ship found under the convoy of one of their vessels of war should be visited; and that, consequently, Commodore Fielding, who ought not to have been ignorant of the treaties, and who, nevertheless, had so manifestly infringed them, had been truly the aggressor, in sending out his armed boat."

That as to the last point of the said Memorial, relative to the liberation, without any form of process, of the vessels seized sailing under convoy of the Count de Byland, Lord Stormont answered, "the way of appeal lay open to the parties interested, but that it was not in the power of his Majesty to transgress the ordinary forms, by making any alteration in the decrees pronounced upon this occasion."

Ireland, although her Parliament has discovered symptoms of timidity or diffidence in postponing the great question to September, has not yet finished her roll upon the stage. It should be remembered, first, that she has postponed, not determined, the controversy. Secondly, that all parties in the House united in declaring their sentiments, that Ireland was not subject to any foreign legislation. In this, even Mr Foster, who is reputed the Ministerial agent in the House of Commons, and the Attorney General himself, concurred. Thirdly, that it is still in contemplation to pass a mutiny act through the Irish Parliament, which must be grounded upon the supposition, that the English mutiny act is not binding; and whether such a bill shall pass or not, many magistrates will not execute the English act. Fourthly, the volunteers of the liberty of Dublin have resolved unanimously, on the 26th of April, that it is inexpedient to remain any longer under the command of his Grace the Duke of Leinster. Fifthly, the body of lawyers, on the 30th of April, admitted Mr Grattan as an honorary member of their society, and unanimously voted an address to him, which, with his answer, Congress will see.

I am very sorry it is not in my power to enclose to Congress the English papers later than the 5th, because they contain intelligence of importance, which is favorable to us from the West Indies. But the packet from London to Ostend was taken by a French privateer and carried into Dunkirk, after the mail had been cast into the sea.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Paris, May 20th, 1780.

Sir,

In the House of Commons on the 6th of May, General Conway read the title, and explained the clauses, of his proposed bill for reconciliation or peace with America. It consisted in the repeal of all the acts, which have revolted America. He desired, that the House would receive it, add to it, subtract from it, modify and alter it, as they pleased.

Lord Nugent agreed to the necessity of doing something, which should give Great Britain a hope of reconciliation with America; he did not approve the tenor of the bill, although he seconded the motion, but invited the House to prepare one.

"It is certain," said Lord Nugent, "that in the alarming situation we are in, it is of decisive importance to make peace with America, for in fact we having nothing but her, there does not remain to us one power in Europe, and what is worse, an armed neutrality against the spirit of treaties, speaking the language of neutral powers, seconds efficaciously the powers who are our enemies. It is about twenty years, that the state of affairs is considerably changed in Europe; it is the King of Prussia, who has effected this revolution. Considering the turn, which affairs have taken under his reign, Prussia gives actually as much umbrage to the House of Austria, as the House of Bourbon gave it heretofore; so that on one hand the difference of interests, on the other the influence of certain Courts, and in several other Cabinets a profound indifference, have totally turned what is called the balance of power; nevertheless, if those of the Princes of Europe, who ought to sustain us, contemplate coldly our fall, they have not only renounced the principles of honor, but they have even lost out of sight their proper interests; for if they suffer the House of Bourbon to become the first maritime power of Europe, their States must in their turn partake of our fall; but they occupy themselves with momentary interests, and sacrifice to transient considerations those solid and permanent interests, which wise men never lose sight of."

By comparing this speech with the declaration of Lord Nugent's repentance for having called us rebels, and the Ode to Mankind, and altogether with the true state of facts and political interests of the world at present, we shall see, that his Lordship is more of a poet and an honest man, than he is of a great statesman; for in the first place the armed neutrality is not against the spirit of treaties. In the next place, it is not in fact the King of Prussia, but the United States of America, who have effected the revolution in the political system and the variation in the balance of power. Thirdly, it is not because certain powers contemplate coldly the fall of England, but because they see England is unable to stand in the rank she once held, and that there is a new power arising in the West, in which they are all interested, who will not only maintain her ground, but advance with a rapidity, that has no example, and that it is the interest of all the powers, that no one of them should have an exclusive monopoly of the commerce or political weight of this rising State, that stimulates them to favor it.

But it is really surprising to observe how few persons there are in England, who have reflected upon the present state of the world, and have had sagacity enough to penetrate the true principles of its policy.

Mr Eden followed Lord Nugent in the debate, and indulged himself in sporting with the flowers of rhetoric, and pleasantries of wit, without many solid observations that deserve notice. It may not be improper to remark two or three things however. "In general," says he, "the object of the honorable member, General Conway, is extremely praiseworthy; but the present moment is not proper for the pursuit of it; it is not at present, that Parliament can say, we will grant this, or will refuse that, because they ask nothing of us. Every unsolicited offer will be regarded as a tacit confession of our weakness; a useless instrument in the hands of the well intentioned inhabitants, it will become an offensive and dangerous arm in the hands of Congress. It is important for the present, to leave the scales in the equilibrium where they are. The return of the Americans to the suggestions of duty and loyalty now divides the Continent, by diminishing the number of the supporters of rebellion, now shaken to its centre. In such circumstances a manly confidence, wisdom, and moderation may make the balance incline to our side. Precipitation in our councils, superfluous discussions, domestic divisions, premature and imprudent overtures, may draw it over to the other forever. I say superfluous discussions, this is the most dangerous of all those that I comprehend in the number, and consequently to put an end to it, I demand the order of the day."

Lord George Gordon seconded the motion of Mr Eden, not because he was of his opinion, for he ridiculed it with all the wit imaginable, but because the General's bill appeared to him to announce a commission as ridiculous as that of 1780,[2] since probably they would not begin by acknowledging the independence of America. Mr Cruger said, that if peace with America could not be obtained without acknowledging her independence, they ought not to hesitate a moment. Mr W. Pitt said, that neither conciliatory bills, nor peace making commissioners, would make peace with America. The Ministry must retire. The Americans will never listen to any propositions until the present Ministers resign their places to men, who have not lost the confidence of America by deceiving them, and the confidence of the nation by imposing upon Parliament.

Here is another proof among many, that are given every day by the opposition themselves, of their hunger for the loaves and fishes, and that they do not mean with good faith to make peace, America would as readily make peace upon proper terms with the present Ministry as any other, and she would not make peace upon improper terms—with any other Ministry sooner than with the present.

Lord George Germain said, "If our reconciliation with America depended upon the resignation of the present Ministers, and they were convinced of the efficacy of this measure, I am persuaded they would take it unanimously forthwith. Most certainly all good men in the kingdom ought to wish, that peace may be made upon honorable and advantageous terms. This is the wish of my heart, and I flatter myself, that its accomplishment is not far off. This is not speculation, my opinion is founded upon fresh advices. I firmly believe, that the moment of reconciliation is not far distant. The state of profound distress, to which the Americans find themselves reduced, has brought them back, if not to duty in general, at least to reflection, and to a knowledge of their true interests; and I can assure the House, that the greatest number not only desire to return to their allegiance, but express the desire of it, and testify that they are ready to seize a favorable opportunity, and would not wait for any opportunity, if they were not held in by the tyranny of those, who have made themselves masters of power. I do not think, that the Congress will ever appear disposed to enter into treaty, but the misery of the people, but the depreciation of the paper money, but the burden of debt, under which the community staggers, but the repugnance, which all orders of the people testify for the alliance, which they have made them contract with France, the little utility, which this alliance has been of to America, all announce in time, that the different assemblies of that Continent will not be long before they come to terms."

It is really difficult to say what epithets ought to be given to this speech. When a Minister of a great nation can rise in its great Council, and with so much cold blood, so much solemnity, and such appearance of reflection and deliberation affirm such things, what shall we say?

The absurdity of his distinctions is not less remarkable, than the grossness of his misinformation respecting facts, that Congress will not treat, but the several Assemblies will. Is not Congress the creature of the Assemblies? Do not the Assemblies create the members of Congress every year? Cannot they annihilate them every moment? Cannot the Assemblies instruct their members of Congress? Cannot the people instruct their members of Assembly? But it is endless to remark. The same system of fraud and misrepresentation, which first deceived Great Britain into this controversy and war with America, still deceives them into the continuance of it, and will deceive them to their ruin. This should be the less afflicting to America, as, since there is every reason to think, that Great Britain will be hereafter our natural and habitual enemy, disposed to war with us whenever she can, the more completely she is exhausted, humbled, and abased before the peace, the securer we shall be forever after.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

P. S. The Chargé des Affaires of Denmark has notified to the Ministry at Stockholm, the 28th of April, that this Court had acceded to the armed neutrality, to which the Empress of Russia had invited it, and he has requested, in consequence, in the name of his sovereign, his Swedish Majesty, to enter into the same confederation. Although no positive answer has as yet been given him, it is nevertheless not at all doubted, that Sweden will concur with the other neutral maritime powers, to restrain the excesses of the armed ships and cruisers of the belligerent powers; an excess of which the rencounter of the frigate Illerim, with a cruiser from Mahon, furnished a new example, as was remarked at the head of the relation, which the Court has published of it.

J. A.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Paris, May 20th, 1780.

Sir,

As my English papers, containing the debates on the 6th of this month on General Conway's motion, are lost in the sea, I shall give Congress the several accounts of them from the foreign gazettes. That of the Hague gives the following account of the General's discourse.

"Two powerful motives have induced me to undertake the formation of this bill; the indispensable necessity in which we find ourselves to make peace with America, and the favorable disposition in which I suppose America to be.

"To show the nature of the horrible war, which I propose to put an end to, it is necessary to go back to its origin. I find it in that committee of darkness, which met in this house fifteen years ago at midnight. This company of black conspirators, who plotted in their conventicle the destruction of the British empire, and sowed the seed of all the evils, of all the disgraces, and of all the insults under which England and America have groaned, from the fatal moment in which this senseless committee conceived the extravagant idea of drawing a revenue from the colonies, by taxing subjects in a house where they had no representatives. Thank heaven I have no reproach to make to myself. I opposed, in the time of it, this horrible measure, and predicted the fatal effects, and I have the chagrin to see all my predictions accomplished; from error to error, from one false measure to another, we are arrived to the brink of a precipice, down to the bottom of which we feel ourselves irresistibly hurried by the weight of our debts.

"From the time that the word independence, coming from America, resounded in this house, we have endeavored to evince that the Americans had originally this independence in view. Nevertheless, the events have demonstrated that nothing was further from their idea. When I express myself thus, I speak of Americans in general. I pretend not to insinuate, that there were not among them some men of inferior rank, who have thought that they saw their present interest in the independence of their country. In so vast a country it is impossible, that there should not be found some such senseless men, and I should be more senseless, more absurd, than the absurdest of them all, if I could doubt of it a moment. But again, once more; the mass of the nation did not aim at independence; when we had forced this peaceable people to a just resistance, what happened here? Our lawyers opened the road of error; we never inquired how we could appease these rising troubles. Grave men, distinguished by the most eminent talents, and by the most influential offices, talked of conquest and submission; 'The Rubicon is passed,' said they, 'the sword is drawn, it you do not kill them they will kill you.' The lawyers were powerfully seconded by the reverend ministers of a religion, which teaches peace and recommends brotherly love. The robe and the mitre, animating us in concert to massacre, we plunged ourselves into rivers of blood, spreading terror, devastation, and death over the whole continent of America, exhausting ourselves at home both of men and money, dishonoring forever our annals, we became the objects of horror in the eyes of indignant Europe! It was our reverend prelates who led on this dance, which may be justly styled the dance of death! These reverend prelates have a terrible account to give to their country and to their consciences; they have opened upon them the eyes of the nation, who have justly styled them the rotten part of the constitution.

"Such is the horrid war, which we have maintained for five years. What have been its horrible fruits! a ruinous war to sustain against the two branches of the House of Bourbon; we are crushed under the burden of an immense debt; at war with America; at war with France; at war with Spain, without having a single ally or a single power for our friend. On the contrary, seeing distinctly and without doubt, that all foreign powers act directly or indirectly, in a manner absolutely contrary to our interests, not to say in a hostile manner, there are none, even down to the little inhabitants of Lubeck, of Dantzic, and of Hamburg, who are not against us! This is not all. What is much worse still, we see Holland, our natural ally, opposed to our interests, and refusing us the slightest succor. We are precisely at this moment the deer marked out for the chase, detached by the blood hounds from the rest of the flock which abandons us! If our situation is terrible, we need not believe, that the Americans repose themselves upon beds of roses; far from it, and it is from the bosom of their distress that the ray of hope issues, which in my opinion shines upon us at this day. We have forced them to contract an alliance with France; this alliance was not natural; nature, habit, language, and religion, all conspire to raise a barrier between France and America; all tend to bind again, between England and America, the natural ties heretofore fortunate and happy. The Americans have not found in their great and good ally, the friend that they sought in him; they have a natural aversion even for the title of a King. They prefer the republican institutions to absolute monarchy; they are overloaded with an immense debt, the burden of which France has not appeared forward to lighten for them. Their paper money is fallen to such a degree of depreciation, that they have given forty dollars in paper for one dollar in silver, worth four shillings and sixpence. The greatest part among them, groan under the tyranny of those, who have made themselves masters of power, desiring ardently the restoration of the ancient form of government; their troops ill paid, and still worse clothed, have been reduced to such dreadful extremities, that the last summer, in the course of a fatiguing march, they saw themselves reduced to the ration of a handful of pease a day; as for the rest, their allies know as much upon this point as we. A Frenchman, distinguished by his talents, sent some years ago by his Court to America to observe the disposition of the people and the state of things, &c. in a letter, which he wrote from the place of his destination, serves himself of these remarkable expressions; 'one shall find in a coffee-house of Paris a great deal more enthusiasm for the cause of liberty, than in any part of America.'

"Let us take advantage of these circumstances. Let us put an end to the war of America, to the end that we may unite more efficaciously all our efforts against the House of Bourbon. I believe we shall not find much hostility. France has not gained, Spain has considerably lost, let us strike both the one and the other more decisive blows. We cannot do this without making peace with America. We cannot obtain this peace but by offering reasonable terms of reconciliation. I have maturely examined all which has been proposed before me. I have come as near as possible to the plan of conciliation, drawn by the Earl of Chatham. I may say, indeed, that I have taken it for my model. But I have departed from it in the most essential point. The Earl of Chatham's bill had for its foundation this express condition, that America should acknowledge the sovereignty of Great Britain, and that each assembly should furnish to the mass of the public revenue a certain quota. Certainly, if we were to make at this day to America a similar proposition, they would laugh in our faces, and would treat those who should dare to make it, as smartly as they treated the Commissioners, who visited her in 1778. The great object of my bill is, that something certain should be done, which may be proper to convince America of the sincerity of those views, with which we invite her to enter into some conciliatory convention with his Majesty. In one word, the title of my bill is an analysis of it;—A Bill to appease the Troubles, which have sometime subsisted between Great Britain and America, and to authorise his Majesty to send Commissioners, clothed with full Powers to treat with America."[3]

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Paris, May 23d, 1780.

Sir,

The public papers announce, that all the maritime powers have acceded to the proposition of Russia respecting an armed neutrality.

The following article from Stockholm is of the 2d of May. "Our Court has accepted the plan of an armed neutrality, which the Empress of all the Russias has proposed to it; and in consequence has given orders to equip six more ships of the line; so that our naval force will consist, like that of Denmark, of six ships of the line and six frigates, whereof six vessels of war will remain in the port of Carlserona, equipped and ready to be employed, on the first order."

The article from Copenhagen is of the 9th of May. "The Court has acceded to the proposition of her Majesty the Empress of Russia, in regard to an armed neutrality, and in consequence, they are busy in taking measures for the armament. Besides the four vessels of the line and the two frigates, which they equipped, the Court have further put in commission two other ships of the line, the Jylland of ten guns, and the Mars of sixty, and they are taking all possible pains both here and in Norway, and in the other Provinces of this kingdom, to recruit the number of men necessary for this armament. Two of our ships of the line, the Wagrien and the Infods, passed into the Road last Saturday. The same day Captain Ziervogel, commanding a frigate, set sail with the officers and crews necessary to bring here the two frigates, which are at Fredericksham in Norway. The Russian ships of war, Captain Spendof, who has wintered here, and the frigate of the same nation, which was upon its return from Norway, set sail yesterday for Petersburg."

There is another article from Paris of the 12th of May. "The Court of Portugal," they say, "has given assurance to ours of arming if necessary to maintain the neutrality, and by means of the accession of this Power to the system it appears, that there can remain little hope to England of finding an ally, who will make a common cause with her, and aid her to preserve the empire of the seas, of which she flattered herself she would never be dispossessed."

Another article from Hamburg of the 12th of May. "At a time, when there is an extraordinary dearth of news, our politicians occupy themselves about the declaration of the Court of Russia to the belligerent Powers, and the proposition of this same Court to the neutral Powers. Already, they say, it is no longer doubtful, that the Courts of Sweden, of Denmark, and the States-General of the United Provinces, have acceded to the proposition of the Empress of Russia, and that they arm themselves. It is now the problem, to know if the Court of Portugal will follow their example. In the meantime, our speculators appear in general very curious to know, what will be the measures, which the neutral Powers will take for the execution of their designs, and at what time the plan of this armed neutrality can have its effect."

Another is an article from London of the 12th of May. "The day before yesterday, the Court received despatches from its Ministers in the Northern Courts, which confirm the news of a plan of confederation formed by the Powers of that part of Europe, for the protection of their respective subjects against the attacks of the belligerent Powers. The despatches of Sir Joseph Yorke announce, they say, an approaching negotiation between the Court of London and the States-General, to the end to adjust amicably the difference arisen between the two nations, relative to the capture of some Dutch vessels, and the insult offered to the flag of the Republic, by Commodore Fielding. It is believed, that this affair will be terminated to the mutual satisfaction of the two parties, and that this negotiation may well serve to pave the way to a reconciliation among the Powers at war, to which there is no doubt England would sincerely agree, upon honorable conditions."

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

P. S. A second division is said to be preparing at Brest, of several ships of the line and several thousand men.

J. A.

COUNT DE VERGENNES TO JOHN ADAMS.

Translation.

Versailles, May 24th, 1780.

Sir,

I have received the two letters, which you have done me the honor to write to me on the 12th and 19th of the present month. I had no need of your apology to induce me to render justice to the patriotic sentiments with which you are animated. You understand the interests and engagements of your country, and I am persuaded you will never have any other object, than to consolidate both the one and the other. You can judge by this, Sir, what confidence we place in your principles, and what security we feel beforehand, as to the conduct you will hold, in case the Court of London should propose to you overtures of conciliation.

I offer you many thanks for the American gazettes, which you have been so kind as to send me. I will take care that they shall all be returned.

I have the honor to be, &c.

DE VERGENNES.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Paris, May 26th, 1780.

Sir,

At a numerous assembly of gentlemen of the law in Dublin, held the 30th of April, Captain Henry Hewart in the chair, after having collected the votes, Henry Grattan was unanimously admitted an honorary member; and it was agreed with the same unanimity, that the following address should be presented to him.

"Sir;—The body of the gentlemen of the law, ambitious of associating to themselves a man, whom they consider as an ornament of his country, and as the firm support of her rights, unanimously prays you to accept the title of honorary member of the society, as an unequivocal testimony of their admiration of vast talents when they are displayed in the cause of liberty and virtue. They request you, particularly, to accept of their most affectionate thanks for the noble effort, that in concurrence with several of the most respectable persons in the kingdom, you made on Wednesday, the 19th current, in defence of the rights of the people, and in endeavoring to unite the British Empire; they assure you, that although the event has not entirely answered, either to their expectations or to the nobleness of your efforts, they are firmly determined to sustain their rights, such as they are laid down in the resolutions, which you have proposed. They esteem it happy to see, that without excepting even the servants of the Crown, all the members of the House have acknowledged the truth of the principle upon which those resolutions stood, although the majority has not accepted them, alleging, that at this critical time it was not necessary to renew the declarations already standing on the journals of the House and subsisting in full force."

To this address, Mr Grattan made the following reply.

"Gentlemen;—I esteem myself infinitely honored to be a member of an association, which has merited for a long time my attention and my admiration. By declaring that there is no power capable of subjecting this country, but the King, the Peers, and Commons of Ireland, you render a great service to this nation, because you give to all the other corps of volunteers the great example, to make the same declaration of their rights under the sanction of your corps, who not only protect the nation in arms, but by your knowledge and authority, propagate the great principles of law and liberty.

"In a country which possesses laws like ours, and men of your merit agitate the great question of liberty, it is to be free. I rejoice then that the rights of Ireland have been discussed. This discussion has opened the eyes of a people, who had slept during the course of a century, and forced almost all the representatives of this people, who are susceptible of principle, to deny that any foreign legislature has rights over Ireland; and makes this declaration circulate through all the great associations of the kingdom, and will finally extirpate all that remains of authority usurped by the British Parliament.

"I observe, with satisfaction, that you think like me, that liberty is the tie which preserves the union of Great Britain and Ireland. We are attached to Great Britain, but not to its yoke. Common privileges formed originally our connexion with Great Britain; these same privileges will render this connexion indissoluble. If Ireland acknowledged as a slave the supremacy of the British Parliament, she would be the enemy of British liberty, because in that case she would league herself with the Ministers to annihilate the system of government, and precipitate all the subjects of his Majesty into a state of equality.

"I regard the liberty of Ireland as adding to the safety of that of Great Britain, which, instead of protestations of loyalty extorted from a Province devoted to pillage, will actually receive a tribute of affection sensibly felt on the part of a free people. As a friend of the constitutions of the two kingdoms, as desirous of an honorable and permanent union, I esteem myself happy to see myself enrolled among men, who have your courage and your principles."

On the 13th of April, the British frigate the Hyæna, Captain Thompson, arrived at Gibraltar at midnight, having escaped the fire of three batteries, three chebecs of twentyeight guns each, and a frigate of thirtytwo. Don Barcelo, in the Spanish Admiral, pursued him in a fifty gun ship. The Don's squadron consists of six ships of the line, one frigate of thirtytwo guns, three chebecs of twentyeight guns each, and a number of fire-ships and gallies, which intercept all which pass the Gut, and completely blockade Gibraltar, and the squadron of Commodore Elliot, reduced to the Panther, the Enterprise, and three smaller vessels. The garrison is said to be in good spirits, although a malignant fever brought in by the Spanish prisoners has carried off a great many men, particularly in the regiment of Highlanders. The wants of the garrison, however, will soon be very great, particularly of fuel. Captain Thompson carried the news, that they are soon to have a powerful succor from Admiral Graves. It is very probable, that the Ministry may send Graves to attempt to act over again the part of Admiral Rodney, and after throwing assistance into Gibraltar, pass on to America. It is to be hoped, that Graves will not have Rodney's luck. It is pretty certain he has not all his dexterity. Yet I cannot but think the Spaniards are imprudently exposed in that part. The English have filled all the newspapers of Europe for three weeks, with lists of ships of the line to compose the grand fleet in the channel, which they have made amount to forty. But at last comes out a frank and honest confession in the Courier de l'Europe, that they can muster but twenty.

On the 16th, Admiral Edwards hoisted his flag at Portsmouth, on board the Portland, of fifty guns, and made the signal of departure for all the merchant ships which he is to convey to the Banks of Newfoundland. Sir Charles Hardy, commander-in-chief of the channel fleet, Governor of Greenwich hospital, and a representative of Plymouth, is dead. Rivingston is next in command, but it is said the place of commander-in-chief will be offered to Admiral —— who refused it before Hardy was appointed.

We read from Hamburg, 19th of May. "Conversation here turns wholly upon the plan of an armed neutrality, proposed by the Empress of Russia, and the more we examine, the more we are convinced of the great advantages, which this plan will procure, not only for the present, but the future. In the meantime we learn, that the neutral powers will not delay to put to sea strong squadrons to protect their commerce, and it is even pretended, that if the English continue to molest neutral ships, it may well happen in a little time, that they may form against them some enterprise of consequence. It is assured, that the Hanseatic towns have acceded to the armed neutrality proposed. It is reported, that conferences between the maritime powers will be held at the Hague, and that they will be opened as soon as the Baron d'Erensworth, the new Minister of the King of Sweden to their High Mightinesses, shall arrive there. They say in London, that the Baron de Nolker, Minister of Sweden, has presented to the Court a memorial containing very lively complaints, touching the hostilities committed by an English vessel against the Swedish vessel the Illerim, commanded by the Chevalier d'Ankerlo, in which this Minister demands satisfaction for the violences committed against the said ship. They add, that his Excellency at the same time declared, that the King, his master, was resolved to defend and maintain with his arms in his hand the system of neutrality adopted by his Majesty."

They say too, in London 16th of May, that government have had the satisfaction to learn, that the convoy from Cork and from Plymouth, consisting in merchant ships, and a considerable reinforcement of troops, although dispersed after their departure, had arrived in the West India Islands.

Paris, 16th of May. "Divers advices announce, that the English, since the declaration made to the States-General of the United Provinces, have already stopped several Dutch ships, loaded only with innocent merchandises, and whereof the transportation has never been prohibited to neutrals by the treaties. This arbitrary proceeding will appear, without doubt, so much the more surprising to the maritime powers of the North, as at the same time his Majesty, always guided by the principles of wisdom and the most exact equity, has sent the strictest orders to all the commandants and captains of his vessels of war, and privateers of his kingdom, to let pass freely and without any hinderance all the neutral vessels, without distinction, even although bound to an enemy's port, provided they are not loaded with any arms, or warlike stores, whereof the transportation is forbidden by the treaties. Of this we may be assured more authentically by a letter written by M. de Sartine to M. de Mistral, Commissary General of the ports and arsenals of the Marine of the King, and Ordonnateur of the port of Havre, which is of the following tenor.

'You know, Sir, that the war undertaken by the King has no other end but the desire, with which his Majesty feels himself animated for the maintenance of the liberty of navigation. In consequence, he has seen with a great deal of pleasure, that the greatest part of the powers of the North incline, and have taken the resolution to co-operate in it already, by regulations relative to it, as his Majesty has made known to the commanders of his squadrons, his intentions relative to the measures and precautions, which the captains of his vessels of war, and other vessels ought to observe towards ships belonging to the subjects of the neutral powers, and which the former may meet at sea.

'His Majesty then has charged me to repeat his orders given in this regard, and to order you to exhort the captains and other officers of vessels armed as privateers to conform themselves with more attention than ever to the tenor of the regulations relative to neutral vessels, and in particular to those belonging to the Russians. To this end, his Majesty orders the captains of vessels armed for privateering, and others, to use the greatest circumspection toward all neutral vessels, and according to the exigence of the case, to afford them all the assistance of which they may stand in need, not to give the least hinderance to their navigation, although their cargoes may be destined for the enemy's ports, nor to stop them, except in cases in which the captains of French armed vessels shall have well founded reasons to believe, that the said vessels navigate for the subjects of the King of England, under the shelter of the flag of a neutral power, to the end to avoid by this way the being visited according to the usages established in such cases, or in which they shall attempt to transport to the enemy the effects of contraband, such as arms of all kinds, and other warlike stores.

'The intention of the King is, that you give notice of these presents to the Commissaries of the Department of Havre de Grace, ordering them, at the same time, to send copies to all the captains of vessels armed as privateers, and other vessels ready to go out, or who come in, to the end that they conform themselves with the greatest circumspection to what is here prescribed in regard to neutral vessels, and in particular to those belonging to Russia.'"

They write from Brest the 8th of this month, that they expected a fleet from Bordeaux, loaded with stores, provisions, and wine, the arrival of which was very necessary for the prompt equipment of a squadron destined to transport a second division of troops, of four or five thousand men. They add, that they expect also, with no less impatience in the same port, the convoy, which went out from St Malo, the 23d of March, which is still detained at Cherbourg, which consists in a great measure in cast cannon and artillery stores, which are to serve, they say, for a descent, which is projected in England, and which it is strongly asserted the government has by no means renounced. The latter part is probably only what we call a scarecrow.

Hague, 21st of May. "We see here a copy of a letter written by his Excellency the Count de Florida Blanca, Secretary of State of his Catholic Majesty, to the Count de Rechteren, Minister of their High Mightinesses at the Court of Spain, dated at Aranjues, the 1st of May, 1780, which is of the following tenor.

"Sir;—His Majesty has learned, that the boat of a chebeck, commanded by Don Barthelemi Rosello, having seized a Dutch vessel, named the Spaar, Captain John Tierds Wagenaar, coming out of Gibraltar, where he had unloaded a cargo of flour, which he was carrying from Ferrol to Cadiz; on account of the purveyors of our Marine the said vessel has been set at liberty, upon the declaration which he made, that he had been taken under Cape Espartel, by the English privateer, the Maidstone, who had conducted him to that place. Nevertheless, we have proofs that the vessel has been met at the entrance of the port of Cadiz, having at that time her cargo; that by consequence, her pretended capture by the English privateer is a pure fiction, and the introduction into Gibraltar of a load of five thousand one hundred and sixtytwo and a quarter quintals of castile of flour, a manifest theft committed upon the provisions of the Marine of the King; and to the end that such villanies may be punished and prevented hereafter, his Majesty has ordained, that a prosecution be commenced against the said Wagenaar, and that I give you notice of it, to the end, that you may inform their High Mightinesses, to whom his Minister at the Hague has orders to complain highly of a theft, which ought not to have been the fruit of the complaisance, which the King has used towards the flag of the Republic. I shall add, that his Majesty hopes that their High Mightinesses by the remedy, which they shall provide, and by the severe punishment of the guilty, will spare him the pain of taking himself the precautions necessary to suppress such crying excesses."

In the Hague Gazette of the 24th of May, is the following article from London, of the 19th of May. "On the 17th, the King returned from Windsor to St James, and assisted at a great council. The conduct of several Courts of Europe, in the present conjuncture, excites all the attention of our Ministry; we foresee here what will be the effects of an armed neutrality, and we fear that there will result from it consequences dangerous to the general repose of Europe. There are persons, nevertheless, who pretend to foresee, that this decision of the neutral powers will produce events, which will facilitate an accommodation between the belligerent powers, but that there will be no question about it, until after that France and Spain shall have made all their efforts to take away from England the empire of the seas, and procure to Europe an entire liberty of commerce, two points on which they found their present hostilities, and which serve as attractions to excite other powers to enter into their views. England, on her part, will employ all her forces to maintain her superiority at sea, on which depends the prosperity of this country, and the safety of its detached dominions; and although her enemies are numerous and formidable, she is not without hopes, that the present campaign will bring back the Colonies of America to their ancient relations of interest, and dispose the powers at war to hearken to conditions of accommodation."

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Paris, May 27th, 1780.

Sir,

In the beginning of this controversy with Great Britain, the Americans made such extensive researches into the principles of the British constitution, and into those controversies which had taken place in former ages, concerning their application to external dominions in Ireland, Scotland, Wales, Gascoine, Guienne, Jersey, Guernsy, Man, &c. and published the result of their inquiries to the world, which were read with avidity everywhere, that I consider those publications as having laid the foundation of most of the events that have happened since. The proceedings of Ireland in 1779 and 1780 may be read in some publications made in America in 1774 or 1775. I have long expected to see something produced by the same principles in the East Indies, and at last I find I am not disappointed. In the General Advertiser of May 13th is this paragraph.

"We are authorised to correct the account, that appeared in this paper on last Thursday, concerning the petitions lately arrived from the East Indies. It is not true, that the British inhabitants of Bengal have sent over a petition to his Majesty to abolish the Court of Judicature established there. Their petition is addressed, and will shortly be presented to Parliament; and so far from wishing to abolish the court of justice, they only pray that its constitutional powers may be restrained. The grand object of their petition is, to obtain 'a trial by jury in all cases, where it is by law established in England,' which they conceive is one of those inherent, unalienable, and indefeasible rights, of which neither time nor circumstance can deprive a British subject, living, under British laws, and which the Judges in Bengal have lately ventured to declare they are not entitled to, except in criminal cases.

"The prayer of the Persian petitions already presented to one of the Secretaries of State, from the natives of different districts in the provinces of Bengal, Bahar, and Orissa, is, we understand, to be relieved from the hardships they suffer by the establishment of the English Court of Judicature. They express, in the strongest language, their distress and terror at the extraordinary powers assumed and exercised by the judges. They pray to be exempted from the jurisdiction of a court, to whose rules they are utter strangers, and from the control of laws, which they consider as calculated for a different state of society, and which are abhorrent to the manners, institutions, and religion of their forefathers."

If this war continues, we shall hear more of the East Indies and their claims. Great Britain holds them by a slender thread, and by the good will only of a few individuals.

Among the English papers, which I enclose to Congress, will be found a Dialogue in the Shades between the Duke of Devonshire, the Earl of Chatham, and Mr Charles York. It was written by Edward Jennings, of Maryland, now residing at Brussels, a gentleman of great merit.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Paris, June 1st, 1780.

Sir,

This morning a friend at Versailles sent me two English papers of the 26th and 27th of May, containing Rodney's account of an action between the French and English fleets on the 17th of April. At the conclusion of the battle, says Rodney, the enemy might be said to be completely beat. How easy it is to say and write this! Much easier than to find a sufficient number of persons ready to believe it. Such was the distance of the van and the rear from the centre, and the crippled condition of several ships, particularly the Sandwich, which for twentyfour hours was with difficulty kept above water, that it was impossible to pursue them that night without the greatest disadvantage. He found it in vain to follow them with his Majesty's fleet, in the condition they were in, to Guadaloupe, and accordingly put away to Fort Royal Bay, Martinique, there to wait for them.

The French Admiral appeared to Rodney a brave and gallant officer, and was nobly supported during the whole action. The killed on board the English fleet were one hundred and twenty, the wounded, three hundred and fiftythree; four hundred and seventythree in all. These circumstances are very far from giving authenticity to the idea, that the French were beaten. It has every appearance of a third general drawn battle, in which the English have ultimately the worst. Drawn battles do not maintain the empire, the dominion, the sovereignty, the mastership of the seas. To all these they pretend, and they must make good their pretensions by clear victories, or they are undone. The French Court has not yet received any account.

ENGLISH LINE OF BATTLE.

The Sterling Castle to lead with the starboard tack, the Magnificent with the larboard tack.

Rear Admiral Parker's Division.

Guns.Men

Sterling Castle,Captain Caskett,64500

Ajax,Uvedale,74600

Elizabeth,Maitland,74600

Princess Royal,{R. A. Parker,}

{C. Hammond, }90770

Albion,Bawyer,74600

Terrible,Douglas,74600

Trident,Malloy,64500

Greyhound frigate.

Sir G. Rodney's Division.

Guns.Men

Grafton,Com. Collingwood,

Capt. Newnham,74617

Yarmouth,Bateman,64500

Cornwall,Edwards,74600

Sandwich, Sir G. Rodney,C. Young,90732

Suffolk,Crespin,74600

Boyne,Cotton,68520

Vigilant,Home,64500

Venus, to repeat signals, Deal Castle, Pegasus, frigates.

Rear Admiral Rowley's Division.

Guns.Men

Vengeance, Com. Hotham,Capt. Holloway,74617

Medway,Capt. Affleck,60420

Montague,Houlton,74600

Conqueror, R. A. Rowley,Watson,74617

Intrepid,St John,64500

Magnificent,Elphinstone,74600

Andromeda frigate. Centurion to assist the rear in case of need.

On the 24th of May, Governor Pownal moved in the House of Commons for leave to bring in a bill, "to enable the King to make a Convention or Truce, or to conclude a Peace with the Colonies, on Terms convenient and necessary." This motion was seconded by Mr Dunning, and after debate the order of the day was moved, which was carried by 113 against 52.

It is said, that Johnstone despatched C. Maclawrin from Lisbon to S. G. Rodney with advice, that fourteen sail of the line, with ten thousand troops, sailed from Cadiz to the westward the 28th of April.

The Hudson's Bay fleet, consisting of the Beaver, Captain Moore, the Sea Horse, Christopher, the Prince Rupert, Prichards, and the King George, Fowler, have completed their lading at Gravesend, and will soon sail.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Paris, June 1st, 1780.

Sir,

In consequence of an advertisement published to this effect, the corporation of the citizens of Dublin, having assembled on the 11th of May, at Thalsel, the committee named the 29th of February last, to prepare and present resolutions relative to the affairs of the times, made the following report, which was unanimously approved.

"We, members of the committee appointed at a general meeting of the citizens; held the 29th of last February, having taken into consideration the objects, the examination of which was committed to us, submit to our fellow citizens the following resolution.

"That we think, that it is the absolute duty of every virtuous citizen to declare, in the most explicit manner, what he thinks relatively to the great constitutional objects, which have been suspended in the moment when we expected it the least, as well as to co-operate with courage and unanimity in everything which can tend to the acquisition of these same objects. That our sincere desire is, to maintain an inviolable connexion between Great Britain and Ireland, to establish and fix this connexion upon the only basis which can render it stable and permanent; that of a royalty inseparable from the common rights of an equal liberty. That it is at this time necessary to declare, that the King, the Peers, and Commons of Ireland, are the only powers to which it belongs to make laws for binding this kingdom.

"That in putting in use all the constitutional means, whatever be the public or private character with which we may be clothed, whether we are magistrates, jurors, or simple individuals, we will maintain and propagate these principles, and we will adhere invariably to the great and important objects of our instructions, those of establishing the independence of the Parliament of Ireland, and of obtaining a modification of Poyning's law.

"That all the plans of reformation, which may be proposed, are necessarily vain and of no effect, while the influence of the Crown, arising from the profusion with which the people bestow their grants, and from the imprudent prodigality of Ministers, shall not be diminished; and that we ought constantly to employ our efforts to obtain a system of retrenchment and economy, to the end the better to diminish the means of corruption.

"That the independent electors of Ireland, are particularly called upon to make their efforts to procure for the nation more virtuous representatives, more equality in the representation of the people in Parliament, and to study the most effectual measures to obtain these desirable ends. We think that the said electors cannot better succeed, than by refusing with firmness to vote for any man, provided either with places or pensions, or who shall have acted in any manner contrary to the inherent rights or manifest sentiments of the people; and by giving for instructions to their representatives to make all their exertions to obtain an augmentation in the number of members, who represent the counties, the populous cities, and the independent towns.

"That we pledge ourselves to each other, and all to our country, by all which men know that is sacred, to take the foregoing resolutions for the rule of our conduct, and that at all opportunities, and by all constitutional means, we will support the spirit and principles of them. In testimony of this solemn declaration, we have all signed the said resolutions.

"Resolved unanimously, That the said resolutions thus signed by the members of the committee, shall be deposited in the coffee-house, at the Royal Exchange, there to receive the signatures of the citizens."

Continuation of said Report.

"We, members of the committee, &c. propose further to our fellow-citizens the following resolutions.

"That our sincere thanks be presented, in the most respectful manner to Henry Grattan, for the motion, excellently well conceived, which he has made in Parliament the 19th of April last, tending to a declaration, that his most excellent Majesty the King, the Peers, and Commons of Ireland, are the only power to which it belongs to make laws capable of binding this kingdom.

"That thanks also be presented to the ninetyeight members, which supported this great constitutional assertion; passed unanimously.

"That our sincere thanks be presented, in the most respectful manner, to Barry Yelverton, for the patriotic motion which he made in Parliament the 25th of last April, to the end to introduce regulations concerning the manner in which bills are transmitted from this kingdom to England. The object of this motion being to hinder the unconstitutional interposition of the privy council, in obtaining the modification so much desired of Poyning's law.

"That thanks be given also to the one hundred and six members who seconded this manly effort; passed unanimously.

"That our sincere thanks be presented to our worthy representatives, Doctor William Clement and Sir Samuel Bradstreet, Baronet, on account of the uniformity of their conduct in Parliament, and particularly for the zeal with which they have supported the two important motions aforesaid; conforming themselves in this to the late instructions, which they have received from us, and seconding the general wish of this kingdom; passed unanimously.

"That our sincere thanks, and full of gratitude, be presented in the most respectful manner to the noble Lords who have opposed, and to those who had the courage to protest against the last paragraph of the address, which the House of Peers presented to the throne, the 2d of March, last. The said paragraph containing insinuations, which were neither founded upon facts nor authorised by actions, implying reproaches, which the people of Ireland have not merited, and contained in these words; 'that they would use all possible endeavors to discourage and disappoint all endeavors, which ill advised men may employ to the end to excite ill founded fears in the minds of the people of his Majesty, or to divert their attention from those advantages relative to commerce, which have been granted to us in so great an extent;' passed with three negatives.

"That we earnestly request our magistrates not to give, in any manner nor on any occasion, any effect to any law, which does not proceed from, or has not received the sanction of the King, the Peers, and Commons of Ireland. That while they conduct themselves thus, they shall receive from us the most constant and the most firm support, to the end to annihilate the ill founded hope, which may have been conceived, of subjecting Ireland in any case to a foreign legislation; passed unanimously.

"That it is the opinion of this committee, that the two great and favorite objects of the people, viz. a declaration of its rights and a modification of Poyning's law, having been suspended in Parliament in a manner so unexpected, it appears at this time of absolute necessity to form a committee of correspondence, to the end to co-operate with such other committees of the same nature as may be formed in the kingdom, in the measures the most proper to give extension and safety to the advantages relative to commerce, which we have at last obtained; to restore still further our rights and liberties, and to preserve the constitution of Ireland free and independent; passed with one negative."

The committee of correspondence was named upon the spot, and formed of fifteen members.

Thus a new epoch is formed in the politics of Ireland; hitherto they had left the supreme direction of affairs in the hands of Parliament. The people have now taken it into their own hands. The committee of Dublin, by communicating with other committees through the kingdom, will be able to conduct the body of the kingdom, and unite the various parts of it in certain principles, which will by degrees work themselves into a system, and complete the independence of Irish legislation. This will depend, however, upon the continuance of the war; for if England should be wise enough to make peace, of which there is little probability, the spirit of Ireland will evaporate, and their beautiful edifice dissolve, like the fabric of a vision.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Paris, June 2d, 1780.

Sir,

We are informed from the Hague, of the 28th of May, that the merchants of the Republic have presented two petitions, one to their High Mightinesses, and the other to their Noble and Grand Mightinesses. The tenor of the first is as follows.

"To their High Mightinesses, our Lords, the States-General of the United Provinces.

"The undersigned, merchants, assurers, and owners of vessels, and freighters, established in these Provinces, give respectfully to understand, that it is with sentiments of the most sensible gratitude, that the Commerce has been informed of the affectionate resolution taken by your High Mightinesses to equip a number of vessels of war to the end to protect the free navigation of the subjects of this State. But as the petitioners were ignorant, that the activity of the progress of the said equipment has to this time been retarded, both by the sickness, which prevails among the crews of the vessels ready to put to sea, and by the want of experienced seamen, necessary to the equipment of vessels put into commission, and by other causes; while in this interval the most favorable season for navigation slips away, many ships loaded with merchandises dare not set sail from the ports of this country, for want of the necessary protection; while they cannot find means here, nor elsewhere, of insuring but a small portion of those vessels and their cargoes, and that, even at enormous premiums, such as have never before been demanded, being from twenty to thirty per cent, which occasions an interruption and an inactivity to their navigation so excessive as well as to their commerce, that their total ruin must necessarily result from it; all the commissions for merchandises passing elsewhere, without a hope of being able ever to see them return here, which an unfortunate experience has already many times proved. For these causes, the petitioners humbly pray, that it may please your High Mightinesses, to grant and effectuate as soon as possible the protection necessary; as the commercial interest on their part are ready to co-operate effectually, to complete the crews, and to submit to all prompt and convenient measures, which, according to the exigence of the case, and the urgent circumstances your High Mightinesses, according to your enlightened wisdom, shall judge to be the most proper for the preservation of the commerce and the navigation of your subjects."

The second petition is as follows.

"To their Noble and Grand Mightinesses, our Lords, the States of Holland and West Friesland.

"The subscribing merchants, assurers, owners of ships, and freighters, all living in these Provinces, give respectfully to understand, that the petitioners pressed by the urgent necessity, and to the end to ward off the total ruin of commerce and navigation, without which neither they nor the greater part of the inhabitants of the Republic can subsist, have addressed themselves to your High Mightinesses, our Lords, the States-General of the United Provinces, to solicit a prompt protection, by the way of petition, of which the petitioners have the honor to annex a copy.

"Nevertheless, although the petitioners have every reason to flatter themselves, that an arrangement equally ready and efficacious, will soon fulfil their wishes; nevertheless, the better to complete their views, and for the preservation of commerce and navigation, the soul and the nerve of the prosperity of the Republic, and to the end to prevent its inaction, as well as the total ruin of the petitioners, which would infallibly follow, they think that it would be very necessary, that it may please your Noble and Grand Mightinesses, to second in this the petitioners, as in your high wisdom you shall judge expedient and convenient."

I have before sent a copy of what was published for the answer of the Court of Madrid to the Russian Declaration. But, as that Court has now published an authentic copy, which is a little different from that, although more clear and better, I beg leave to trouble Congress with a translation of it.

"The King has been informed of the fashion of thinking of the Empress of Russia, in regard to the powers, both belligerent and neuter, by a Memorial, which M. Stephen de Zinowioff, Minister of that sovereign, has presented on the 15th of this month, to the Count de Florida Blanca, first Secretary of State. The King considers this act of the Empress, as an effect of the just confidence, which his Majesty has merited on his part; and it is to him so much the more agreeable, as the principles adopted by this sovereign are those which have ever governed the King, and which his Majesty endeavored, by all possible means, although without effect, to induce England to observe, during the time that Spain herself was neuter. These principles are those of justice, of equity, and of moderation; these same principles in fine, Russia, and all the powers have acknowledged in the resolutions of his Majesty; and it is only by the conduct, which the English navy has established, both in the last and present war, (a conduct, which subverts the rules the most constantly observed in regard to neutral powers) that his Majesty has seen himself under the necessity of imitating it; because the English not respecting the neutral flag, when it had on board the effects of an enemy, although they were not contraband, and this flag not defending itself against these violences, they could not, with justice, hinder Spain from using equal reprisals, to secure herself from the enormous prejudice, which would result from an inequality in this respect.

"The neutral powers, on their side, have also given occasion to the inconveniences, which they have suffered, by having served themselves with double papers, and other artifices, to the end to prevent the capture of their vessels. From this have followed the numerous captures and detentions, as well as the consequences, which have resulted from them; although in truth, these have not been so prejudicial as has been pretended. On the contrary, we know, that some of these detentions have turned to the advantage of the owners of the cargoes; the provisions, of which they were composed, having been sold in the port where the ships were tried, at a price higher than the price current at the place of their destination.

"The King, nevertheless, not content with these proofs of his justification, manifested to the eyes of all Europe, would at this day have the glory of being the first to give the example of respecting the neutral flag of all the Courts, which have consented, or which shall consent, to defend it, until his Majesty shall see the part, which the English navy shall take, and until he shall discover, by experience, whether this navy will restrain itself or not, as well as the English privateers. And to this end to make it appear to all the powers how ready Spain is to observe, now she is at war, the same rules, which she desired while she was neuter, his Majesty conforms himself to the other points contained in the declaration of Russia, it being well understood, that what concerns the place blockaded, of Gibraltar, the danger of entering into that subsists in the manner in which this point is ascertained by the fourth article of the said declaration, by the means of the number of vessels stationed there to form the blockade; a danger, however, which the neutral vessels may avoid, by conforming to the rules of precaution established in the declaration of his Majesty, of the 13th of March last, which has been communicated to the Court of Petersburg by the means of its Minister.

"Aranjuez, the 18th of April, 1780.

DE FLORIDA BLANCA."

There are two articles worth translating from the foreign gazettes, if it were only as specimens of the art, which is employed to keep the enemy in uncertainty about the designs of this Court, and the destinations of their fleets, whether successfully or not.

The first is, Amsterdam, 29th of May. A letter from Toulon, of the 8th of this month, contains the following details. "Orders have arrived here from Court, to send out into the Road, as soon as may be, the ships of the line, the Zélé and the Marseillois; but as the destination of these two ships is kept extremely secret, we exhaust ourselves in conjectures concerning the object of the operations, which they are ordered to execute. Some will have it, that they have orders to go and join the squadron of Don Solano, which sailed from Cadiz the 28th of last month, which it is pretended is bound to Brest. Others presume, that they have no other commission, than to go and cruise in the neighborhood of Mahon, to keep in the privateers, which frequently come out from thence, and which give extreme trouble to the navigation of the ports of the Mediterranean; in fine, there are some who believe that these vessels are to co-operate in an important enterprise, which is to be attempted in that sea. However this may be, as we know that a number of vessels have been taken up upon freight, on account of the King, and that they may easily embark in our port eleven or twelve thousand men; as moreover, it is more than probable that on the one hand, the entrance of the Straits of Gibraltar being sufficiently guarded by the Spaniards, so that there will not be occasion for a strong squadron to protect the transport vessels, which may be employed in an expedition against Mahon; and that on the other hand, the English being sufficiently occupied on diverse sides, may not be able easily to send to the relief of this island, we conclude from the combination of these different circumstances, that it may very well happen, that they may attempt this conquest, the success of which does not appear in effect to present any very insurmountable difficulties, and which would procure, after all, an advantage sufficiently important to the good of our commerce in general to merit that at least we should make the essay."

The other article is in the Amsterdam Gazette of the 30th of May, and from Paris the 23d of May, 1780.

"We are of opinion here, that M. de Ternay is ordered to conduct the division of M. de Rochambeau to Canada, and that with so much the more foundation, as we see everywhere what M. de Sartine has published of the despatches of the Count de Guichen, that the arrival of his squadron in the seas of the Antilles, was sufficient to give us there a decided superiority. We cannot, moreover, but applaud the prudence of M. de Guichen and M. de Bouillé, in not sacrificing, perhaps in vain, a great many lives, to expel the English from the island of St Lucia, these two Generals having, without doubt, designs more important, and the success of which appears to them more certain, which naturally raises conjectures, that M. de Guichen proposed very soon to put to sea. However this may be, there are, nevertheless, other people who presume, that if the Count de Rochambeau does not go directly to Canada, he may very well go and disembark at Rhode Island, where he may make a place of arms, in order to go from thence, and join himself to General Washington, and attack New York together, while it is unfurnished with a strong garrison."

In this manner it is, that some person or other is employed to give scope to the speculations and conjectures of the public, while the Courts of Europe flatter themselves, that their real Councils are kept secret. There is reason, however, to believe that, in fact, the Councils of all the Courts of Europe are penetrated by their enemies. The Councils of Congress, in many striking and important instances, although necessarily confided to such numbers, have been much more inviolably kept, without the aid of hired paragraph writers to disguise them. Our character and interest depend upon improving this fidelity, as well as upon discountenancing both by manners and authority, that base art so prevalent in Europe, that of political lying.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Paris, June 2d, 1780.

Sir,

When a Minister of an ancient nation, which has been renowned for its wisdom and virtue, as well as power, rises in a popular assembly, which is the most conspicuous theatre in Europe, and declares, as it were, in the face of all the world, and with an air of reflection, of deliberation, and of solemnity, that such and such are his own opinions, concerning the truth of facts, and the probability of future events, one cannot call in question his good faith, although we may know his information to be false, and his judgment erroneous.

Lord George Germain, in the debate in the House of Commons, on the 6th of May, declared, that "he flattered himself the completion of the chief wish of his heart, peace with America, on what he thought good and honorable terms for Great Britain, was not far off. He verily believed, and his belief was not merely speculative, but founded on recent information, that the moment of conciliation was near. His Lordship described the misery, which the Americans felt at this time, and stated, that the greatest majority of the people there were ready and desirous to return to their allegiance, but that they were prevented by the tyranny of those, who had got the power of government into their own hands. He did not believe the Congress would ever treat for peace, but from the condition of affairs in America, from the depreciation of their paper currency, from the poverty and distress of the country, from the great debt it groaned under, from the dissatisfaction, which all ranks of people expressed at the alliance with France, from the little benefit America had derived from that alliance; from all these considerations he did believe, that the people of America and the Assemblies of America would soon come to terms."

There may be some ambiguity in the phrase, "good and honorable terms for Great Britain;" but there can be no reasonable doubt, that his Lordship meant either to return to their allegiance to Great Britain, or at least to make a peace with her, separate from France. Whether the Americans ever will agree to such terms or not, being a question concerning a future event, cannot be decided by witnesses, nor any other way, but by probable arguments. There is one argument, which his Lordship does not appear to have considered. It is of some weight. It is this, that in order to return to their allegiance to the King of England, or make a peace with him, separate from France, they must involve themselves in a certain war with France and Spain, at least, and indeed, according to present appearances, with Russia, Sweden, Denmark, Holland, and Portugal, for every one of these powers appear to be as decided against the claims, pretensions, and usurpations of Great Britain upon the seas, as France and Spain are. There is not an American merchant, yeoman, tradesman, or seaman, but knows this, or will know it very soon. Americans must therefore be destitute of that common share of reason, which God has given to men, to exchange the friendship of all the nations of the world for their enmity, merely for the sake of returning to a connexion with Great Britain, which could not protect them, and which they have the best reasons to dread as the greatest evil that could befal them, from the unheard of tyrannies and cruelties they have already experienced from her. His Lordship is desired to consider this, and to ask himself if he was an American, whether he would wish to run under the broken fragments of an empire, that is dashed in pieces, like a china vase, and commence a fresh war against a combination of all the nations of the world, who discover a degree of esteem and regard for America.

If the Americans are as miserable as his Lordship represents them, will they be likely to increase that misery tenfold, and make it perpetual, by exposing the cause of a ruined empire, and going to war with half a dozen that are not ruined?

If we believe the testimonies of witnesses, who come from all parts of America, we shall be convinced, that his Lordship deceives himself. Every man from that country, who knows the principles and opinions of the people, declares, that they are, with an unanimity, that is unexampled in any other revolution, firmly determined to maintain their sovereignty and their alliances, and that there is nobody there who utters a wish of returning to the government of Great Britain, or even of making a separate peace.

But if his Lordship was a candid inquirer after truth, and had a mind sufficiently enlightened to discover the means, that are in the power of all men, of obtaining it, he might have seen his error. There are certain marks, by which the opinions, principles, inclinations, and wishes of a people, may be discovered with infallible certainty, without recurring to witnesses, or to far fetched arguments.

The press, the towns, the juries, and the Assemblies, are four sources, from whence an unerring demonstration of the true sentiments of the people of America may be drawn. There is not in any nation of the world so unlimited a freedom of the press as is now established in every State of America, both by law and practice. Every man in Europe, who reads their newspapers, must see it. There is nothing that the people dislike, that they do not attack. They attack officers of every rank in the militia, and in the army; they attack judges, governors, and magistrates, of every denomination. They attack Assemblies, and Councils, members of Congress, and Congress itself, whenever they dislike their conduct. But I appeal to every newspaper upon the Continent, whether one paragraph, one wish, or hint of returning to the government of Great Britain, or of making a separate peace, has ever appeared.

The towns in many parts of America are small districts of territory, on an average perhaps six miles square. By the ancient laws of the country, which are still in force, any seven inhabitants of one of these towns have a right to demand of the magistrates a public assembly of all. There are necessarily several of these town meetings every year, and generally a great number of them. In these assemblies, every man, high and low, every yeoman, tradesman, and even day laborer, as well as every gentleman and public magistrate, has a right to vote, and to speak his sentiments upon public affairs, to propose measures, to instruct their representatives in the Legislature, &c. This right was constantly and frequently used under the former government, and is now much more frequently used under the new. The world has seen some hundreds of sets of instructions to representatives under the former government, wherein they enjoined an open opposition to judges, governors, acts of Parliament, King, Lords, and Commons of Great Britain. What is there now to prevent them from opposing Congress? Nothing. Has a single vote of any one of these towns been read, or one speech heard, proposing, or uttering a wish to return to the government of Great Britain? Not one. Is not this a demonstration of the sentiments of the people?

Juries in America were formerly another organ, by which the sentiments of the people were conveyed to the public. Both Grand Juries and Petit Juries, have expressed themselves in language sufficiently bold and free, against acts of Parliament, and the conduct of Great Britain. But has any one ever uttered a word against Congress, or the Assemblies, or the judges, under their new governments? or a wish to return to the obedience of England? Not one. But it is said, the paper money embarrasses Congress. What then? Does this tend to make them dissolve their union? To violate their alliances? Would the paper money embarrass Congress less if they had a war to maintain against France and Spain, than it does now? Would not the embarrassment be much greater? Does the paper money prevent the increase and the population of the States? No. Does the war prevent it? No. Both the population and the property of the States have increased every year, since this war began. And all the efforts of Great Britain cannot prevent it. On the contrary, has the wealth and population of Great Britain increased? Has her commerce increased? Has the political weight of the nation in the scales of Europe increased? Let a melancholy Briton tell.

His Lordship talks about the misery of the people in America. Let him look at home, and then say, where is misery! where the hideous prospect of an internal civil war is added to a war with all the world. The truth is, that agriculture and manufactures, not of luxuries, but of necessaries, have been so much increased by this war, that it is much to be doubted, whether they ever fed or clothed themselves more easily or more comfortably. But, besides this, the immense depredations they have made upon the British trade, have introduced vast quantities of British merchandises of every sort. And in spite of all the exertions of the British fleet, their trade is opening and extending with various countries every year, and Britain herself is forced to aid it, and will be more and more; a recent proof of which, is the permission to import American tobacco into the kingdom from any part of the world in neutral bottoms.

The great debt is also mentioned. Do they pay an interest for this debt? Is every necessary and convenience of life taxed to perpetuity, to pay this interest? Is the whole equal in proportion to their abilities to the debt of England? Would the debt be rendered less, by joining Great Britain against France and Spain? Would the war against France and Spain be shorter, less expensive, or less bloody, than the war against England? By returning to England, would not their debt be ten times more burdensome? This debt is as nothing to America, once give her peace, let the Americans trade freely with one another, and with all other nations, and this debt would be but a feather. Let them come under Great Britain again, and have the communication between one Colony and another obstructed, as heretofore, and their trade confined to Great Britain, as heretofore, and this debt would be a heavier millstone about their necks, than that of England is about theirs.

A general repugnance to the alliance with France, is mentioned. A greater mistake was never made. On the contrary, every step of Congress, every proceeding of every Assembly upon the continent, every prayer that is made in the pulpit, and every speculation in the newspapers, demonstrates the high sense they have of the importance of this alliance. It is said, that this alliance has been of little utility. Has it not employed the British army? has it not cut out work enough for the British navy? has it not wasted for England her annual twenty millions? has it not prevented these from being employed against America? has it not given scope to American privateers? has it not protected the American trade? has it not hurt that of Great Britain? has it not engaged Russia, Holland, Sweden, Denmark, and Portugal, at least to a neutrality? at least has it not contributed much to these vast advantages to America? has it not taken away from Great Britain the dominion of the sea, so far as to allow liberty of navigation to others? It is true, the alliance might have been of more utility to all the allies with the same expense, if France and Spain had sooner adopted the policy of sending more of their forces to America. But they are now so well convinced of it, that unless miracles are wrought to prevent it, America and England too will soon see more of the effects of this alliance. Let Britain tremble at the consequences of her own folly and her own crime.