Volume 5 — CONTENTS (continued 9)

We ought further to recollect, that the two Kings, who have joined in this affair to her Imperial Majesty, have acceded as principal contracting parties to the treaties concluded between her Imperial Majesty and the said Courts, and have signed with their own hands upon this subject on one part and the other, an act, which has been exchanged at St Petersburg by the Ministry of her Imperial Russian Majesty.

Here follows the second article of the treaty concluded and signed at Petersburg, the 21st of July, 1780, between her Imperial Majesty and his Majesty the King of Sweden.

"Art ii. To avoid all error and misunderstanding on the subject of the name of contraband, her Imperial Majesty of Russia and his Majesty the King of Sweden declare, that they acknowledge only as effects of contraband those which are contained in the treaties subsisting between the said courts and one or other of the belligerent powers."

Her Majesty the Empress of Russia conforms herself in this entirely to the tenth and eleventh articles of her Treaty of Commerce with Great Britain, and extends also the engagements of this treaty, which are entirely founded upon the law of nature, to the Crowns of France and Spain, which at the date of the present Convention have no Treaty of Commerce with her empire. His Majesty the King of Sweden refers himself principally on his part to the eleventh article of his Treaty of Commerce with Great Britain, and to the tenor of the preliminary Treaty of Commerce concluded in the year 1741, between the Crowns of Sweden and France, although, in this last, the contents of contraband are not expressly determined, but as the two Powers have therein understood to consider one another as Gens amicissima, and that as Sweden has therein reserved the same advantages, which the Hanseatic cities enjoy in France, from the most remote times to the present. The advantages, which are comprehended in the Treaty of Utrecht, being confirmed, the King has not found anything necessary to be added. With regard to Spain, the King finds himself in the same case as the Empress, and after her example he extends to this Crown the engagements of the said treaties, wholly founded on natural law.

Their High Mightinesses, the States-General of the United Provinces of the Low Countries, have acceded the 20th of November, 1780, upon the same footing to the said Convention, and it has been signed the 5th of January, 1781, at St Petersburg, only with the addition of a thirteenth article, which with relation to command, in case of rencounter or combination of the squadrons and the vessels of war of the two parties, there shall be observed what has been the usage between crowned heads and the Republic.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

TO B. FRANKLIN.

Amsterdam, February 15th, 1781.

Sir,

This morning the house of Botereau & Co. of this city, presented to me sixtysix bills of exchange, drawn by Congress on the 26th day of October last, in favor of Nathaniel Tracy, of Newburyport, amounting to the sum of ten thousand pounds sterling, payable at ninety days sight. I was obliged to ask the favor of the house to wait until I could write to your Excellency, to see if you can furnish the funds to discharge the bills. Without your warranty they must be protested, for I have not yet obtained a single ducat, nor any certain assurances of one.

I have at length fixed my plan, and when it shall be made certain that the war with England is to continue, the prospectus will be published and the experiment tried. Some persons think I shall get some money; but there is no certainly of it. If this people should make peace with England, which they will if they can, we shall get no money at all. I think, however, that a peace is impossible, and therefore am not without hopes of borrowing some money. I must request the honor of your Excellency's answer by the return of post, because at that time M. Botereau will expect an answer from me.

With great respect, I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

TO B. FRANKLIN.

Amsterdam, February 20th, 1781.

Sir,

Yesterday I had the honor of yours of the 12th, and will take an early opportunity to send you all the lights I can obtain, by inferences from the numbers of the bills. Those already presented, I shall accept, according to your advice.

The Duc de la Vauguyon is returned. I had the honor to make my compliments to him on Saturday at the Hague, where I attended Dr McLane's Church on Sunday, and the Prince's review upon the parade afterwards, and where I propose in future to spend more of my time.

You need not be anxious about the result of my demand of an answer. It was a measure, to which I was advised by the Duc de la Vauguyon, and by the Count de Vergennes, and by several worthy gentlemen in the government here. It was intended to bring necessarily into deliberation a connexion with France and America, on one side, at the same time when they considered the mediation of Russia, on the other, in order to prevent their accepting the mediation without limitations.

The great city has lately faultered very much in point of firmness. I cannot but wish, that the proposition for an accession to the alliance between France and America, could have been made last week, the critical moment when it would have infallibly, I think, prevented the acceptation. But France did not think it politic to do anything against the views of Russia. But nothing but delay will come of this mediation. The United States, however, stand here in a more respectable light than in Spain. Here they are openly and candidly demanding an answer. If they receive one in the negative, it will be no more than the Republic has a right to give, and we shall lose nothing, but remain exactly where we were. If they give no answer for a year to come, the dignity of the United States is safe; that of the United Provinces will be hurt by the delay, if any. In Spain, the United States have been waiting in the person of one of their presidents, now going on three years, and have no answer. Now, I say, it is better to be open. Here the constitution demanded publicity. In Spain it forbid it. But the dignity of the United States is injured more than it would have been, if the demand to that Court could have been made public. For my own part, I own, as a private citizen, or as a public man, I would not advise the United States to wait for ever, either in Spain or Holland. If it does not suit their affairs to make a bargain with us, let them tell us so candidly, and let us all go home, that at least we may not be under the necessity of calling upon your Excellency for water to drink, which had much better quench the thirst of our army.

I should be very much obliged to you for a copy of the replication of the two Imperial Courts, and of the new proposition of the Court of London, of which I have only had a confused intimation.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

TO THE DUC DE LA VAUGUYON.

Amsterdam, March 1st, 1781.

Sir,

As Friesland has taken the Provincial Resolution to acknowledge the independence of America, it seems to be high time for me to prepare for the execution of my instructions from Congress of the 16th of August, which I had the honor to communicate to you on the 25th of November, and which had been previously communicated to the Minister of Foreign Affairs at Versailles.

From these instructions it appears, that His Most Christian Majesty had made, by his Minister, to Congress, a tender of his endeavors to accomplish a coalition between the United Provinces of the Netherlands and the United States, and that this tender was accepted by Congress as a fresh proof of his Majesty's solicitude for their interests.

By another Resolution, I am instructed to propose a Treaty of Alliance, between His Most Christian Majesty, the United Provinces of the Netherlands, and the United States of America, having for its object and limited in its duration to the present war with Great Britain, and conformed to the treaties subsisting between His Most Christian Majesty and the United States.

The system of operations was thus settled at Philadelphia between the King, by his Minister, and the Congress, and for obvious and wise reasons, the Minister of Congress at the Hague was to make the proposition to their High Mightinesses, and the Ambassador of his Majesty was to countenance and support it either publicly or privately, as he should judge proper, until the States-General should listen to it, so far as to enter into the negotiation.

In pursuance of these propositions, it seems to be necessary for me to go to the President of their High Mightinesses, and without offering him anything in writing, to make him the proposition, in the words of the enclosed project, or others equivalent.

Friesland has taken so decided a part, and the other Provinces, especially Holland, are animated with such a spirit, that I cannot but flatter myself such a proposition would now run with rapidity through the seven Provinces, and contribute very much to accelerate the period of this bloody and ruinous war.

I have the honor to request your Excellency's sentiments upon the subject, and to be, with the most sincere and inviolable attachment, your Excellency's most obedient and most humble servant,

JOHN ADAMS.

A MEMORIAL TO THE STATES-GENERAL.

To their High Mightinesses, the States-General of the United Provinces of the Low Countries.

High and Mighty Lords,

The subscriber, a Minister Plenipotentiary from the United States of America, has the honor to lay before your High Mightinesses, as one of the high contracting parties to the Marine Treaty, lately concluded, relative to the rights of neutral vessels, a resolution of Congress of the 5th of October last, concerning the same subject.

As the American revolution furnished the occasion of a reformation in the maritime law of nations, of so much importance to a free communication among mankind by sea, the subscriber hopes it may not be thought improper that the United States should become parties to it, entitled to its benefits and subjected to its duties. To this end, the subscriber has the honor of requesting that the resolution of Congress may be taken into the consideration of your High Mightinesses, and transmitted to the Courts of Russia, Sweden, and Denmark.

The subscriber begs leave to subjoin, that he should esteem it one of the most fortunate events of his life, if this proposition should meet with the approbation of your High Mightinesses, and the other powers who are parties to the neutral confederacy, and he be admitted, as the instrument of pledging the faith of the United States to the observance of regulations, which do so much honor to the present age.

The Hague, March 8th, 1781.

JOHN ADAMS.

TO THE PRINCE DE GALLITZIN, MINISTER OF THE EMPRESS OF RUSSIA.

Leyden, March 8th, 1781.

Sir,

I have lately received from Congress, as one of their Ministers Plenipotentiary, their resolution of the 5th of October last, relative to the rights of neutral vessels, a copy of which I do myself the honor to enclose to your Excellency, as the Representative of one of the high contracting parties to the Marine Treaty, lately concluded concerning this subject. As I am fixed by my duty for the present to this part of Europe, I have no other way of communicating this measure of Congress to the Northern Courts, but by the favor of their Ministers in this Republic. I must, therefore, request of your Excellency, if there is no impropriety in it, to transmit the resolution to the Minister of Foreign Affairs of her Imperial Majesty.

Your Excellency will permit me to add, that I should esteem myself very fortunate to be the instrument of pledging, in form, the faith of the United States of America to a reformation in the maritime law of nations, which does so much honor to the present age.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

Transcripts of the above letter were sent on the same day to the Baron de Sapherin, Envoy of the King of Denmark at the Hague; and to the Baron d'Ehrenswerd, Envoy of the King of Sweden at the same place.

TO M. VAN BERCKEL, FIRST COUNSELLOR PENSIONARY OF THE CITY OF AMSTERDAM.

Leyden, March 8th, 1781.

Sir,

I have the honor to enclose a Resolution of Congress of the fifth of October last, and to inform you, that I have this day communicated it to their High Mightinesses, the States-General, and to the Ministers of Russia, Sweden, and Denmark, at the Hague.

With the greatest respect I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

TO THE DUC DE LA VAUGUYON, AMBASSADOR OF FRANCE AT THE HAGUE.

Leyden, March 8th, 1781.

Sir,

I have the honor to enclose a copy of a Resolution of Congress of the 5th of October last, and to inform your Excellency, that I have this day communicated it to their High Mightinesses, the States-General of the United Provinces, and to the Ministers of the Courts of Russia, Sweden, and Denmark, at the Hague.

Your Excellency will permit me to hope for your concurrence in support of this measure, as there may be occasion, and to assure you of the great respect and consideration with which I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

FROM THE DUC DE LA VAUGUYON TO JOHN ADAMS.

Translation.

Hague, March 14th, 1781.

Sir,

I have received the letter, which you did me the honor to write to me, as also the copy of the resolution of Congress of the United States of North America, thereto annexed. You announce to me, that you have made an official communication thereof to the President of the Assembly of the States-General, as also to the Envoys of the Courts of Petersburg, Stockholm, and Copenhagen, and you request me to support this step with my good offices. I am persuaded, Sir, that you clearly perceive the impossibility of my seconding this measure, without the express order of the King, whatever may be my personal zeal for the true interests of North America.

Receive, Sir, the very sincere assurance of the sentiments of the most distinguished respect with which I have the honor to be, &c.

THE DUC DE LA VAUGUYON.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Leyden, March 18th, 1781.

Sir,

At length, notwithstanding the mediation of the Empress of Russia, the States-General have published the following Manifesto. It is entitled, the Counter Manifesto of the States-General of the United Provinces of the Low Countries.

COUNTER MANIFESTO.

"If ever the annals of the world have furnished an example of a free and independent State, hostilely attacked in the manner the most unjust, and without the least appearance of justice or equity, by a neighboring power, long in alliance, and strictly connected by ties founded upon common interests, it is, without contradiction, the Republic of the United Provinces of the Low Countries, which finds itself in this case, in relation to his Majesty, the King of Great Britain, and his Ministry.

"From the commencement of the troubles arisen between that Kingdom and its Colonies in America, their High Mightinesses, by no means obliged to take the smallest part in them, had formed the firm and invariable design to adopt and to follow in relation to these troubles, the system of the most perfect and the most exact neutrality; and when the same troubles had afterwards enkindled a war, which extended itself to more than one power, and spread itself to more than one part of the world, their High Mightinesses have constantly observed and maintained the same system, while at the same time they have not neglected to give, on more than one occasion, and relative to the most essential objects, the most convincing proofs of their sincere disposition to satisfy the desires of his Majesty, as far as they could advance, without wounding the rules of impartiality, and without compromising the rights of their sovereignty. It was in these views and to this end, that their High Mightinesses at first, and at the first requisition of his Britannic Majesty, published prohibitions the most express against the exportation of military stores to the Colonies of his Majesty in America, and against all fraudulent commerce with the same Colonies; and to the end, that those prohibitions should be executed the more effectually, their High Mightinesses did not hesitate, moreover, to take measures which did not fail to restrain and confine very greatly, the navigation and the commerce of their own subjects with the Colonies of the State in the West Indies.

"It was, moreover, in the same views, and to the same end, that their High Mightinesses sent orders the most precise to all the Governors and Commanders of their Colonies and of their establishments, as well as to all the officers, commanders of their vessels of wars, to take special care to do nothing towards the flag of the American Congress, from whence they might lawfully infer or deduce an acknowledgment of the independence of the said Colonies. And it was above all in these views and to this end, that their High Mightinesses having received a memorial, which was presented to them by the Ambassador of England, containing complaints the most spirited against the Governor of St Eustatia, condescended to deliberate concerning this memorial, although conceived in terms little accommodated to those respects, which sovereign powers reciprocally owe to each other.

"This deliberation was soon followed by the recall of the said Governor, whom their High Mightinesses ordered to render an account of his conduct, and whom they did not permit to return to his residence until after he had exculpated himself of all the accusations brought against him by a justification of himself in detail, a copy of which was transmitted without delay to the Ministry of his Britannic Majesty. It was by means of these measures, that their High Mightinesses, having always had it at heart to avoid giving the smallest cause of dissatisfaction to his Britannic Majesty, have constantly endeavored to entertain and to cultivate his friendship and good understanding. But the conduct of his Britannic Majesty towards the Republic has been diametrically opposite.

"The troubles between the Courts of London and Versailles had scarcely broken out, when we saw the ports of England filled with Dutch ships unjustly taken and detained. These vessels navigated under the faith of treaties, and were not loaded with other merchandises than with those which the express tenor of treaties declared free and lawful. We saw those free cargoes forced to submit to the law of an arbitrary and despotic authority. The Cabinet of St James knowing no other rules than a pretended right of temporary conveniency, thought proper to appropriate those cargoes to the Crown by a forced purchase, and to employ them to the profit of the royal navy. The representations the most energetic, and the most serious on the part of their High Mightinesses against such proceedings were to no purpose, and it was in vain that we demanded in the strongest manner the treaty of commerce, which subsisted between England and the Republic; by this treaty the rights and liberties of the neutral flag were clearly defined and stated. The subjects of Great Britain have enjoyed the full advantage of this treaty in the first and the only case, in which it pleased the Court of London to remain neuter, while the Republic was at war; at present in the reciprocal case, this Court cannot without the greatest injustice refuse the enjoyment of the same advantages to the Republic; and as little as his Britannic Majesty had a right to take away the advantageous effects of this treaty from their High Mightinesses, as little foundation had he to pretend to turn them from a neutrality, which they had embraced, and to force them to plunge themselves into a war, the causes of which had an immediate relation to rights and to possessions of his Britannic Majesty, originating without the limits of defensive treaties.

"And, nevertheless, it was this treaty, which his Majesty, from the commencement of the troubles with the Crown of France, made no scruple to infringe and violate. The contraventions and infractions of this treaty on the part of Great Britain, and the arbitrary decisions of the courts of justice of that kingdom, directly contrary to the express sanction of this same treaty, multiplied from day to day; the merchant vessels of the Republic became the innocent victims of exactions and accumulated violences of the English men-of-war and privateers. Not content with this, even the flag of the State was not spared, but openly insulted and outraged by the hostile attack of the convoy under the command of the Rear Admiral, the Count de Byland. The strongest representations on the part of the State to his Britannic Majesty were useless. The vessels taken from this convoy were declared lawful prizes; and this insult committed to the flag of the Republic was soon followed by the open violation of its neutral territory, both in Europe and in America. We shall content ourselves to cite two examples of it. At the Island of St Martins, the vessels of his Britannic Majesty attacked and took by force several vessels, which were in the Road, under the cannon of the fortress, where, according to the inviolable law of nations, these vessels ought to have found a safe asylum. The insolences committed by an English armed vessel upon the coast of the Republic, near the Island of Goedereede, furnish a second example of these violences; these insolences were pushed to such a degree, that several inhabitants of the Island, who were upon the shore, where they ought to have thought themselves sheltered from all insult, were exposed by the fire of this vessel to the most imminent danger, which they could not avoid but by retiring into the interior part of the Island. Unheard of proceedings, for which the Republic, notwithstanding the strongest and best founded representations, has not been able to obtain the smallest satisfaction.

"While affairs were thus in a situation, which left to their High Mightinesses no other alternative, but to see the navigation and the commerce of their subjects, upon which depend the prosperity or the ruin of the Republic, wholly annihilated, or to come to violent measures against their ancient friend and ally, the magnanimous heart of her Majesty, the Empress of Russia, engaged her to invite the Republic with equal affection and humanity, to take measures the most just, and entirely conformable to the treaties which subsist between them and the other powers, to the end to defend and to maintain, conjointly with her Imperial Majesty and the other powers of the north, the privileges and the immunities, which the law of nations and the most solemn treaties assure to the neutral flag. This invitation could not but be infinitely agreeable to their High Mightinesses, considering that it offered them a means of establishing the protection of the commerce of their subjects upon the most solid foundation, and opened a way to place their independence in safety from all infraction, without derogating in the least from the alliances contracted, both with his Britannic Majesty and with the other belligerent powers.

"But it is this same means, which the Court of London has endeavored to take away from the Republic, by proceeding with precipitation to extremities the most outrageous, by the recall of her Ambassador, by the publication of a Manifesto containing pretended grievances, and by granting letters of marque and of pretended reprisals against the State, its subjects, and their goods; by which, this Court has but too plainly discovered her designs long since formed, of laying aside the essential interests which united the two nations, and of breaking the ties of ancient friendship, by attacking this State by a war the most unjust.

"It will not be necessary to refute at length the reasons and pretended griefs alleged in the Manifesto, to convince every impartial man of their insolidity. It is sufficient to observe, in a few words, relative to the offer made by his Britannic Majesty, to open friendly conferences, that it was the abovementioned Treaty of Marine, which alone could make the object of those conferences; that the dispositions of this treaty, conceived in the most expressive terms, could not be liable to any doubt nor equivocation, that this treaty gives neutral powers the right of transporting freely in the ports of the belligerent powers all sorts of naval stores; that the Republic proposing to itself no other end, and desiring of his Britannic Majesty no other thing, than the quiet and peaceable enjoyment of the rights stipulated by this treaty, a point so evidently clear, and so incontestably just could not become the object of a negotiation, or of a new convention derogatory to this treaty, so that their High Mightinesses could not persuade themselves nor show themselves disposed to renounce, voluntarily, rights justly acquired, and to desist from these rights from regard to the Court of England; a renunciation, which, being advantageous to one of the belligerent powers, would have been little compatible with the principles of the neutrality, and by which their High Mightinesses would have exposed, on the other hand, the safety of the State to dangers, which they were obliged carefully to avoid; a renunciation, moreover, which would have caused to commerce and navigation, the principal support of the Republic, and source of her prosperity, an irreparable prejudice; since the different branches of commerce, strictly connected with each other, form a whole, whereof it is impossible to cut off so principal a part, without necessarily causing the destruction and ruin of the whole body; not to mention, that at the same time that their High Mightinesses made, with reason, a difficulty to accept the proposed conferences, they have not a little modified and tempered the actual exercise of their right by a provisional resolution.

"And as to what relates to the succors demanded, their High Mightinesses cannot dissemble, that they have never been able to conceive how his Britannic Majesty has thought, that he could insist, with the least appearance of justice or of equity, upon the succors stipulated by the treaties, at a time when he had already beforehand withdrawn himself from the obligation, which those treaties imposed upon him towards the Republic. Their High Mightinesses have not been less surprised to see, that while the troubles in America, and their direct consequences could not concern the Republic in virtue of any treaty, and that the succor had not been demanded, until after the Crown of Spain had augmented the number of belligerent powers, his Britannic Majesty has, nevertheless, taken the occasion of this event to insist upon his demand with so much earnestness, and such an ardor, as if his Majesty thought himself to have a right to pretend and to maintain, that a war, once enkindled between him and any other power, was alone sufficient to oblige the State to grant forthwith, and without any anterior examination, the succors stipulated.

"The Republic, it is true, had obliged itself by the treaties to assist Great Britain at all times, when this kingdom should find itself attacked, or threatened with an unjust war; and what is more, the Republic ought in this case, according to the same treaties, to declare war against the aggressor; but their High Mightinesses never pretended to abdicate the right, which flows necessarily from the nature of every offensive alliance, and which cannot be contested to allied powers, to examine in the first place, and before the granting of succors, or taking part in the war, the principle of the dissensions which have arisen, and the nature of the difference, which has given occasion to it, as well as also to examine and weigh thoroughly the reasons and the motives, which may establish the casus fœderis, and which ought to serve as a basis of the justice and the lawfulness of the war, on the part of that one of the confederated powers, who demands the succor. And there exists no treaty, by which their High Mightinesses have renounced the independence of the State, and sacrificed their interests to those of Great Britain, to such a degree, as to deprive themselves of the right of examination, so necessary and so indispensable, by engaging themselves to measures, by which they may be considered as obliged in duty to submit to the good pleasure of the Court of England, by granting the succors demanded, even where this Court, engaged in a quarrel with another power, judges proper to prefer the way of arms to that of a reasonable satisfaction upon just complaints.

"It was not then by a spirit of party, or by the device of a predominant cabal, but after a mature deliberation, and in a sincere desire to maintain the most precious interests of the Republic, that the States of the respective Provinces have all unanimously testified, that they were of opinion, that the succor demanded ought to be refused in a manner the most polite; and their High Mightinesses would not have failed to have transmitted to his Britannic Majesty conformable to these resolutions, an answer to the repeated demands of succors, if they had not been prevented by the violent and unheard of attack of the flag of the State under the command of Rear Admiral Byland, by the refusal to give satisfaction upon a point so grave, and by the declaration not less strange than unjust, which his Majesty thought fit to make relative to the suspension of the treaties, which subsisted between him and the Republic. Also many events, which by requiring deliberations of quite another nature, put an end to those, which had taken place on the subject of the said requisition.

"It is in vain, and contrary to all truth, that they have endeavored to multiply the number of grievances, by alleging the suppression of the duties of exportation as a measure tending to facilitate the transportation of naval stores to France; for besides, that this suppression forms an object, which regards the interior direction of commerce, to which all the sovereigns have an incontestible right, and whereof they are not obliged to give an account to any body, this point has, it is true, been taken into consideration, but has never been concluded; so that these rights are still received upon the ancient footing; and that which is advanced in this regard in the manifesto, is found destitute of all foundation, although we cannot refrain from saying, that the conduct of his Britannic Majesty towards the Republic, furnished but too many motives to justify a similar measure on the part of their High Mightinesses.

"The discontent of his Britannic Majesty, on the subject of what passed with the American, Paul Jones, is also quite as ill grounded. Already for several years, their High Mightinesses had resolved, and published everywhere, precise orders concerning the admission of privateers and armed vessels of foreign nations with their prizes, in the ports of their domination, orders, which to that time had been observed and executed without the least exception. In the case in question, their High Mightinesses could not depart from those orders, in regard to an armed vessel, who, furnished with a commission of the American Congress, was found in the Road of the Texel, combined with frigates of war of a sovereign power, without erecting themselves into judges, and pronouncing a decision upon matters, in which their High Mightinesses were in nowise obliged to take any part, and in which it did not appear to them convenient to the interests of the Republic to meddle in any manner. Their High Mightinesses then thought fit not to depart from the orders given so long ago, but they resolved to give the most express prohibition to hinder the said armed vessel from providing herself with warlike stores, and enjoined upon her to quit the Road as soon as possible, without remaining there longer than the time absolutely necessary to repair the damages suffered at sea, with the formal denunciation, that in case of a longer delay we should be obliged to compel his departure, to which end the officer of the State, commanding at the said Road, took care to make the requisite dispositions, whereof this armed vessel had scarcely the time to prevent the effects.

"In regard to what has passed in the other parts of the world, the informations which their High Mightinesses have received from time to time from the East Indies, are directly opposite to those, which appear to have come under the eyes of his Britannic Majesty. The repeated complaints, which the directors of the East India Company have addressed to their High Mightinesses, and which the love of peace has made them stifle in their bosoms, are incontestible proofs of it. And the measures taken with regard to the West Indies, enumerated heretofore, ought to serve in all times as an irrefragable proof of the sincerity, the zeal, and the attention with which their High Mightinesses have taken it to heart, to maintain in those countries the most exact and the most strict neutrality; and their High Mightinesses have never been able to discover the smallest legal proof of any infraction of their orders in this respect.

"As to what concerns the project of an eventual treaty with North America, conceived by a member of the government of the Province of Holland, without any public authority, and the memorials presented upon this subject by Sir Joseph Yorke, the affair happened in the following manner. As soon as the Ambassador had presented the memorial of the 10th of November of the last year, their High Mightinesses, without stopping at expressions little suitable among sovereigns, with which this memorial was filled, did not delay to commence a deliberation the most serious upon this subject, and it was by their resolution of the 27th of the same month, that they did not hesitate to disavow and to disapprove publicly all which had been done in this respect; after which, they had all reason to expect that his Britannic Majesty would have acquiesced in this declaration, since he could not be ignorant that their High Mightinesses exercise no jurisdiction in the respective Provinces, and that it was to the States of the Province of Holland to whom, as clothed like the States of the other Provinces, with a sovereign and exclusive authority over their subjects, ought to be remitted an affair relatively to which their High Mightinesses had no reason to doubt, that the States of the said Province would act according to the exigence of the case, and conformably to the laws of the State and the rules of equity.

"The earnestness with which Sir Joseph Yorke insisted, by a second memorial, upon the article of the punishment, cannot therefore but appear very strange to their High Mightinesses, and their surprise increased still more when three days afterwards, this Ambassador declared, verbally, to the President of their High Mightinesses, that if he did not receive that day an answer entirely satisfactory to his memorial, he should be obliged to inform his Court of it by an express; their High Mightinesses, informed of this declaration, penetrated the importance of it, as manifesting visibly the measure already resolved in the Council of the King; and although the established customs admit not of deliberations upon verbal declarations of foreign Ministers, they judged it nevertheless proper to depart from them on this occasion, and to order their Secretary to wait on Sir Joseph Yorke, and give him to understand that his memorial had been taken ad referendum by the Deputies of the respective Provinces conformably to received usages, and to the constitution of the government; adding, what appears to have been omitted with design in the manifesto, that they would endeavor to complete an answer to his memorial as soon as possible, and as soon as the constitution of the government would permit. Accordingly, a few days after, the Deputies of Holland notified to the assembly of their High Mightinesses, that the States of their Province had unanimously resolved to require the advice of their Court of Justice, on the subject of demand of punishment, charging the said Court to give their opinion the soonest possible, laying aside all other affairs. Their High Mightinesses did not fail to transmit forthwith this resolution to Sir Joseph Yorke; but what was their surprise and their astonishment, when they learned that this Ambassador, after having reviewed his instructions, had addressed a billet to the Secretary, by which, in accusing this resolution with being evasive, he refused to transmit it to his Court; which obliged their High Mightinesses to send the said resolution to the Count de Welderen, their Minister at London, with orders to present it as soon as possible to the Ministry of his Britannic Majesty; but the refusal of this Ministry threw an obstacle in the way of the execution of these orders.

"After this explanation of all the circumstances of this affair, the impartial public will be in a condition to set a just value upon the principal motive, or rather pretext which his Britannic Majesty has used to let loose the reins of his designs against the Republic. The affair reduces itself to this. His Majesty was informed of a negotiation which should have taken place in the year 1778, between a member of the government of one of the Provinces and a representative of the American Congress, which negotiation would have had for its object to project a treaty of commerce, to be concluded between the Republic and the said Colonies, casu quo, viz. in case the independence of these Colonies should have been acknowledged by the Crown of England; this negotiation, although conditional, and annexed to a condition, which depended upon an act to be antecedently performed by his Majesty himself; this negotiation, which without this act, or this anterior declaration, could not produce the smallest effect, was taken in so ill a part by his Majesty, and appeared to excite his discontent in such a degree, that he thought fit to require of the State a disavowal and a public disapprobation, as well as a complete punishment and satisfaction. It was forthwith, and without the least delay, that their High Mightinesses granted the first part of the requisition, but the punishment demanded was not in their power, and they could not agree to it, without flying in the face of the fundamental constitution of the State. The States of the Province of Holland were the only tribunal to which it belonged to take legal cognizance, and to provide for the case by the ordinary and regular ways.

"This Sovereign, constantly attached to the maxims, which obliged it to respect the authority of the laws, and fully convinced that the maintenance of the department of justice in all the integrity and impartiality which are inseparable from it, ought to form one of the firmest supports of the supreme Power; this Sovereign, constrained by everything which is most sacred to defend, and to protect the rights and the privileges of its subjects, could not forget itself to such a degree as to subscribe to the will of his Britannic Majesty, by giving a blow to these rights and privileges, and by overleaping the bounds prescribed by the fundamental laws of the government. These laws required the intervention of the judiciary department, and this was accordingly the means which the said States resolved to employ, by requiring upon this object the advice of the Court of Justice established in their Province. It is by following this course that they have displayed before the eyes of his Britannic Majesty, of the English nation, and of all Europe, the unalterable principles of justice and equity, which characterise the Batavian Constitution, and which in a part so important of the public administration as is that which regards the exercise of the judiciary power, ought forever to serve as a buckler and a rampart against everything which could hurt the safety and the independence of a free nation; it was also by this means, and by following this course, that very far from shutting the road of justice, or evading the demand of punishment, they have on the contrary, left a free course to the way of regular proceeding, and conformable to the constitutional principles of the Republic; and it is finally by the same means, that by taking away from the Court of London all pretence of being able to complain of a denial of justice, they have prevented even to the smallest shadow or appearance of reason, which could authorise this Court to use reprisals to which, nevertheless, it has made no scruple to recur in a manner equally odious and unjust.

"But while the State took measures so just and so proper to remove all subject of complaint, the measure which was the epoch of the commencement of the rupture had already been resolved and concluded in the Council of the King. This Council had resolved to try all sorts of means to traverse and hinder, if it had been possible, the accession of the Republic to the convention of the Powers of the North, and the event has clearly demonstrated, that it is in hatred and resentment of this convention that the said Court has suffered itself to be drawn into the part, which it has been pleased to take against the Republic. For these causes, and since that after the repeated outrages and immense losses, which the subjects of the Republic must have sustained on the part of his Majesty, the King of Great Britain, their High Mightinesses find themselves moreover provoked and attacked by his said Majesty, and forced to employ the means which they have in hand, to defend and avenge the precious rights of their liberty and independence, they assure themselves with the firmest confidence, that the God of armies, the God of their fathers, who by the visible direction of his Providence sustained and delivered their Republic in the midst of the greatest dangers, will bless the means, which they have resolved to put in operation for their lawful defence, in crowning the justice of their arms, by the succors always triumphant of his Almighty protection, while that their High Mightinesses will desire with ardor the moment, when they shall see their neighbor and their ally, now their enemy, brought back to moderate and equitable sentiments; and at this epoch, their High Mightinesses will seize with earnestness all events, which, compatible with the honor and independence of a free State, may tend to reconcile them with their ancient friend and ally.

"Thus done and resolved at the Assembly of their High Mightinesses, the Lords the States-General of the United Provinces of the Low Countries, at the Hague, the 12th of March, 1781."

It is remarkable, that their High Mightinesses, after so many delays, have chosen for the publication of this Manifesto, a time when the mediation of the Empress is depending. This mediation appears in a memorial, presented the 1st of March to the States-General, in these words.

"High and Mighty Lords.—As soon as her Majesty, the Empress, was informed of the sudden departure from the Hague of the Ambassador of his Britannic Majesty to your High Mightinesses, guided by the sentiments of friendship and benevolence, which she professes towards the two powers, she did not wait for further explanations, concerning the consequences, which might be produced by a procedure so alarming for their reciprocal tranquillity and well-being, to make by her Minister at the Court of London representations the most pressing, to the end to divert it, if it were possible, from coming to violent measures, and to induce it rather to prefer those of softness and conciliation, offering herself to co-operate in everything which might depend upon her. Although her Majesty has not yet had the time to receive the answer of the Court of London, she has, nevertheless, reason to presume, that her insinuations there will be received with pleasure.

In this confidence, the Empress does not hesitate to give a new proof of her salutary intentions in favor of the reunion of two States, for whom she has an equal affection, and whom she has seen for so long a time live together in an intelligence the most perfect, and the most natural to their respective interests, by proposing to them formally her good offices and her mediation, to interrupt and put an entire end to the discord and the war, which has broken out between them. While M. Simolin, the Minister of the Empress at the Court of London, acquits himself of the orders, which she has given him concerning this object, the undersigned has the honor to fulfil the same task, on his part, towards your High Mightinesses, and to assure you of the zeal and earnestness with which he should desire to labor at the precious work of the re-establishment of the repose and the tranquillity of your State. The disinterestedness, the impartiality, and the views of general beneficence, which have instamped their seal upon all the actions of her Imperial Majesty, preside equally in this. The wisdom and the prudence of your High Mightinesses will know how to acknowledge in her these august characters, and will dictate the answer, which the subscriber will have to transmit to her, concerning the execution of his orders.

"The Hague, March 1st, 1781.

THE PRINCE DE GALLITZIN."

The offer of mediation was accepted by their High Mightinesses with gratitude.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Leyden, March 19th, 1781.

Sir,

I have received your Excellency's letter of the 1st of January, with the commission and instructions enclosed.[14] I am very sensible of this fresh instance of the confidence of Congress, and shall do everything in my power to discharge the duties of this new trust; but I am obliged to say, that no commission that ever was given, required more patience, fortitude, and circumspection than this, virtues which I much fear have not fallen in sufficient quantities to my share.

I have experienced since my residence in this Republic, a great change in the external behavior of several persons of rank, who upon my first arrival received me with distinction, but from the moment of the publication of the papers taken with Mr Laurens, have been afraid to see me. The nation has indeed been in a violent fermentation and crisis. It is divided in sentiments. There are Stadtholderians and Republicans; there are proprietors in English funds, and persons immediately engaged in commerce; there are enthusiasts for peace and alliance with England; and there are advocates for an alliance with France, Spain, and America; and there is a third sort who are for adhering in all things to Russia, Sweden, and Denmark; some are for acknowledging American independence, and entering into treaties of commerce and alliance with her; others start at the idea with horror, as an everlasting impediment to a return to the friendship and alliance with England; some will not augment the navy without increasing the army; others will let the navy be neglected rather than augment the army.

In this perfect chaos of sentiments and systems, principles and interests, it is no wonder there is languor, a weakness and irresolution, that is vastly dangerous in the present circumstances of affairs. The danger lies not more in the hostile designs and exertions of the English, than in the prospect of seditions and commotions among the people, which are every day dreaded and expected. If it were not for a standing army, and troops posted about in several cities, it is probable there would have been popular tumults before now; but everybody that I see, appears to me to live in constant fear of mobs, and in a great degree of uncertainty whether they will rise in favor of war or against it; in favor of England or against it; in favor of the Prince or of the city of Amsterdam; in favor of America or against it. I have ventured in the midst of these critical circumstances, pressed as I am to get money to discharge the bills of exchange, which Congress have drawn and I have accepted, to open a loan; but this is looked upon as a very hardy and dangerous measure, which nobody but an American would have risked, and I am obliged to assure Congress, that people are as yet so much afraid of being pointed out by the mob or the soldiery, as favorers of this loan, that I have no hopes at all of succeeding for several months, if ever.

I have been advised to do nothing, in consequence of my commission, to the States at present, for fear of throwing before the people new objects of division and dissension. I have, however, communicated to their High Mightinesses, and to the Ministers of Russia, Denmark, Sweden, and France, the resolution of Congress, of the 5th of October, relative to the principles of the neutral confederation. The memorial and letters I have transmitted to Congress.[15]

Whenever I shall communicate to their High Mightinesses the full powers of Congress, the course will be this. They will lie long upon the table, then taken ad referendum, that is, sent to the several Provinces, cities, and bodies of nobles, who compose the sovereignty, or as some say, the deputies of the sovereignty; these will deliberate, and deliberate, and deliberate, and probably some will be for, and some against making a treaty, at least it is supposed that Zealand and one or two other Provinces will be against it. But in the meantime, there will be much communication and negotiation among individuals at least, between this country and Russia, Sweden and Denmark upon the subject; and if it is true, as I am informed in a letter from Mr Gerry, that a Minister is appointed to the Court of Petersburg, as I hope it is, and that the same Minister, or some other, is empowered to treat with Sweden and Denmark, it is not impossible, I think it indeed probable, that we may succeed with these four nations at once; for let me add, there is not in my apprehension the least prospect of a general peace. England is at her old game of seduction and division, and is laboring under the pretence of employing the Emperor of Germany and the Empress of Russia in mediations for peace, insidiously to embroil all Europe in the war.

From motives of philanthropy, I hope she will not succeed, unless the same feelings of humanity should prompt me to wish all mankind at war with that nation, for her humiliation, which is at this time, if ever one was, Hostis humani generis.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Leyden, March 29th, 1781.

Sir,

The Baron de Lynden, Envoy Extraordinary from their High Mightinesses at the Court of Stockholm, had, about the 28th of February, a conference with the Count Ulrich Scheffer, to whom he presented, on the part of his masters, a Memorial too important to be omitted. It is as follows.

"The subscriber, Minister Extraordinary of their High Mightinesses, the States-General of the United Provinces, to his Majesty, the King of Sweden, by express orders received from his masters, has the honor to propose to his Majesty,

"That their High Mightinesses, by their resolution of the 20th of November, having acceded to the confederation of the armed neutrality, according to the invitation given by the powers of the North, placing the most perfect confidence in the power, the magnanimity, and the fidelity of their Imperial and Royal Majesties, for fulfilling their engagements, and maintaining their dignity, by completing a work so gloriously undertaken, to wit, the liberty of the seas for neutral nations, did not suffer themselves to be diverted by the consideration of the consequences, which this accession and this declaration might draw upon the Republic from the part of the belligerent powers; but their High Mightinesses declared themselves for this accession and this declaration, relying, without reserve, upon the sentiments of their Imperial and Royal Majesties, which they manifested in the season, by the steps taken in this respect.

"That the event has entirely justified the instances of their High Mightinesses in regard to the British Court, since its Minister, after several vain attempts tending to impede the accession to the alliance in question, resolved, from the time when he had the first intimation of it, to speak a language altogether unheard of, and such as is scarcely agreeable to those respects, which sovereigns respectively owe each other, without allowing to the Republic the time necessary to take the affair into deliberation, conformably to a political system, which his Britannic Majesty fully understands; the Minister, nevertheless, insisting on a prompt and immediate satisfaction, and the punishment of a pretended offence, occasioned by the discovery of a negotiation with North America, without being satisfied by the provisional answer, or by the formal disavowal of their High Mightinesses touching the said negotiation, in which, as his Britannic Majesty has acknowledged, they had in nowise participated, nor had any knowledge of it; a negotiation relative to a pretended treaty, which, at the first glance of the eye, indicates sufficiently by its proper terms, to be nothing more than a project of an eventual treaty made by certain individuals, without being formally authorised thereto by the magistrates of Amsterdam, as a body, nor by the States of the Provinces of Holland, and still less by the States-General, who alone are authorised to contract engagements in the name of the Republic. The Minister in question refused even to accept the resolution, which enjoined on the Court of Holland, (the Province, which alone this affair concerns,) to deliberate, whether the laws of the country could authorise to pursue in justice the persons accused, and to punish them? A formality, without which no punishment can be inflicted, either in England, in this Republic, or in any other country. This Minister added menaces, that his Sovereign would procure for himself the satisfaction demanded; he was, at the same time, determined to attack the Republic by surprise, and to precipitate so violently the measures taken to commence hostilities, that my Lord Stormont, making use of vain pretences, would not even accept, on the part of the Count de Welderen, the said declaration, and answered him in writing, that he could not consider him any longer as the Minister of a friendly power, after having announced to him officially the manifesto of the King; while the same manifesto, which is remarkable, was sent to the Count do Welderen one hour before the time fixed the evening before by Lord Stormont, after repeated requests to have a conversation with him.

"Besides, although in the manifesto in question, they make no mention of the accession of the Republic to the armed confederacy, (which it was necessary most carefully to pass over in silence,) it appears, however, distinctly to the penetrating eye of your Majesty, as well as to that of all Europe, if they will compare together the whole progress of this action, the time and the manner, in which the Manifesto was published, that the hatred occasioned by the accession of the Republic to the armed neutrality, is the true motive of the resentment of his Britannic Majesty, and has prompted him to a manifest aggression against the Republic, by capturing immediately a great number of merchant vessels belonging to her subjects, as well as some vessels of war. Besides, that this same Manifesto, known to your Majesty, discovers sufficiently the original of this hatred; considering, that among the pretended causes of offence serving to justify the hostile measures against the Republic, they there allege, that she has declared herself neuter. The Cabinet of St James, disdaining to observe, that this answer ought to offend the Powers of the North, to whom the treaties subsisting between England and the Republic are perfectly known, and that these powers could not be taxed with concluding a treaty of neutrality with a power, which they had not judged to be lawfully neuter in the present war, and without observing, that this liberty of negotiating has been by England herself put out of all doubt, since by her suspension of the treaty of 1674, made the 17th of April, 1780, she has declared, that she would hereafter regard the Republic as a neutral power, not advantaged by any treaty.

"That in virtue of the reasons alleged, the hatred of Great Britain pierces, still more visibly, through the reproach inserted in the said Manifesto against the Republic, that she has advanced and favored the transportation of naval stores to France, by the suspension of duties upon those effects; at the same time, that it appears, that this suspension has never taken place, and that the Republic has a well founded right to make this transportation, not only during the continuance of the treaty of 1674, but also according to the principle prescribed to the neutral powers by the convention of the confederation; that a further examination of this manifesto should be superfluous, since his Majesty may himself estimate its value, and must, moreover, be convinced, that the conduct of their High Mightinesses, observed from the commencement of the troubles in regard to America, has evidently proved, that they have in nowise favored the revolted Colonies of America; witness the condescension in favor of England, to which the Republic was not obliged by the shackles imposed upon the commerce of her Colonies, by the prohibition to take under convoy vessels loaded with ship-timber, and by the recall of the Governor of St Eustatia, upon the ill founded complaints of the British Ministry; condescensions, which have been rewarded by the attack and capture of the convoy sailing under the command of Count de Byland, by a violation of the territory of the Republic, and by the capture of American ships under the cannon of St Martins. That since their High Mightinesses have faithfully observed this system of moderation, it is manifest, that the resentment of his Britannic Majesty cannot be regarded, but as an effect of a resentment occasioned by the engagement taken for the neutrality, and to this effect their High Mightinesses are well founded to claim the tenor and the sense of the articles seventh, eighth, and ninth of that alliance, which forms the basis of the union of the neutrality contracted with their Imperial and Royal Majesties; that thus, there ought not to exist any further difficulty in fulfilling towards their High Mightinesses, become allies, the engagements, which are contracted in virtue of the known convention, of which they ought to be regarded as members, at the very moment even when this convention has been formed and concluded by their High Mightinesses at the Hague, and when their declaration has been despatched to the belligerent powers, conformably to the said accession and convention.

"That if their High Mightinesses had occasion to complain of a single act of offence, or attack committed against them, and liable to be redressed upon general representations to their allies, they would have demanded their intervention for the redress of such a grievance, rather than to have recourse to arms; but as at present their High Mightinesses see themselves positively attacked by his Britannic Majesty, on occasion and in resentment of the aforesaid alliance, they find themselves obliged to defend themselves, and to repel the attack in the same manner in which it has been made, by returning hostilities for hostilities; being moreover persuaded, that the allied powers will not make any difficulty to make common cause with them, to procure to the Republic the satisfaction and indemnification of the losses sustained, by an attack as unjust as it is violent, and that the allies will concur with their High Mightinesses, in taking such further arrangements as the present circumstances require. This is what their High Mightinesses solicit earnestly, expecting it with so much more confidence, as they are intimately convinced that the generous and equitable sentiments which animate their Imperial and Royal Majesties will prevent them from suffering the Republic to become the victim of a political system as glorious as it is equitable, conceived for the maintenance of the safety and the right of neuters, while the Republic alone exposed to all the violence of this unjust attack of England, might with difficulty make head against it, and thereby run the risk of becoming entirely useless to the confederation.

"For these causes, the undersigned insisted upon the motives alleged above, fully convinced that the ratifications of the treaty signed at Petersburg will be made as soon as possible, and he has the honor, in the name and by the express order of his masters to demand the accomplishment of the articles seventh, eighth, and ninth of the said treaty, and to require in virtue of it a prompt and sufficient succor of his Majesty, whose equitable and magnanimous sentiments, known to all Europe, will not permit him to abandon a work worthy of all praise.

"The friendship and affection of your Majesty towards their High Mightinesses, appear to assure them beforehand of the succors which they expect from his Majesty, and to promise to the subscriber an answer as prompt as satisfactory, which he ought to press with so much the more zeal, as every moment of delay occasions great and irreparable losses to the Republic.

D. W. VAN LYNDEN."

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Leyden, March 29th, 1781

Sir,

It is of importance to the people of America to observe how much lighter their own burthens are than those of their enemies, and for this reason I have every year since I have been in Europe taken notice of the new taxes laid, annually, in perpetuity upon the people of Great Britain by Parliament, in support of tyranny, in addition to all former debts and taxes. One sixth part of the new taxes of this year would be more than sufficient to pay the interest of the whole sum which America will expend this year in support of liberty. The new taxes consist in an additional duty of five per cent upon all articles subject to the duty of excise, except malt, soap, and candles, and green leather, valued at

£150,000 sterling.

Seven per cent upon the drawbacks at the custom-house,167,000

An additional duty of one penny three farthings upon each pound of tobacco,61,000

A duty of a halfpenny upon each pound of sugar,326,000

———

704,000

The interest of the new loan is said to amount only to660,000

———

Which leaves a surplus of44,000

There cannot be a more striking contrast than that between the conduct of Lord North and M. Necker. The abilities of the former as a financier consist wholly in laying new taxes without end; those of the other lie in finding resources for vast expenses, without laying any new burthens on the people. M. Necker is laying a foundation for a credit in France as solid as that of Great Britain, by stating to the public the expenses and revenues. This is the only solid foundation of public credit. America will never obtain a credit of any consequence in Europe until she has a credit at home. It is demonstrable that the people of America are able to lend to Congress every year more than money enough to carry on the war, and pay all expenses. What is the reason they do not. The reasons are plain; first, they have not known that their public money was expended by any fixed rule, so that they could judge how much it amounted to; secondly, they did not see any certain prospect of the punctual payment of interest or principal at a fixed value. All the art of financiering in America lies in ascertaining with precision by a fixed standard, how much our expenses are; next ascertaining what our income is; thirdly, how much must be borrowed; fourthly, how to assure the payment of interest and principal.

If taxes could be laid by Congress upon exports and imports, and upon the consumption of articles of luxury, convenience, and necessity, as they are in Europe, America would be able to raise more every year in taxes than she has ever spent in one year. Nay, we might oblige foreigners to pay all the expenses of the war, and establish a credit much more solid than that of Great Britain, because we have not such a debt to begin with. But without recurring to this system, which might injure our commerce as well as our liberties, it is unquestionably owing entirely to regulations of prices, embargoes, and stamping an arbitrary value upon what had no value, that has hitherto ruined our credit. But when all these systems shall be totally abolished in the several States, and measures shall be taken to lay annual taxes of a certain value, and these taxes mortgaged for the payment of interest, there is not a doubt but every State may obtain credit enough for the necessities of its own inhabitants.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

TO THE DUC DE LA VAUGUYON.

Leyden, April 16th, 1781.

Sir,

I have the honor to acquaint your Excellency, that I have received from Congress full powers and instructions to treat with the States-General, and to conclude a treaty of amity and commerce consistent with the relations already formed between the United States and France; and that I have also received a letter of credence, as a Minister Plenipotentiary to their High Mightinesses, and another to His Most Serene Highness the Prince of Orange.

With the greatest respect, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

MEMORIAL TO THE STATES-GENERAL.

To their High Mightinesses, the States-General of the United Provinces of the Low Countries.

High and Mighty Lords,

The subscriber has the honor to propose to your High Mightinesses, that the United States of America in Congress assembled, have lately thought fit to send him a commission (with full powers and instructions) to confer with your High Mightinesses, concerning a treaty of amity and commerce; an authentic copy of which he has the honor to annex to this memorial.

At the time, when the treaties between this Republic and the Crown of Great Britain were made, the people who now compose the United States of America, were a part of the English nation; as such, allies of the Republic and parties to those treaties; entitled to all their benefits, and submitting cheerfully to all their obligations.

It is true, that when the British administration, renouncing the ancient character of Englishmen, for generosity, justice, and humanity, conceived the design of subverting the political systems of the Colonies; depriving them of the rights and liberties of Englishmen, and reducing them to the worst of all forms of government; starving the people by blockading the ports, and cutting off their fisheries and commerce; sending fleets and armies to destroy every principle and sentiment of liberty, and to consume their habitations and their lives; making contracts for foreign troops and alliances with savage nations, to assist them in their enterprize; casting formally, by act of Parliament, three millions of people at once out of the protection of the Crown; then, and not till then, did the United States of America, in Congress assembled, pass that memorable act, by which they assumed an equal station among the nations.

This immortal Declaration, of the 4th of July, 1776, when America was invaded by a hundred vessels of war, and, according to estimates laid before Parliament, by fiftyfive thousand of veteran troops, was not the effect of any sudden passion, or enthusiasm; but a measure which had been long in deliberation among the people, maturely discussed in some hundreds of popular assemblies and by public writings in all the States; it was a measure which Congress did not adopt, until they had received the positive instructions of their constituents in all the States; it was then unanimously adopted by Congress, subscribed by all its members, transmitted to the Assemblies of the several States, and by them respectively accepted, ratified, and recorded among their archives; so that no decree, edict, statute, placard or fundamental law of any nation was ever made with more solemnity, or with more unanimity or cordiality adopted, as the act and consent of the whole people, than this; and it has been held sacred to this day by every State with such unshaken firmness, that not even the smallest has ever been induced to depart from it; although the English have wasted many millions, and vast fleets and armies, in the vain attempt to invalidate it. On the contrary, each of the thirteen States instituted a form of government for itself, under the authority of the people; has erected its legislature in the several branches; its executive authority with all its offices; its judiciary departments and judges; its army, militia, revenue, and some of them their navy; and all these departments of government have been regularly and constitutionally organised under the associated superintendency of Congress now these five years, and have acquired a consistency, solidity, and activity, equal to the oldest and most established governments.

It is true, that in some speeches and writings of the English, it is still contended, that the people of America are still in principle and affection with them; but these assertions are made against such evident truth and demonstration, that it is surprising they should find at this day one believer in the world. One may appeal to the writings and recorded speeches of the English for the last seventeen years, to show that similar misrepresentations have been incessantly repeated through that whole period, and that the conclusion of every year has in fact confuted the confident assertions and predictions of the beginning of it. The subscriber begs leave to say from his own knowledge of the people of America, (and he has a better right to obtain credit, because he has better opportunities to know, than any Briton whatsoever,) that they are unalterably determined to maintain their independence. He confesses, that, notwithstanding his confidence through his whole life, in the virtuous sentiments and uniformity of character among his countrymen, their unanimity has surprised him; that all the power, arts, intrigues and bribes, which have been employed in the several States, should have seduced from the standard of virtue so contemptible a few, is more fortunate than could have been expected.

This independence stands upon so broad and firm a bottom of the people's interests, honor, consciences, and affections, that it will not be affected by any successes that the English may obtain, either in America or against the European powers at war, or by any alliances they can possibly form, if indeed in so unjust and desperate a cause they can obtain any. Nevertheless, although compelled by necessity, and warranted by the fundamental laws of the Colonies and of the British constitution; by principles avowed in the English laws, and confirmed by many examples in the English history; by principles interwoven into the history and public right of Europe, in the great examples of the Helvetic and Batavian confederacies and many others, and frequently acknowledged and ratified by the diplomatic body; principles founded in eternal justice and the laws of God and nature; to cut asunder forever all the ties which had connected them with Great Britain; yet the people of America did not consider themselves as separating from their allies, especially the Republic of the United Provinces, or departing from their connexions with any of the people under their government; but, on the contrary, they preserved the same affection, esteem, and respect for the Dutch nation in every part of the world, which they and their ancestors had ever entertained.

When sound policy dictated to Congress the precaution of sending persons to negotiate natural alliances in Europe, it was not from a failure in respect that they did not send a Minister to your High Mightinesses with the first whom they sent abroad; but instructed in the nature of the connexions between Great Britain and the Republic, and in the system of peace and neutrality, which she had so long pursued, they thought proper to respect both so far, as not to seek to embroil her with her allies, to excite divisions in the nation or lay embarrassments before it. But since the British administration, uniform and persevering in injustice, despising their allies, as much as their colonists and fellow-subjects; disregarding the faith of treaties, as much as that of royal charters; violating the law of nations, as they had before done the fundamental laws of the Colonies and the inherent rights of British subjects; have arbitrarily set aside all the treaties between the Crown and the Republic, declared war and commenced hostilities, the settled intentions of which they had manifested long before, all those motives, which before restrained the Congress, cease, and an opportunity presents of proposing such connexions as the United States of America have a right to form, consistent with those already formed with France and Spain, which they are under every obligation of duty, interest, and inclination to observe sacred and inviolate, and consistent with such other treaties as it is their intention to propose to other sovereigns.

A natural alliance may be formed between the two Republics, if ever one existed among nations. The first planters of the four northern States, found in this country an asylum from persecution, and resided here from the year 1608 to the year 1620, twelve years preceding their migration. They have ever entertained, and have transmitted to posterity, a grateful remembrance of that protection and hospitality, and especially of that religious liberty they found here, though they had sought them in vain in England.

The first inhabitants of two other States, New York and New Jersey, were immediate emigrants from this nation, and have transmitted their religion, language, customs, manners, and character; and America in general, until her relations were formed with the House of Bourbon, has ever considered this nation as her first friend in Europe, whose history and the great characters it exhibits in the various arts of peace, as well as achievements in war by sea and land, have been particularly studied, admired, and imitated in every State.

A similitude of religion, although it is not deemed so essential in this as it has been in former ages to the alliance of nations, is still, as it ever will be thought, a desirable circumstance. Now it may be said with truth, that there are no two nations whose worship, doctrine, and discipline, are more alike, than those of the two Republics. In this particular, therefore, as far as it is of weight, an alliance would be perfectly natural.

A similarity in the forms of government is usually considered as another circumstance, which renders alliances natural; and although the constitutions of the two Republics are not perfectly alike, there is yet analogy enough between them to make a connexion easy in this respect.

In general usages, and in the liberality of sentiments in those momentous points, the freedom of inquiry, the right of private judgment, and the liberty of conscience, of so much importance to be supported in the world, and imparted to all mankind, and which at this hour are in more danger from Great Britain, and that intolerant spirit, which is secretly fermenting there, than from any other quarter, the two nations resemble each other more than any other.

The originals of the two Republics are so much alike, that the history of one seems but a transcript from that of the other; so that every Dutchman instructed in the subject must pronounce the American revolution just and necessary, or pass a censure upon the greatest actions of his immortal ancestors; actions which have been approved and applauded by mankind, and justified by the decision of Heaven.

But the circumstance, which, perhaps in this age, has stronger influence than any other in the formation of friendships between nations, is the great and growing interest of commerce, of the whole system of which through the globe, your High Mightinesses are too perfect masters for me to say anything, that is not familiarly known. It may not, however, be amiss to hint, that the central situation of this country, her extensive navigation, her possessions in the East and West Indies, the intelligence of her merchants, the number of her capitalists, and the riches of her funds, render a connexion with her desirable to America. And on the other hand, the abundance and variety of the productions of America, the materials of manufactures, navigation, and commerce, the vast demand and consumption of the manufactures of Europe, of the merchandises from the Baltic, and from the East Indies, and the situation of the Dutch possessions in the West Indies, cannot admit of a doubt, that a connexion with the United States would be useful to this Republic. The English are so sensible of this, that, notwithstanding all their professions of friendship, they have ever considered this nation as their rival in the American trade; a sentiment which dictated and maintained their severe act of navigation, as injurious to the commerce and naval power of this country, as it was both to the trade and the rights of the Colonies. There is now an opportunity offered to both to shake off this shackle for ever. If any consideration whatever could have prevailed with the English to have avoided a war with your High Mightinesses, it would have been an apprehension of an alliance between the two Republics; and it is easy to foresee, that nothing will contribute more to oblige them to a peace than such a connexion once completely formed.

It is needless to point out particularly what advantages might be derived to the possessions of the Republic in the West Indies, from a trade opened, protected, and encouraged between them and the Continent of America, or what profits might be made by the East India Company, by carrying their effects directly to the American market; how much even the trade of the Baltic might be secured and extended by a free intercourse with America, which has ever had so large a demand, and will have more, for hemp, cordage, sailcloth, and other articles of that commerce; how much the national navigation would be benefitted, by building and purchasing ships there; how much the number of seamen might be increased, or how much advantage to both countries to have their ports mutually opened to their men-of-war and privateers, and their prizes.

If, therefore, analogy of religion, government, original manners, and the most extensive and lasting commercial interests, can form a ground and an invitation to political connexions, the subscriber flatters himself, that in all these particulars the union is so obviously natural, that there has seldom been a more distinct designation of Providence to any two distant nations to unite themselves together.

It is further submitted to the wisdom and humanity of your High Mightinesses, whether it is not visibly for the good of mankind, that the powers of Europe, who are convinced of the justice of the American cause, (and where is one to be found that is not) should make haste to acknowledge the independence of the United States, and form equitable treaties with them, as the surest means of convincing Great Britain of the impracticability of her pursuits? Whether the late Marine Treaty, concerning the rights of neutral vessels, noble and useful as it is, can be established against Great Britain, who never will adopt it nor submit to it, but from necessity, without the independence of America? Whether the return of America, with her nurseries of seamen, and magazines of materials for navigation and commerce, to the domination and monopoly of Great Britain, if that were practicable, would not put the possessions of other nations beyond seas wholly in the power of that enormous Empire, which has long been governed wholly by the feeling of its own power; at least without a proportional attention to justice, humanity, or decency? When it is obvious and certain, that the Americans are not inclined to submit again to the British government, on one hand; and that the powers of Europe ought not, and could not, with safety consent to it, if they were, on the other; why should a source of contention be left open for future contingencies to involve the nations of Europe in still more bloodshed, when, by one decisive step of the maritime powers, in making treaties with a nation long in possession of sovereignty, by right and in fact, it might be closed?

The example of your High Mightinesses would, it is hoped, be followed by all the maritime powers, especially those, which are parties to the late Marine Treaty; nor can an apprehension, that the independence of America would be injurious to the trade of the Baltic, be any objection. This jealousy is so groundless, that the reverse would happen. The freight and ensurance in voyages across the Atlantic are so high, and the price of labor in America so dear, that tar, pitch, turpentine, and ship-timber can never be transported to Europe at so cheap a rate as it has been and will be afforded by countries round the Baltic. This commerce was supported by the English before the revolution with difficulty, and not without large Parliamentary bounties. Of hemp, cordage, and sailcloth, there will not probably be a sufficiency raised in America for her own consumption in many centuries, for the plainest of all reasons, because these articles can be imported from Amsterdam, or even from Petersburg, or Archangel, cheaper than they can be raised at home. America will therefore be for ages a market for most of these articles of the Baltic trade.

Nor is there more, solidity in another supposition, propagated by the English to prevent other nations from pursuing their true interests, that other colonies will follow the example of the United States. Those powers, which have as large possessions as any beyond seas, have already declared against England, apprehending no such consequences. Indeed there is no probability of any other power of Europe following the example of England, in attempting to change the whole system of the government of colonies, and reducing them by oppression to the necessity of governing themselves. And without such manifest injustice and cruelty on the part of the metropolis, there is no danger of colonies attempting innovations. Established governments are founded deeply in the hearts, the passions, the imaginations, and understandings of the people, and without some violent change from without, to alter the temper and character of the whole people, it is not in human nature to exchange safety for danger, and certain happiness for very precarious benefits.

It is submitted to the consideration of your High Mightinesses, whether the system of the United States, which was minutely considered and discussed, and unanimously agreed on in Congress in the year 1776, in planning the treaty they proposed to France, to form equitable commercial treaties with all the maritime powers of Europe, without being governed or monopolised by any; a system which was afterwards approved by the King, and made the foundation of the treaties with his Majesty, a system to which the United States have hitherto constantly adhered, and from which they never will depart, unless compelled by some powers declaring against them, which is not expected; is not the only means of preventing this growing country from being an object of everlasting jealousies, rivalries, and wars among the nations? If this idea is just, it follows, that it is the interest of every State in Europe to acknowledge American independence immediately. If such benevolent policy should be adopted, the new world will be a proportional blessing to every part of the old.

The subscriber has the further honor of informing your High Mightinesses, that the United States of America, in Congress assembled, impressed with a high sense of the wisdom and magnanimity of your High Mightinesses, and of your inviolable attachment to the rights and liberties of mankind, and being desirous of cultivating the friendship of a nation eminent for its wisdom, justice, and moderation, have appointed the subscriber to be their Minister Plenipotentiary to reside near you, that he may give you more particular assurances of the great respect they entertain for your High Mightinesses, beseeching your High Mightinesses to give entire credit to everything, which their said Minister shall deliver on their part, especially when he shall assure you of the sincerity of their friendship and regard. The original letter of credence, under the seal of Congress, the subscriber is ready to deliver to your High Mightinesses, or to such persons as you shall direct to receive it. He has also a similar letter of credence to his Most Serene Highness the Prince Stadtholder.

All which is respectfully submitted to the consideration of your High Mightinesses, together with the propriety of appointing some person or persons to treat on the subject of this mission, by

JOHN ADAMS.

Leyden, April 19th, 1781.

MEMORIAL TO THE PRINCE OF ORANGE.

Leyden, April 19th, 1781.

To his Most Serene Highness, the Prince of Orange and Nassau, Hereditary Stadtholder and Governor of the Seven United Provinces of the Low Countries.

The subscriber has the honor to inform your Most Serene Highness, that the United States of America, in Congress assembled, impressed with a deep sense of your wisdom and magnanimity, and being desirous of cultivating the friendship of your Highness and of the Seven United Provinces of the Netherlands, who have ever distinguished themselves by an inviolable attachment to freedom and the rights of nations, have appointed the subscriber to be their Minister Plenipotentiary at your Court, that he may give you more particular assurances of the great respect they entertain for your Highness and for the people over whom you preside as Stadtholder, beseeching your Highness to give entire credit to everything which their said Minister shall deliver on their part, especially when he shall assure you of the sincerity of their friendship and regard. The original letter of credence, under the seal of Congress, he is desirous of the honor of delivering whenever and in whatever manner your Highness shall judge proper to receive it. He has the further honor of informing your Highness, that the said United States have honored him with full powers to form a Treaty of Amity and Commerce with the States-General, and also with letters of credence as Minister Plenipotentiary to their High Mightinesses; in consequence of which he has done himself the honor to present a Memorial, a copy of which is here annexed.

The subscriber in the discharge of these trusts considers himself rather as proposing a renovation of old friendships than the formation of new ones, as the Americans have ever been the good and faithful allies of this nation, and have done nothing to forfeit its esteem. On the contrary, they are confident they have a better title to it, as they adhered steadfastly through every trial to those principles which formed and supported the connexion, principles which founded and have supported this Republic, while others have wantonly abandoned them.

The subscriber thinks himself particularly fortunate to be thus accredited to a nation, which has made such memorable exertions in favor of the rights of men, and to a Prince, whose illustrious line of ancestors and predecessors have so often supported in Holland and England those liberties for which the United States of America now contend; and it will be the completion of his wishes if he should be so happy as to recommend the cause of his country to the favorable attention of your Most Serene Highness and of this people.

JOHN ADAMS.

TO B. FRANKLIN.

Amsterdam, April 27th, 1781.

Sir,

I have received your Excellency's letter of the 21st, and will send you the list of the bills, and of the times of their becoming due, according to your desire, as soon as I can make it out. I will examine M. de Neufville's bill, and if it is good accept it.

From the time I received from Congress their orders to borrow money here, I have constantly in my letters requested that no drafts might be made upon me, until there was news from me, that I had money to discharge them, and this request I shall repeat. But the cry of the army for clothes, induces Congress to venture upon measures, which appear hazardous to us. However, by the intelligence I have, they had grounds to expect that the drafts hitherto made would be honored.

I sometimes think, however, paradoxical as it may seem, that one set of bills protested, would immediately procure Congress a large loan. No bills are in better credit than these. There is an appetite here for American trade, as ravenous as that of a shark for his prey; and if they saw a prospect of having their trade broken up, they would do much to save it.

I have the honor to acquaint your Excellency, that I some time ago received from Congress, full powers to conclude with the States-General of the United Provinces of the Low Countries, concerning a Treaty of Amity and Commerce; and that I have very lately received a letter of credence, as Minister Plenipotentiary to their High Mightinesses, and another to his Most Serene Highness, the Prince of Orange. Being thus fixed to this country for the present, I have taken a house in Amsterdam, on the Keizersgragt, near the Spiegel street, for the convenience of our countrymen, who have occasion to visit me, and of the merchants, who have bills upon me, until their High Mightinesses shall have taken the necessary time to deliberate upon it, and determine to acknowledge the independence of the United States, enter into a treaty with them, and receive me at the Hague. If this should happen, I hope we shall obtain a credit here; but we never shall before.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

TO THE DUC DE LA VAUGUYON, AMBASSADOR OF FRANCE AT THE HAGUE.

Leyden, May 1st, 1781.

Sir,

By the tenth article of the Treaty of Alliance between France and America, the Most Christian King and the United States agree, to invite or admit other powers, who may receive injuries from England, to make common cause with them, and to accede to that alliance, under such conditions as shall be freely agreed to, and settled between all the parties.

It will be readily acknowledged, that this Republic has received injuries from England; and it is not improbable, that several other maritime powers may be soon, if they are not already, in the same predicament. But, whether his Majesty will think fit to invite this nation at present to accede to that alliance, according to the article, must be submitted to his wisdom.

It is only proper for me to say, that whenever your Excellency shall have received his Majesty's commands, and shall judge it proper to take any measures, either for admitting or inviting this Republic to accede, I shall be ready, in behalf of the United States, to do whatever is necessary and proper for them to do upon the occasion.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Leyden, May 3d, 1781.

Sir,

On the 1st of May I went to the Hague, and wrote to his Excellency, Peter Van Bleiswick, Grand Pensionary of Holland, that having something of importance to communicate to him, I proposed to do myself the honor to wait on him the next morning at half past eight, if that time should be agreeable to him; but if any other hour was more convenient, I requested his Excellency to mention it. The answer, which was not in writing, was, that half past eight should be the time.

Accordingly, the next morning I waited on him, and was politely received. I informed him that I had asked his permission to make him this visit, in order to inform him, that I had received from my Sovereign, the United States of America, full powers to treat with the States-General, and a letter of credence, as a Minister Plenipotentiary to their High Mightinesses, and another to his Most Serene Highness, the Prince; and that it was my intention to communicate those powers and letters to their High Mightinesses, and to his Most Serene Highness on Friday next, the 4th of May.

His Excellency said he would acquaint the States-General and his Highness with it; that, in his private opinion, he thought favorably of it, but that he must wait the orders of his masters; that it was a matter somewhat delicate for the Republic. I replied, as to the delicacy of it in the present state of open war between England and Holland, I hoped that it would not be any obstacle; that I thought it the interest of the Republic, as well as that of America. His Excellency rejoined, "one thing is certain, we have a common enemy."

As this was a visit simply to impart my design, and as I knew enough of the delicate situation, and of the reputed sentiments of this officer, to be sensible that he did not wish to enter into any very particular conversation at this time upon public affairs, I here arose to take my leave. His Excellency asked me if I had any good news from America? I answered, none very late. He then said, he should be very glad to form an acquaintance with me. I answered, this would be very flattering to me, and thus took my leave.

Tomorrow morning, I propose to go to the President of the States-General, to Secretary Fagel, and to the Secretary of the Prince. This moment, for the first time, I have received the Congress account of General Morgan's glorious victory over Tarleton.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Amsterdam, May 7th, 1781.

Sir,

On the 4th of May, I did myself the honor to wait on Peter Van Bleiswick, Grand Pensionary of Holland, and presented him a letter containing a copy of my Memorial to the States-General, &c. His Excellency said, that it was necessary for me to go to the President and Secretary of their High Mightinesses, and that it was not customary for foreign Ministers to communicate anything to the Pensionary of Holland. I told him that I had been advised by the French Ambassador to present copies to him, and they were only copies, which I had the honor to offer him. He said he could not receive them, that I must go to the President; but said he, "it is proper for me to apprise you, that the President will make a difficulty, or rather will refuse to receive any letter or paper from you, because the State you say you represent, is not yet acknowledged to be a sovereign State by the Sovereign of this nation; the President will hear what you have to say to him, make report of it to their High Mightinesses, and they will transmit it to the several Provinces for the deliberation of the various members of the sovereignty."