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The Buccaneers in the West Indies in the XVII Century

Chapter III

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THE CONQUEST OF JAMAICA

San Domingo
San Domingo

The settlement of the Windward and Leeward Islands and the conquest of Jamaica had given a new impetus to contraband trade. The commercial nations were setting up shop, as it were, at the very doors of the Spanish Indies. The French and English Antilles, condemned by the Navigation Laws to confine themselves to agriculture and a passive trade with the home country, had no recourse but to traffic with their Spanish neighbours. Factors of the Assiento established at Cartagena, Porto Bello and Vera Cruz every year supplied European merchants with detailed news of the nature and quantity of the goods which might be imported with advantage; while the buccaneers, by dominating the whole Caribbean Sea, hindered frequent communication between Spain and her colonies. It is not surprising, therefore, that the commerce of Seville, which had hitherto held its own, decreased with surprising rapidity, that the sailings of the galleons and the Flota were separated by several years, and that the fairs of Porto Bello and Vera Cruz were almost deserted. To put an effective restraint, moreover, upon this contraband trade was impossible on either side. The West Indian dependencies were situated far from the centre of authority, while the home governments generally had their hands too full of other matters to adequately control their subjects in America. The Spanish viceroys, meanwhile, and the governors in the West Indian Islands, connived at a practice which lined their own pockets with the gold of bribery, and at the same time contributed to the public interest and prosperity of their respective colonies. It was this illicit commerce with Spanish America which Charles II., by negotiation at Madrid and by instructions to his governors in the West Indies, tried to get within his own control. At the Spanish court, Fanshaw, Sandwich and Godolphin in turn were instructed to sue for a free trade with the Colonies. The Assiento of negroes was at this time held by two Genoese named Grillo and Lomelin, and with them the English ambassadors several times entered into negotiation for the privilege of supplying blacks from the English islands. By the treaty of 1670 the English colonies in America were for the first time formally recognised by the Spanish Crown. Freedom of commerce, however, was as far as ever from realisation, and after this date Charles seems to have given up hope of ever obtaining it through diplomatic channels.

Notes in this chapter

Note 1 · Footnote 119: (return) Venables was not bound by his instructions to any definite plan. It had been proposed, he was told, to seize HispanioNote 2 · Footnote 120: (return) Gardiner: Hist. of the Commonwealth and Protectorate, vol. iii. ch. xlv.; Narrative of Gen. Venables.Note 3 · Footnote 121: (return) Gardiner: op. cit., iii. p. 368.Note 4 · Footnote 122: (return) Cf. the "Commission of the Commissioners for the West Indian Expedition." (Narrative of Gen. Venables, p. 109.)Note 5 · Footnote 123: (return) Cf. American Hist. Review, vol. iv. p. 228; "Instructions unto Gen. Robt. Venables." (Narrative of Gen. Venables, p. Note 6 · Footnote 124: (return) Cf. Narrative of Gen. Venables, pp. 3, 90; "Instructions unto Generall Penn," etc., ibid., p. 107. After the outbreakNote 7 · Footnote 125: (return) The memory of the exploits of Drake and his contemporaries was not allowed to die in the first half of the seventeentNote 8 · Footnote 126: (return) Gardiner, op. cit., iii. p. 346; cf. also "Present State of Jamaica, 1683."Note 9 · Footnote 127: (return) Long: "History of Jamaica," i. p. 260; C.S.P. Colon., 1675-76. Addenda, No. 274.Note 10 · Footnote 128: (return) Long, op. cit., i. p. 272 ff.Note 11 · Footnote 129: (return) Ibid.; Thurloe Papers, VI. p. 540; vii. p. 260; "Present State of Jamaica, 1683"; C.S.P. Colon., 1675-76. Addenda, NoNote 12 · Footnote 139: (return) Ibid., pp. 454-5, 604.Note 13 · Footnote 131: (return) C.S.P. Colon., 1675-76. Addenda, Nos. 229, 232; Lucas: Historical Geography of the British Colonies, ii. p. 101, and Note 14 · Footnote 132: (return) Lucas, op. cit., ii. p. 109.Note 15 · Footnote 133: (return) C.S.P. Colon., 1675-76. Addenda, Nos. 230, 231. Fortescue was Gen. Venables' successor in Jamaica.Note 16 · Footnote 134: (return) Ibid., No. 218; Long, op. cit., i. p. 262.Note 17 · Footnote 135: (return) C.S.P. Colon., 1675-76. Addenda, Nos. 218, 252; Thurloe Papers, IV. pp. 451, 457.Note 18 · Footnote 136: (return) Thurloe Papers, IV. pp. 152, 493.Note 19 · Footnote 137: (return) C.S.P. Colon., 1675-76. Addenda, No. 236.Note 20 · Footnote 138: (return) Thurloe Papers, IV. p. 604.Note 21 · Footnote 140: (return) Thurloe Papers, IV. p. 452.Note 22 · Footnote 141: (return) Ibid., v. pp. 96, 151.Note 23 · Footnote 142: (return) This was the treasure fleet which Captain Stayner's ship and two other frigates captured off Cadiz on 9th September. Note 24 · Footnote 143: (return) C.S.P. Colon., 1675-76, Addenda, Nos. 260, 263, 266, 270, 275; Thurloe Papers, V. p. 340.Note 25 · Footnote 144: (return) Cf. Brit. Mus., Add. MSS., 12,430: Journal of Col. Beeston. Col. Beeston seems to have harboured a peculiar spite agaNote 26 · Footnote 145: (return) C.S.P. Colon., 1675-76. Addenda., Nos. 309, 310. In these letters the towns are called "Tralo" and "St. Mark." Cf. alNote 27 · Footnote 146: (return) Captain Christopher Myngs had been appointed to the "Marston Moor," a frigate of fifty-four guns, in October 1654, anNote 28 · Footnote 147: (return) Tanner MSS., LI. 82.Note 29 · Footnote 148: (return) C.S.P. Colon., 1675-76, Addenda, Nos. 315, 316. Some figures put it as high as £500,000.Note 30 · Footnote 149: (return) C.S.P. Colon., 1675-76, Addenda, Nos. 315, 318. Captain Wm. Dalyson wrote home, on 23rd January 1659/60, that he veriNote 31 · Footnote 150: (return) Ibid., Nos. 327, 331.Note 32 · Footnote 151: (return) C.S.P. Colon., 1675-76, Addenda, No. 326.Note 33 · Footnote 152: (return) S.P. Spain, vol. 44, f. 318.Note 34 · Footnote 153: (return) C.S.P. Colon., 1661-68, Nos. 17, 61.Note 35 · Footnote 154: (return) C.S.P. Colon., 1661-68, No. 20.Note 36 · Footnote 155: (return) Ibid., No. 145.Note 37 · Footnote 156: (return) Ibid., Nos. 259, 278. In Lord Windsor's original instructions of 21st March 1662 he was empowered to search ships susNote 38 · Footnote 157: (return) Art. ix. of the treaty. Cf. Dumont: Corps diplomatique, T.V., pt. ii. p. 625. Cf. also C.S.P. Venetian, 1604, p. 189:Note 39 · Footnote 158: (return) S.P. Spain, vol. 35.Note 40 · Footnote 159: (return) C.S.P. Colon., 1661-68, No. 61.Note 41 · Footnote 160: (return) Ibid., No. 259.Note 42 · Footnote 161: (return) Ibid., No. 355.Note 43 · Footnote 162: (return) Ibid., No. 364.Note 44 · Footnote 163: (return) Thurloe Papers, IV. p. 154.Note 45 · Footnote 164: (return) Thurloe Papers, IV. p. 457.Note 46 · Footnote 165: (return) Beeston's Journal.Note 47 · Footnote 166: (return) Calendar of the Heathcote MSS. (pr. by Hist. MSS. Commiss.), p. 34.Note 48 · Footnote 167: (return) Calendar of the Heathcote MSS., p. 34. Cf. also C.S.P. Colon., 1661-68, No. 384:—"An act for the sale of five copper Note 49 · Footnote 168: (return) Beeston's Journal.Note 50 · Footnote 169: (return) S.P. Spain, vol. 46.Note 51 · Footnote 170: (return) Ibid., vol. 47.Note 52 · Footnote 171: (return) C.S.P. Colon., 1661-68, Nos. 294, 375.Note 53 · Footnote 172: (return) Brit. Mus., Add. MSS., 11,410, f. 16.Note 54 · Footnote 173: (return) Ibid., f. 6.Note 55 · Footnote 174: (return) Dampier also says of Campeache that "it makes a fine show, being built all with good stone ... the roofs flattish aftNote 56 · Footnote 175: (return) However, the writer of the "Present State of Jamaica" says (p. 39) that Myngs got no great plunder, neither at CampeaNote 57 · Footnote 176: (return) Beeston's Journal; Brit. Mus., Add. MSS., 13,964, f. 16:—"Original letter from the Licentiate Maldonado de Aldana to Note 58 · Footnote 177: (return) S.P. Spain, vol. 46. Fanshaw to Sec. Bennet, 13th-23rd July 1664.Note 59 · Footnote 178: (return) Ibid., vol. 45. Letter of Consul Rumbold, 31st March 1663.Note 60 · Footnote 179: (return) Ibid., 4th May 1663.Note 61 · Footnote 180: (return) C.S.P. Colon., 1661-68, No. 443. Dated 28th April 1663.Note 62 · Footnote 181: (return) Ibid., Nos. 441, 442.Note 63 · Footnote 182: (return) Rawlinson MSS., A. 347, f. 62.Note 64 · Footnote 183: (return) Beeston's Journal.Note 65 · Footnote 184: (return) C.S.P. Colon., 1661-68, No. 571; Beeston's Journal.Note 66 · Footnote 185: (return) S.P. Spain, vol. 46, ff. 94, 96, 108, 121, 123, 127, 309 (April-August 1664).Note 67 · Footnote 186: (return) C.S.P. Colon., 1661-68, Nos. 697, 744, 812.Note 68 · Footnote 187: (return) S.P. Spain, vol. 46, f. 280.Note 69 · Footnote 188: (return) S.P. Spain, vol. 46, f. 311.Note 70 · The capture of Jamaica by the expedition sent out by Cromwell in 1655 was the blundering beginning of a new era in West Indian history. It wNote 71 · The army of General Venables was composed of very inferior and undisciplined troops, mostly the rejected of English regiments or the offscouNote 72 · Religious and economic motives form the key to Cromwell's foreign policy, and it is difficult to discover which, the religious or the economNote 73 · The immediate excuse for the attack on Hispaniola and Jamaica was the Spaniards' practice of seizing English ships and ill-treating English Note 74 · Cromwell was doubtless influenced, too, by the representations of Thomas Gage. Gage was an Englishman who had joined the Dominicans and had Note 75 · It was fortunate, considering the distracted state of affairs in Jamaica in 1655-56, that the Spaniards were in no condition to attempt to rNote 76 · As colonists the troops in Jamaica proved to be very discouraging material, and the army was soon in a wretched state. The officers and soldNote 77 · To dominate the Spanish trade routes was one of the principal objects of English policy in the West Indies. This purpose is reflected in allNote 78 · On 5th April 1656 Goodson, with ten of his best ships, set sail again and steered eastward along the coast of Hispaniola as far as Alta VelaNote 79 · The seamen of the fleet, however, were restless and eager for further enterprises of this nature, and Goodson by the middle of June had fourNote 80 · Colonel Edward Doyley, the officer who so promptly defeated the attempts of the Spaniards in 1657-58 to re-conquer Jamaica, was now governorNote 81 · On 23rd April 1659, however, there returned to Port Royal another expedition whose success realised the wildest dreams of avarice. Three friNote 82 · On 8th May 1660 Charles II. was proclaimed King of England, and entered London on 29th May. The war which Cromwell had begun with Spain was Note 83 · The question of English trade with the Spanish colonies in the Indies had first come to the surface in the negotiations for the treaty of 16Note 84 · The peace of 1660 between England and Spain was supposed to extend to both sides of the "Line." The Council in Jamaica, however, were of theNote 85 · The next day parties were despatched into the country to pursue the enemy, and orders sent to the fleet to attack the forts at the mouth of Note 86 · The instructions of Lord Windsor gave him leave, as soon as he had settled the government in Jamaica, to appoint a deputy and return to EnglNote 87 · The departure of Windsor did not put a stop to the efforts of the Jamaicans to "force a trade" with the Spanish plantations, and we find theNote 88 · To satisfactorily explain at Madrid these two presumptuous assaults upon Spanish territory in America was an embarrassing problem for the EnNote 89 · The activity of the Spaniards, however, was merely a blind to hide their own impotence, and their clamours were eventually satisfied by the Note 90 · When the instructions of the authorities at home were so ambiguous, and the incentives to corsairing so alluring, it was natural that this g
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