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The Buccaneers in the West Indies in the XVII Century

Chapter VII

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THE BUCCANEERS TURN PIRATE

Vera-Cruz
Vera-Cruz
Cartagena
Cartagena

The privateers, moreover, really injured English trade as much as they injured Spanish navigation; and if the English in the second half of the seventeenth century had given the Spaniards as little cause for enmity in the West Indies as the Dutch had done, they perhaps rather than the Dutch would have been the convoys and sharers in the rich Flotas. The Spaniards, moreover, if not in the court at home, at least in the colonies, would have readily lent themselves to a trade, illicit though it be, with the English islands, a trade, moreover, which it was the constant aim of English diplomacy to encourage and maintain, had they been able to assure themselves that their English neighbours were their friends. But when outrage succeeded upon outrage, and the English Governors seemed, in spite of their protestations of innocence, to make no progress toward stopping them, the Spaniards naturally concluded that the English government was the best of liars and the worst of friends. From another point of view, too, the activity of the buccaneers was directly opposed to the commercial interests of Great Britain. Of all the nations of Europe the Spaniards were those who profited least from their American possessions. It was the English, the French and the Dutch who carried their merchandize to Cadiz and freighted the Spanish-American fleets, and who at the return of these fleets from Porto Bello and Vera Cruz appropriated the greater part of the gold, silver and precious stuffs which composed their cargoes. And when the buccaneers cut off a Spanish galleon, or wrecked the Spanish cities on the Main, it was not so much the Spaniards who suffered as the foreign merchants interested in the trade between Spain and her colonies. If the policy of the English and French Governments toward the buccaneers gradually changed from one of connivance or encouragement to one of hostility and suppression, it was because they came to realise that it was easier and more profitable to absorb the trade and riches of Spanish America through the peaceful agencies of treaty and concession, than by endeavouring to enforce a trade in the old-fashioned way inaugurated by Drake and his Elizabethan contemporaries.

In the North American colonies these new pirates still continued to find encouragement and protection. Carolina had long had an evil reputation as a hot-bed of piracy, and deservedly so. The proprietors had removed one governor after another for harbouring the freebooters, but with little result. In the Bahamas, which belonged to the same proprietors, the evil was even more flagrant. Governor Markham of the Quaker colony of Pennsylvania allowed the pirates to dispose of their goods and to refit upon the banks of the Delaware, and William Penn, the proprietor, showed little disposition to reprimand or remove him. Governor Fletcher of New York was in open alliance with the outlaws, accepted their gifts and allowed them to parade the streets in broad daylight. The merchants of New York, as well as those of Rhode Island and Massachusetts, who were prevented by the Navigation Laws from engaging in legitimate trade with other nations, welcomed the appearance of the pirate ships laden with goods from the East, provided a ready market for their cargoes, and encouraged them to repeat their voyages.

Notes in this chapter

Note 1 · Footnote 424: (return) C.S.P. Colon., 1681-85, Nos. 501, 552. Cf. also Nos. 197, 227.Note 2 · Footnote 425: (return) C.S.P. Colon., 1681-85, Nos. 364-366, 431, 668.Note 3 · Footnote 426: (return) Ibid., Nos. 476, 609, 668. Paine was sent from Jamaica under arrest to Governor de Cussy in 1684, and thence was shipNote 4 · Footnote 427: (return) Ibid., Nos. 668, 769, 963.Note 5 · Footnote 428: (return) C.S.P. Colon., 1681-85, Nos. 769, 963, 993.Note 6 · Footnote 429: (return) Ibid., Nos. 1065, 1313.Note 7 · Footnote 430: (return) Ibid., No. 1313.Note 8 · Footnote 431: (return) Ibid., Nos. 1190, 1216.Note 9 · Footnote 432: (return) C.S.P. Colon., 1681-85, No. 1173.Note 10 · Footnote 433: (return) Ibid., Nos. 1168, 1190, 1223, 1344; cf. also Nos. 1381, 1464, 1803. In June 1684 we learn that "Hamlin, captain of LaNote 11 · Footnote 434: (return) C.S.P. Colon., 1681-85, Nos. 777, 1188, 1189, 1223, 1376, 1471-1474, 1504, 1535, 1537, 1731.Note 12 · Footnote 435: (return) Ibid., Nos. 1222, 1223, 1676, 1678, 1686, 1909; cf. also Nos. 1382, 1547, 1665.Note 13 · Footnote 436: (return) Ibid., Nos. 552, 599, 668, 712. Coxon continued to vacillate between submission to the Governor of Jamaica and open rNote 14 · Footnote 437: (return) C.S.P. Colon., 1681-85, Nos. 660, 673.Note 15 · Footnote 438: (return) Ibid., Nos. 627, 769.Note 16 · Footnote 439: (return) He is not to be confused with the Peter Paine who brought "La Trompeuse" to Port Royal. Thomas Pain, a few months befNote 17 · Footnote 440: (return) C.S.P. Colon., 1681-85, Nos. 1509, 1540, 1590, 1924, 1926.Note 18 · Footnote 441: (return) Ibid., Nos. 1927, 1938.Note 19 · Footnote 442: (return) Ibid., Nos. 1540, 1833.Note 20 · Footnote 443: (return) Charlevoix, op. cit., liv. viii. p. 130. In 1684 there were between 2000 and 3000 filibusters who made their headquarNote 21 · Footnote 444: (return) Charlevoix, op. cit., liv. viii. pp. 128-30.Note 22 · Footnote 445: (return) C.S.P. Colon., 1681-85, Nos. 963, 998, 1065.Note 23 · Footnote 446: (return) C.S.P. Colon., 1681-85, Nos. 709, 712.Note 24 · Footnote 447: (return) C.S.P. Colon., 1681-85, No. 1163; Charlevoix, liv. viii. p. 133; Narrative contained in "The Voyages and Adventures oNote 25 · Footnote 448: (return) S.P. Spain, vol. 69, f. 339.Note 26 · Footnote 449: (return) Ibid., vol. 70, f. 57; C.S.P. Colon., 1681-85, No. 1633.Note 27 · Footnote 450: (return) During de Franquesnay's short tenure of authority, Laurens, driven from Hispaniola by the stern measures of the goverNote 28 · Footnote 451: (return) Charlevoix, op. cit., liv. viii. pp. 139-145; C.S.P. Colon., 1685-88, No. 378.Note 29 · Footnote 452: (return) Charlevoix, op. cit., liv. ix. pp. 197-99; Duro., op. cit., v. pp. 273-74; C.S.P. Colon., 1685-88, Nos. 193, 339, 378Note 30 · Footnote 453: (return) According to Charlevoix, de Grammont was a native of Paris, entered the Royal Marine, and distinguished himself in seNote 31 · Footnote 454: (return) "Laurens-Cornille Baldran, sieur de Graff, lieutenant du roi en l'isle de Saint Domingue, capitaine de frégate légèreNote 32 · Footnote 455: (return) C.S.P. Colon., 1681-85, Nos. 1958, 1962, 1964, 1991, 2000. Dampier writes (1685) that "it hath been usual for many yeNote 33 · Footnote 456: (return) C.S.P. Colon., 1681-85, Nos. 668, 769, 942, 948, 1281, 1562, 1759; ibid., 1685-88, No. 558. In a memoir of MM. de St.Note 34 · Footnote 457: (return) C.S.P. Colon., 1681-85, No. 963.Note 35 · Footnote 458: (return) Ibid., Nos. 1844, 1852.Note 36 · Footnote 459: (return) C.S.P. Colon., 1681-85, Nos. 1246, 1249, 1250, 1294, 1295, 1302, 1311, 1348, 1489, 1502, 1503, 1510, 1562, 1563, 1565Note 37 · Footnote 460: (return) Ibid., No. 1938; ibid., 1685-88, Nos. 33, 53, 57, 68, 128, 129, 157.Note 38 · Footnote 461: (return) Ibid., 1681-85, Nos. 668, 769; ibid., 1685-88, No. 986.Note 39 · Footnote 462: (return) C.S.P. Colon., 1681-85, Nos. 1163, 1198; Bibl. Nat., Nouv. Acq., 9325, f. 332.Note 40 · Footnote 463: (return) C.S.P. Colon., 1681-85, Nos. 1796, 1854, 1855, 1943; ibid., 1685-88, Nos. 218, 269, 569, 591, 609, 706, 739.Note 41 · Footnote 464: (return) Ibid., 1681-85, Nos. 1163, 1198, 1249, 1630.Note 42 · Footnote 465: (return) Ibid., Nos. 963, 992, 1938, 1949, 2025, 2067.Note 43 · Footnote 466: (return) Ibid., Nos. 963, 992, 1759.Note 44 · Footnote 467: (return) Ibid., Nos. 1259, 1563.Note 45 · Footnote 468: (return) C.S.P. Colon., 1681-85, Nos. 1845, 1851, 1862, 2042. His ship is called in these letters "La Trompeuse." Unless this Note 46 · Footnote 469: (return) Ibid., Nos. 1299, 1862.Note 47 · Footnote 470: (return) Ibid., No. 1249.Note 48 · Footnote 471: (return) C.S.P. Colon., 1681-85, Nos. 1560, 1561.Note 49 · Footnote 472: (return) Ibid., Nos. 1605, 1862.Note 50 · Footnote 473: (return) Ibid., Nos. 1634, 1845, 1851, 1862.Note 51 · Footnote 474: (return) Ibid., 1685-88, Nos. 363, 364, 639, 1164.Note 52 · Footnote 475: (return) Ibid., Nos. 1029, 1161; Hughson: Carolina Pirates, p. 24.Note 53 · Footnote 476: (return) Ibid., 1681-85, No. 1165.Note 54 · Footnote 477: (return) Hughson, op. cit., p. 22.Note 55 · Footnote 478: (return) C.S.P. Colon., 1685-88, Nos. 1277, 1278.Note 56 · Footnote 479: (return) Ibid., No. 1411.Note 57 · Footnote 480: (return) Ibid., No. 1463.Note 58 · Footnote 481: (return) Ibid., No. 1602; cf. also ibid., 1693-96, No. 2243.Note 59 · Footnote 482: (return) C.S.P. Colon., 1685-88, Nos. 116, 269, 805.Note 60 · Footnote 483: (return) Ibid., Nos. 1066, 1212.Note 61 · Footnote 484: (return) Ibid., Nos. 965, 1066, 1128.Note 62 · Footnote 485: (return) Ibid., 1681-85, Nos. 1759, 1852, 2067; ibid., 1685-88, No. 1127 and cf. Index. For the careers of John Williams (aliaNote 63 · Footnote 486: (return) C.S.P. Colon., 1685-88, Nos. 1406, 1656, 1670, 1705, 1723, 1733; ibid., 1689-92, Nos. 52, 515; Hist. MSS. Commiss., xNote 64 · Footnote 487: (return) C.S.P. Colon., 1685-88, No. 1959.Note 65 · Footnote 488: (return) Ibid., No. 433.Note 66 · Footnote 489: (return) Ibid., Nos. 706, 1026.Note 67 · Footnote 490: (return) Ibid., No. 1567.Note 68 · Footnote 491: (return) Ibid., Nos. 758, 920, 927, 930, 1001, 1187, 1210.Note 69 · Footnote 492: (return) C.S.P. Colon., 1685-88, Nos. 1567, 1646, 1655, 1656, 1659, 1663, 1721, 1838, 1858.Note 70 · Footnote 493: (return) Dict. of Nat. Biog.Note 71 · Footnote 494: (return) C.S.P. Colon., 1685-88, No. 1941; cf. also 1906.Note 72 · Footnote 495: (return) Ibid., No. 1940.Note 73 · Footnote 496: (return) Ibid., 1689-92, Nos. 6, 29, 292.Note 74 · Footnote 497: (return) Ibid., No. 299.Note 75 · Footnote 498: (return) Ibid., No. 493.Note 76 · Footnote 499: (return) Ibid., Nos. 7, 50, 52, 54, 85, 120, 176-178, 293, 296-299, 514, 515, 874, 880, 980, 1041.Note 77 · Footnote 500: (return) C.S.P. Colon., 1689-92, Nos. 293, 467; Ibid., 1693-96, Nos. 1931, vii., 1934.Note 78 · Footnote 501: (return) Ibid., 1689-92, Nos. 515, 616, 635, 769.Note 79 · Footnote 502: (return) C.S.P. Colon., 1689-92, Nos. 873, 980, 1021, 1041.Note 80 · Footnote 503: (return) Ibid., No. 714.Note 81 · Footnote 504: (return) Ibid., Nos. 2034, 2043, 2269, 2496, 2498, 2641, 2643.Note 82 · Footnote 505: (return) Ibid., Nos. 72-76, 2034.Note 83 · Footnote 506: (return) Ibid., Nos. 2034, 2044, 2047, 2052, 2103.Note 84 · Footnote 507: (return) Ibid., Nos. 2278, 2398, 2416, 2500.Note 85 · Footnote 508: (return) Ibid., 1693-96, Nos. 634, 635, 1009, 1236.Note 86 · Footnote 509: (return) C.S.P. Colon., 1693-96, Nos. 778, 876; Archives Coloniales, Corresp. Gen. de St. Dom. III. Letter of Ducasse, 30 MarcNote 87 · Footnote 510: (return) C.S.P. Colon., 1693-96, Nos. 1109, 1236 (i.).Note 88 · Footnote 511: (return) Ibid., Nos. 1074, 1083, 1106, 1109, 1114, 1121, 1131, 1194, 1236; Charlevoix, I. x. p. 256 ff.; Stowe MSS., 305 f., 2Note 89 · Footnote 512: (return) The number of white men on the island at this time was variously estimated from 2000 to 2400 men. (C.S.P. Colon., 169Note 90 · Footnote 513: (return) C.S.P. Colon, 1693-96, No. 1516.Note 91 · Footnote 514: (return) Ibid., Nos. 207, 876, 1004.Note 92 · Footnote 515: (return) C.S.P. Colon., 1693-96, Nos. 1946, 1973, 1974, 1980, 1983, 2022. According to Charlevoix, it was the dalliance and coNote 93 · Footnote 516: (return) Ducéré, op. cit. p. 148.Note 94 · Footnote 517: (return) Narrative of de Pointis.Note 95 · Footnote 518: (return) Narrative of de Pointis; C.S.P. Colon., 1696-97, No. 824.Note 96 · Footnote 519: (return) Narrative of de Pointis; C.S.P. Colon., 1696-97, No. 868.Note 97 · Footnote 520: (return) Narrative of de Pointis.Note 98 · Footnote 521: (return) C.S.P. Colon., 1696-97, Nos. 373-376, 413, 661, 769.Note 99 · Footnote 522: (return) Ibid., Nos. 715, 868.Note 100 · Footnote 523: (return) C.S.P. Colon., 1696-97, Nos. 375, 453.Note 101 · Footnote 524: (return) Ibid., 944. 978.Note 102 · Footnote 525: (return) The mouth of the harbour, called Boca Chica, was defended by a fort with 4 bastions and 33 guns; but the guns were baNote 103 · Footnote 526: (return) Narrative of de Pointis. Cf. Charlevoix, op cit., liv. xi., for the best account of the whole expedition.Note 104 · Footnote 527: (return) Charlevoix, op. cit., liv. xi. p. 352. In one of the articles of capitulation which the Governor of Cartagena obtaineNote 105 · Footnote 528: (return) Duro, op. cit., v. p. 310.Note 106 · Footnote 529: (return) C.S.P. Colon., 1669-74, No. 697.Note 107 · Footnote 530: (return) Ibid.; cf. C.S.P. Colon., 1669-74, No. 138: "The number of tippling houses is now doubly increased, so that there is Note 108 · Footnote 531: (return) Crawford: Bibliotheca Lindesiana. Handlist of Proclamations.Note 109 · Footnote 532: (return) Firth: Naval Songs and Ballads, pp. l.-lii.; cf. also Archives Coloniales, Corresp. Gén. de St Dom., vols. iii.-ix.; Note 110 · Footnote 533: (return) Archives Coloniales, Corresp. Gén. de Martinique, vol. xvi.Note 111 · On 25th May 1682, Sir Thomas Lynch returned to Jamaica as governor of the colony.424 Of the four acting governors since 1671, Lynch stood apNote 112 · One of the earliest and most remarkable cases of buccaneer turning pirate was that of "La Trompeuse." In June 1682, before Governor Lynch's Note 113 · The Danish governor of St. Thomas, whose name was Adolf Esmit, had formerly been himself a privateer, and had used his popularity on the islNote 114 · A second difficulty encountered by Sir Thomas Lynch, in the first year of his return, was the privateering activity of Robert Clarke, GovernNote 115 · The Bahamas, however, were a favourite resort for pirates and other men of desperate character, and Lilburne soon discovered that his place Note 116 · In French Hispaniola corsairing had been forbidden for several years, yet the French governor found the problem of suppressing the evil evenNote 117 · The buccaneers almost invariably carried commissions from the governors of French Hispaniola, but they did not scruple to alter the wording Note 118 · In 1683, however, these filibusters of Hispaniola carried out a much larger design upon the coasts of New Spain. In April of that year eightNote 119 · The buccaneers assembled near Cape Catoche to the number of about 1000 men, and sailed in the middle of May for Vera Cruz. Learning from somNote 120 · The Mexican fleet, which returned to Cadiz on 18th December, was only half its usual size because of the lack of a market after the visit ofNote 121 · M. de Cussy, who had been appointed by the French King to succeed his former colleague, de Pouançay, arrived at Petit Goave in April 1684, aNote 122 · In the summer of 1685, a year after the arrival of de Cussy in Hispaniola, de Grammont and Laurens de Graff united their forces again at theNote 123 · These semi-pirates, whom the French governor dared not openly support yet feared to disavow, were a constant source of trouble to the GovernNote 124 · On the 24th of August 1684 Sir Thomas Lynch died in Jamaica, and Colonel Hender Molesworth, by virtue of his commission as lieutenant-governNote 125 · The last years of Sir Thomas Lynch's life had been troublous ones. Not only had the peace of the island been disturbed by "La Trompeuse" andNote 126 · After 1680, indeed, the North American colonies became more and more the resort of the pirates who were being driven from West Indian watersNote 127 · In Jamaica Lieutenant-Governor Molesworth continued in the policy and spirit of his predecessor. He sent a frigate to the Bay of Darien to vNote 128 · On 28th October 1685 the governorship of the island was assigned to Sir Philip Howard,488 but Howard died shortly after, and the Duke of AlbNote 129 · In November 1688 a petition was presented to the king by the planters and merchants trading to Jamaica protesting against the new régime intNote 130 · The Revolution of 1688, by placing William of Orange on the English throne, added a powerful kingdom to the European coalition which in 1689Note 131 · Two years later, in January 1692, Lord Inchiquin also succumbed to disease in Jamaica, and in the following June Colonel William Beeston wasNote 132 · Colonel, now become Sir William, Beeston, from his first arrival in Jamaica as lieutenant-governor, had fixed his hopes upon a joint expeditNote 133 · The last great expedition of this war in the West Indies serves as a fitting close to the history of the buccaneers. On 26th September 1696 Note 134 · Cartagena, situated at the eastward end of a large double lagoon, was perhaps the strongest fortress in the Indies, and the Spaniards withinNote 135 · The buccaneers, even before de Pointis sailed for France, had turned their ships back toward Cartagena to reimburse themselves by again plunNote 136 · With the capture of Cartagena in 1697 the history of the buccaneers may be said to end. More and more during the previous twenty years they Note 137 · The pirate successors of the buccaneers were distinguished from their predecessors mainly by the fact that they preyed on the commerce of alNote 138 · In 1699 an Act was passed through Parliament of such severity as to drive many of the outlaws from American waters. It was largely a revival
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