Miscellaneous Historical Documents, RELATIVE TO THE ECCLESIASTICAL AND POLITICAL EVENTS IN SCOTLAND—1649.

1. Excerpts from Principal Baillie’s Letters. To Mr Spang. Edinburgh, February 7, 1649.

One act of our lamentable tragedy being ended, we are entering again upon the scene. O! if it might be the Lord’s pleasure to perform more happy and comfortable actions than have appeared these years bygone. To the great joy of all, in the midst of a very great and universal sorrow, we proclaimed, on Monday last, the Prince, King of Britain, France, and Ireland. We have sent the bearer, a worthy gentleman, to signify so much to his Majesty at the Hague. We purpose speedily to send an honourable commission from all estates. The dangers and difficulties wherewith both his Majesty and all his kingdoms at this time are involved, are exceeding great and many. The first necessary and prime one (as all here, without exception, conceive) doth put his Majesty and his people both in a hopeful proceeding; and his Majesty’s joining with us in the national covenant, subscribed by his grandfather K. James, and the solemn league and covenant, wherein all the well-affected of the three kingdoms are entered, and must live and die in, upon all hazards. If his Majesty may be moved to join with us in this one point, he will have all Scotland ready to sacrifice their lives for his service. If he refuse, or shift this duty, his best and most useful friends both here and elsewhere, will be cast into inextricable labyrinths, we fear, for the ruin of us all. We know Satan will not be wanting to stir up ill instruments to keep him off from a timeous yielding to this our most earnest and necessary desire; but as it is, and will be, one of all Scotland’s strong petitions to God, to dispose his heart to do his duty without delay; so we will acknowledge ourselves much obliged to any, whom the Lord may honour to be the happy instruments of his persuasion. Many here remember, and are sensible of your great and happy labours, for the clearing of our proceedings, from the very first commotions among us. We trust you will not refuse to be at any needful pains, at this so hard a time, for the service of God, your King, and country, and all the churches here, in their great distress. I wish you made a voyage to the Hague, and dealt with our good friends, Dr Rivet and Dr Spanheim, to insinuate to the King their wholesome advices. Some, as Vossius, Apollonius, and others there, understand so much of our proceedings, that a small desire from any interests would move them to contribute their best helps for his Majesty’s information.

I recommend it therefore most earnestly to you, to bestir yourself in a private clanculary way to further this work. If your, or any other men’s labours be blessed of God to work the present, you will find all here (I shall answer for it) ready to acknowledge, as becomes your pains, by such testimonies, in due time, as shall give you satisfaction. What you do must be done quickly; for every hour’s delay prejudgeth (we know not how much) his Majesty and all his dominions.

**** Mr Spang to Mr Baillie.

Ye desire me to hasten to the Hague, and deal with such who are like to have credit with the King’s Majesty, for persuading him to do what you require of him, viz. to join with Scotland in both the covenants. The persons whom you designed were either absent out of Holland, as Dr Rivet, Apollonius, or such who are not of credit with courtiers, or such who are known to make use only of the court-favour for their private ends; and therefore I did bethink myself of another mean to effectuate that end, which was, by addressing myself to the Prince of Orange his Highness. For this purpose, I took pains to inform myself, the best I could, of the present posture of counsels suggested to the King’s Majesty, and the reasons for them; and I found, that all these designed by our late Sovereign to be his four counsellors while he was Prince of Wales, viz. Cottington, Andover, Culpepper, and Hyde, advised he should go directly for Ireland. This did James Graham urge also with great vehemency; and if that would not prevail, others were of advice, that the King was to come to Scotland armata manu, because no trust could be given to such who were leading men in our parliament; partly, because they thought there was reason to suspect the sincerity and reality of some who used such a fair invitation only to get the King in their power, whose advancement they thought never more to procure than they did his father’s; partly, because they thought, that though these who invite him do really intend, yet they are not able to maintain him against the English usurpers, if they do not recal their late acts against such who have had a hand in the engagement, and join all their powers together. But this, say they, they will never do, and so they shall not be able to protect the King; but being straitened by the English, will be content to buy their peace with quitting the King. And here, to make this probable, pregnant instances are brought in of my Lord Chancellor’s papers against the delivery of the King to the parliament, pressed by unanswerable reasons, which yet were neglected altogether, by delivery of the King within few months after. The other instance was, of the treating of our commissioners with the late King at the Isle of Wight, and our not performing our promise accordingly. But there is a third party, who, though they be not of the King’s council, yet, out of love to him and their country, rejected the two former projects as bloody, to the utter ruining the King and all Protestants; and did by all means labour to persuade his Majesty to go to Scotland, upon the very same terms they did require; that if he did not go, and that hastily, with a resolution to seal the covenants, he would alienate the hearts of all the Protestants in all his kingdoms from him: and this was pressed by the Earls of Lauderdale, Callendar, and Lanerk, with such evident self-denial of their own interests, as being grievously censured by this present parliament, that had the King been left to himself, it was thought he could not but follow their advice. This honourable carriage of these three noblemen I can bear witness unto, as having heard them protest it in private, and understand it from others also, who are our enemies, and do curse the hour they have been cast here to spoil the game they thought sure. Believe me, I do acknowledge the good providence of God in casting them here at this time. They have done more good than if they had been sitting in parliament.

My next was, to find out whereto the Prince of Orange was inclined. For this purpose, I went to two of the States Generals, of whose intimacy with the Prince’s councils all men did speak. I found them not only clear in their own judgement for the King’s going to Scotland, and embracing the covenant, but that this also was the Prince’s mind. From them I went to sundry others; but from none did I get surer information than from the Lord Beverweert, Governor of Bergen-op-zoom, natural son to Prince Maurice, a nobleman truly pious, and of a public spirit, resolute to employ his credit for religion, and of high account with the Prince, in whose councils he has chief influence.

Now having found whereto the Prince inclined, my next thoughts were to understand so much out of his own mouth, and to confirm in him what good resolution I should find in him; especially to remove some scruples and objections, wherewith many told me he was daily assaulted. For this end, a countryman of ours promised to bring me to the Prince; but performed it not, or at least would have me to wait so long upon it, that I should be made to think it some great favour; for this court-policy, I learned, which made me resolved to go in my old way, and by the mediation of one of his Highness’s counsellors, I was brought into him, and had the freedom of a long hour’s speech, where I found God’s assistance and blessing; his assistance, in enabling me both with words and matter, for it was in Dutch: and his blessing, in making the Prince so attentive to what I said, so desirous to know the true grounds of things, so apprehensive, and so fully resolved with us for his Majesty’s going to Scotland upon the conditions proponed. I shall give you a short and compendious account of what passed then.

After I had thanked his Highness for his favour in granting me so ready audience, and desired to know if I might, with his good liking, propone what I intended in Latin or English, rather than Dutch, he desired me to do it in Dutch. Then I first condoled the parricide of our late King his father; “showed how it was abhorred by the estates of our kingdom; how, contrary to our covenant, the end of which, among other things, was the safety of the King’s person; how not only the state had proclaimed his son to be their King, but the ministry in the kingdom also, according to their places had done their duty, and had given assurance of their loyal affection to our present King, by their letters to him, and by their care that he may be persuaded to shun the wicked counsels which drove his late father to such counsellors; that they had given me orders to deal with all who could contribute any thing to the advancement of this good work; and that I could look upon none from whom I had reason to expect more good than his Highness, who, by being instrumental therein, would gain greater honour than by gaining of towns,” &c.

He answered, “That there was nothing more acceptable to him than that he was looked upon as one who would employ himself for the advancement of religion, and that now, if ever, the reformed religion was in danger; that there were no probable means to prevent the utter extirpation of it, but by espousing the young King’s quarrel; and that he, for his part, could not but pity the young King, torn as it were betwixt such contrary counsels; that the reasons produced by all parties seemed to be specious, yet how fair soever men did shew, he thought it madness for a Protestant to chuse rather to trust to a Papist, than a Protestant who minded truly.” “And if ever,” said I, “any state minded truly, it is our present state; their hastiness in proclaiming, that chearfulness of all joining together, do witness this; and now their readiness to espouse the King’s cause, if he first will espouse God’s cause, though they know any undertakings of this kind to be joined with great dangers.” “But what,” said he, “maybe expected of the ministers?” And here he spoke much of the great influence their advice has on the estates. To this I answered, “That whatsoever any Prince can expect of good subjects, that may our King look for at the hands of the ministers, if he employ his power for the honouring of God; and that all the power they have in the hearts of the people will be for the King’s advantage.” Here he spoke something of the great preciseness of our ministers, who would not be content with that about religion which our late King had granted, and wherewith the parliament of England was well nigh satisfied. Here I was ready to have answered; but he passed this, and spoke of the conditions we require of the King, viz. his accepting and entering into the covenants. And I, at his desire, having explained what these covenants were, and how distinguishable. “Then,” said he, “he will be easily brought to subscribe this covenant which concerns Scotland alone;” (he meant our national covenant;) “but the other covenant betwixt Scotland and England, he feared should find greater difficulty: 1. Because all the King’s counsellors, viz. these four English, would be against it: 2. Because it required a delivery up to justice those who are called malignants: 3. Because, as by subscribing it the King would please us, so he would displease the Papists in Ireland, and all foreign Popish princes, who will not be so foolish as to favour him, whose advancement is the ruin of their religion in his dominions. Other reasons,” says he, “are urged, and I shall propone them ere ye go.” So I began to answer: and, first, “I shewed, that the first covenant of Scotland only provides as great security for religion as the second doth; and therefore the King’s counsellors, who advise him to subscribe the one, and not the other, for fear of displeasing the Papists, speak they know not what; for there is not a Papist who is not more displeased with the first than with the second.” And he asking, “Why are the King’s counsellors so much against it?” I answered, “That they durst not do otherwise than dissuade our young King from the solemn league, since they had ever dissuaded his father from it. If they would now change, the young King, and your Highness, who are so greatly interested, should have reason to look upon them as men whose consciences did condemn them for abusing the father.” Here I took occasion to represent to his Highness, “the great inconvenience of the abode of such counsellors about the King’s person; that if a course was not taken to banish them from his presence, they would readily prove as unhappy instruments to the son as they have been to the father; and that they, or any who advise the King to slight the preservation of Scotland, and to go to Ireland, choosing rather he should not reign than that they should not reign with him; men of whose religion, the world, to this hour, was never satisfied.” So far as I could mark, his Highness seemed not to be displeased with this. “As for the King delivering up of all malignants to justice,” I answered, “the covenants do not require that all malignants should be punished, but only tried, and left to the judgement of the parliament.” “But,” says he, “ye call any man a malignant whom ye please, though he profess he adheres to the covenant, and all his aims are for the ends of it.” Here he brought in, for instance, the acts of our present parliament, declaring all who had any hand for the engagement incapable of any place of trust during their whole lives; “and yet,” says he, “the world did read their declaration, which spake very fair, and the parliament did own that work: I would therefore gladly know who are the malignants; for I find, that there is no argument that so works upon his Majesty as that.” Here I profess I was at a strait. For to have given him such a character of a malignant as the commissioners of the general assembly did give some two years since, that would not have served the turn, the case being now altogether altered, is so far, that he is to be thought more a malignant who approveth the bloody acts of that treacherous crew, now usurping the name of a parliament in England, than any who did ever fight against them; and therefore I came to the distinguishing of malignants, “some whose aims appeared evidently to be for their own selves, either that they might abide in a capacity to tyrannize over their fellow-subjects, or to raise their fortunes, already desperate, by the publick troubles. Such malignants were justly unpardonable; and they had none to blame for the ruin of their families and themselves but their own obstinacy. As for others, in whom it doth appear, that private and by-ends have not set them a work, their case is pitied; and it has ever been the custom of the parliaments of Scotland to fail rather in too great clemency than cruelty.” “Well,” says the Prince, “if ye that are ministers will not employ your utmost credit for uniting of all your country, (I mean not,” says he, “of such who have been bloody obstinate enemies to you,) ye may lose both yourselves and the cause; and I know there is nothing that should more confound the counsels of all your enemies, than to see you forget quarrels among yourselves; for this, they say, How can Scotland, thus divided, be able to do any thing of moment, since the forces of the party which now rules are but little enough to suppress their enemies; I therefore do as earnestly recommend this to you, that you would acquaint your ministers with it, as they by you do recommend their business. If I did not think it tending to the enabling of you to make your party good, I should not open my mouth about it.” Here he enlarged himself very pertinently and full upon the project of an act of oblivion; and told me, “That the party who now rules, will not be so ill advised as to reject this motion, if they would but consider how suddenly things may be changed.” I assure you he could tell me faults committed in our private government, whereof I was wholly ignorant, which he says he learned from the English council, when they were debating about the very lawfulness of our Scottish parliament, whether lawfully indicted, maintaining strongly, that their committee, who called it, had no power, because they had not subscribed the acts of the former parliaments; “but,” said he, “I quickly crushed such a motion in the very shell.”

“But,” says he, “the King, by subscribing that covenant, will disengage all Papists from his service, both in Ireland and elsewhere, and all but Presbyterians; for it obliges the King to root out Papistry every where in his dominions, which he is not able to do in the condition wherein he is.” I answered, “That same argument our late Sovereign used; but how damageful his going about to please Papists was, doleful experience has taught, for Ireland especially. It has been that which has withdrawn the party of the Protestants from him more than any thing else. And what advantage took the Irish Papists at the King’s weakness? When they capitulated with him, what little performances did the King find of their big promises? and since ever he began to meddle with them, did not his condition decay daily? That the condition of Protestants called Presbyterians, in Great Britain and Ireland, is not so mean, but if the King would chearfully join himself to them, as caput et vindex fœderis, there would be no doubt of great and good success. As for the particulars, how much they could do, I durst not take it upon me to speak out. I was sure, that in all Scotland there was not a man who would not be for the King; and for one Independent, there would be found three Presbyterians; and the rest, being either hierachical men, or Papists, if they would not assist the King, they would far less assist the traiterous sectaries.” “I perceive,” says his Highness, “what ye mean; but how many Presbyterians soever there be, if ye live at a distance, as I hear ye do now in Scotland, ye will be able to do nothing at all. It is a work fitting your calling to unite the hearts of all the great men whom you know to be Protestants.” And here I suspecting, that it might be his Highness did mean Montrose, as they call him, who is frequently at court, and more familiar with many than welcome, I said, “I hoped his Highness did not mean of that man, whose apostacy, perjuries, and unheard-of cruelty, had made so odious to all in our country, that they could not hear of his name.” He presently gave me to understand, that he meant not him, or any such; for by the comportment of our Scottish noblemen at court now, he perceives how odious James Graham must be at home; for they will not salute or speak to him; nay, not look where they think he is: and this I have observed with my own eyes. At last, having answered all his questions, I repeated my desire, and humbly prayed his Highness to continue in that holy and wholesome resolution; and to improve his credit with our King, that a satisfactory answer may be given with all haste, shewing the danger of delay.

“But,” said he, “when will the commissioners come to his Majesty?” I answered, “I thought not until the gentleman returned with an answer to Scotland.” He asked me, “If I knew who they should be?” I answered, “I knew not.” “Will any ministers come?” said he. I answered, “That I questioned not but some would come who would be able to satisfy all his Highness’s scruples better than I possibly could.” “I wish,” says he, “some ministers would come, for several reasons.” I replied, “That they shall come the more chearfully, when they shall understand how much your Highness doth engage yourself for persuading the King’s Majesty to go to Scotland, with a resolution to subscribe both the covenants.” Then said the Prince, “Ye may confidently assure them, that I shall do my utmost endeavour; and come ye to me to-morrow, and I shall tell you what you may expect.”

So away went I, and to-morrow, being admitted to his presence, he told me, “He had made it his work yesternight to persuade the King’s Majesty, that the resolution was taken to satisfy the desires of the parliament of Scotland, and that in all haste, letters were to be written of that in answer to what the King received.” And here again he recommended the care of uniting all our noblemen in one, in passing by what faults have been the last year; and told me, it should be most welcome news to him, if I should let him know that any thing was done in reference to this.

Thus, cousin, ye have the substance of that discourse, by which ye may see I have obtained the end of your letter, and that in a fitter way than ye prescribed. I most earnestly intreat you, that you would represent to the reverend brethren of the commission, how much the fame of rigidity, used by them against the last year’s engagers, is like to endanger the reputation of our kirk abroad, and like also to make presbyterial government hateful. My heart trembles when I think of this; for I am certainly informed, by a printer, that that infamous person, who goes under the name of ——, has a big volume ready, of the late practices of the Scottish kirks in the exercise of discipline, which ye may think are willingly furnished to him by some banished Scotsman. 2. That all lovers of our cause and nation do unanimously judge, that there are no probable means of our safety, if we unite not, and pack not up all quarrels amongst ourselves; if there be not an amnesty for the last year’s engagement; for such had reason to challenge the English army overpowering the parliament, for breach of covenants, and that your fears of mischief against the King were not causeless, he is blamed who shall not. If there were faults in the compassing your votes, as I doubt not but there have been very great ones, yet let not desire of justice against these circumstantial failings, lead us to seek the ruin of these men; or, by excluding them from government, deprive the kingdom of their abilities, and weaken ourselves so, that we shall not be able to oppose these treacherous and bloody sectaries to purpose. If any of our reverend brethren had been here to have been ear-witness what three of these Lords, now put in our first classes, did here, in opposition to the English council and Montrose, and all others who were for Ireland, sure I am you would have blessed God who brought them hither in this nick of time. If any commissioners shall come, I entreat you, see that some of the ablest of our ministers come also, who may be able to stand against Dr Stuart and such like, if occasion should serve, and may serve for the honour of our kirks with the Dutch also.

****

March 19, 1649.—You are not disappointed of your hopes of noble Lauderdale and Lanerk, and I assure you of the Earl of Callender, who told me, in plain terms, that the King may with greater assurance confide in these who now rule with you than in others; ye know whom I mean. If ye come hither, and do not bring a full rescinding of what the parliament has decreed against them, ye will be looked upon as most ingrate men; and none would be more glad of your misery than the English malignants and James Graham, because they do and have so opposed their plots. Likewise, it would be needful that ye remitted much of that rigor which, in your church-assemblies, ye use against ministers who have proven your great friends ever before. It will be better to let your sails fall somewhat lower in time, before a storm compel you; or ye, who think God so highly glorified by casting out your brethren, and putting so many to beggary, making room through such depositions to young youths, who are oft miscarried with ignorant zeal, may be made, through your own experience, to feel what it is, which now, without pity, is executed upon others. Generally the great power which the commission of the kirk exercises, displeaseth all. It is but an extraordinary meeting, and yet sits constantly and more ordinarily than any synod; yea and without the knowledge of provincial synods and presbyteries, deposes ministers, injoins pro auctoritate, what writs they please to be read, inflicts censures upon those who will not read them. If the kirk of Scotland look not to this in time, we will lament it when we cannot mend it. They say four or five rule that meeting; and is not the liberty of the kirk come to a fair market thereby? We have an act, that nothing shall be brought to a greater meeting which has not first been treated of in a smaller; but now your compend of the general assembly, or deputes of it, at the first instance, judge of matters which might be better handled in lesser meetings. For God’s sake, look this course in time be stopped, else the commission of the kirk will swallow up all other ecclesiastick judicatories, and such ministers who reside in and about Edinburgh, shall at last ingross all church-power in their hands. I know their is a piece of prudence hereby used, to get the power in the hands of those who are good; but what assurance, have we but what they may change, or others, following this course, creep into their places? We meet with daily regrets that the ancient ministry are condemned, and the insolence of young ones fostered, the very forerunner of Jerusalem’s destruction. The Lord make us wise in time.

****

You will do well to consider of the letter, which anno 1646, the assembly wrote to our late king; for the Independents make it a part of the rule they walked by. And, 2dly, They say, that in your last assembly, you have declared that these words of the covenant, where ye speak of defending the king’s person and authority, in defence of religion and liberties, are explained to be a limitation and excluding your obedience to him, except in such acts. And what say these bloody Independents? “Their putting the King to a violent death is not against the covenant: for they have put him to death, not for his defending religion, and the parliament’s liberties, but for going about the overthrow of both.” Think of this.

****

The Commission’s letter to the King, with Sir Joseph Douglas. Edinburgh, February 7, 1649.

May it please your Majesty,

As we did always acknowledge your royal father his just power and greatness, and poured forth our supplications and prayers to God on his behalf, and do abhor these unparallelled proceedings of sectaries against his Majesty’s person and life, so we do willingly and chearfully acknowledge your Majesty’s most just right of succession to reign as king over these kingdoms; and do resolve, in the power of the Lord’s strength, to continue in prayer and supplication for your Majesty, that you may fear the great and dreadful name of the Lord your God, and reign in righteousness and equity, and the Lord’s people under you, live a quiet and peaceable life, in all godliness and honesty.

These kingdoms, now for many years past, have been involved in many calamities and confusions, by which the Lord’s work hath been obstructed and retarded, and the blood of his people shed as water spilt upon the ground; and we cannot but look upon the counsels of the ungodly as a main cause of all these evils. It hath been the cunning of the Popish, Prelatical, and malignant party, to traduce Presbyterial government, and the Solemn League and Covenant, as destructive to monarchy, and with so much wit and industry they manage those calumnies, that your royal father, to our exceeding grief, was kept at a distance, in his judgement, from these things that do much concern the kingdom of Jesus Christ, the peace and safety of these kingdoms, and the establishing of the king’s throne, and was estranged in his affection from them who tendered his person and authority.

And seeing the Lord now calls your Majesty to succeed to one of the greatest and most important employments upon the earth, which is much heightened by the present condition, it is our earnest desire your Majesty, in the name of the Lord Jesus, whose servants we are, that you would not only shut your ears against calumnies, but avoid the company, and shun the counsels of the ungodly, who study to involve your Majesty’s interest, and that which concerns the preservation of your royal person, and the establishing of your throne with their private interests and ends, and to make your loyal subjects odious, that they only may be gracious; and that your Majesty would avoid all the temptations and snares that accompany youth, and humble yourself under the mighty hand of God, and seek him early, and labour to have your senses exercised in his word; and that your Majesty would establish Presbyterial government, and allow and injoin the Solemn League and Covenant, and employ your royal power for promoting and advancing the work of uniformity in religion in all your Majesty’s dominions. It is by the Lord, who bears rule in all the kingdoms of the sons of men, that kings do reign; and whatever carnal policy suggest to the contrary, there is nothing can contribute so much for securing the kingdom in their hand, as being for his honour, and studying to do his will in all things. Therefore we know not so sure and speedy a way for securing of government in your Majesty’s person and posterity, and disappointing all the designs of enemies, both on the right hand and on the left.

We trust it shall yet afterwards be no grief of heart to your Majesty to hearken unto us in these things, (we have hitherto obtained mercy of God to be constant to our principles, and not to decline to extremes, to own the way either of malignants or sectaries, and we were faithful and free with your royal father, would to God he had hearkened to our advice.) The Lord grant unto your Majesty wisdom to discern the times, and to make use of the opportunity of doing acceptable service to God, and engaging the hearts and affections of your people in the beginning of your Majesty’s reign, by condescending to these necessary things; so shall the Lord bless your Majesty’s person, establish the throne, and our spirits, and the spirits of all his people in these lands, shall, after so many years of affliction, be refreshed and revived, and encouraged certainly to pray for your Majesty, and to praise God on your behalf; and in their places and stations, by all other suitable means to endeavour your honour and happiness, that your Majesty may reign in prosperity and peace over these kingdoms; which is the earnest desire and prayer of

Your Majesty’s loyal subjects and humble servants,

The Commissioners of the general assembly.

Excerpt Letter to the Commission, from Holland. Hague, April 3, 1649.

The commissioners of parliament found it necessary to give in, as previous to their desires, a paper, for removing of James Graham from court. His Majesties answer under his own hand, was, That he desired and expected all our propositions together; to which he hoped to give a satisfactory answer. With this we were not content; but pressed again our desire. The commissioners of Parliament by another paper, and we also by one seconded theirs, a copy whereof we send you herewith. The King’s second answer was an abiding in the first. We had all of us some discourse with his Majesty about the equity and necessity of that our desire; but James Graham hath so many and so powerful friends in the English council, that as yet we cannot get the King to discountenance him.

On Saturday morning we delivered to his Majesty the National Covenant, the League and Covenant, the Directory, the Confession of Faith, the Catechism, the Propositions for government, bound together in a book so handsome as we could get them. We spoke something on the matter, and desired of his Majesty more frequent and private conferences; who shewed his willingness, and promised to send to us to advertise of his fittest opportunities.

****

The most part of the council are averse from our desires; yet we have our friends. His Majesty is of a very sweet and courteous disposition. It were all the pities in the world but he were in good company. We hope he is not so far rooted in any principle contrary to us, but that, by God’s blessing on our friends labours, he may be gotten to do us reason, whatsoever our fears be for the present. There is a very evil generation both of English and Scots here, who vomit out all their evil humour against all our proceedings. The peace of France, and an unhappy book, Ειχων Βασιλιχη does us much prejudice. Also the supposed death of Huntly is wrested to our disadvantage. Dr Bramhall of Derry has printed the other day at Delft a wicked pamphlet against our church. We have no time, nor do we think it fit, to print an answer; but by the grace of God, shall endeavour, with all faithfulness and diligence, to go about our instructions.

My Speech to the King, spoken at the Hague, March 27, in the Kings bed-chamber, Tuesday, three o’clock in the afternoon.

****

We do declare, what in our own breasts often we have felt, and generally in the people among whom we live, have seen with our eyes an mournful sorrow for that execrable and tragick parricide, which, though all men on earth should pass over unquestioned, yet we nothing doubt but the great judge of the world will arise, and plead against every one, of what condition soever, who have been either authors or actors, or consenters, or approvers, of that hardly expressible crime, which stamps and stigmatizes, with a new and before unseen character of infamy, the face of the whole generation of sectaries and their adherents, from whose hearts and hands that vilest villany did proceed.

We do also profess, in name of them who have sent us hither, the great joy of all sorts of men in our land for the immediate filling of the vacant throne with your Majesty’s most gracious and hopeful person, earnestly praying, that the light of the Lord’s countenance may shine so bright upon your Majesty’s reign, that the very thick clouds of our present dangers and fears may flee away, and a new morning may spring up, to all your three kingdoms, of greater peace and prosperity, of more righteousness and virtue, especially of more religion and piety, than hath been seen in the days of any, the most pious, the most just, the most prosperous, of all your numerous ancestors.

**** Mr Robert Baillie to Mr R. Douglas. April 3, 1649.

As yet our fears are great of a sore storm to Scotland; yet yesternight I learned from a great person here, that our affairs, blessed be God, are not desperate. There is no Scotsman that is of the King’s council. The five or six English that are, Cottington, Culpepper, Hyde, Long, and some more, are divided. The most are of Prince Rupert’s faction, who caress Montrose, and press mightily to have the King to Ireland. Culpepper, and some bedchamber-men, as Wilmot, Biron, Gerard, and the master of the horse, Piercy, are of the Queen’s faction, and these are for the King’s joining with us; but all of them are much averse from the league and covenant. The Prince of Orange, and by him all the nobles here, are for the last; and by their means we are hopeful yet to carry his Majesty to our covenant, and the most of our desires for religion; but I dare not promise so much: yet the greatest stick, I suspect, shall be our severe acts of parliament. It seems all here, even our best friends, will be peremptory for a greater mitigation than, I fear, shall be granted by you there. It were verily a great pity of the King. He is one of the most gentle, innocent, well-inclined princes, so far as yet appears, that lives in the world; a trim person, and of a manly carriage; understands pretty well; speaks not much; would God he were amongst us. I send you herewith the copy of what I said to him. Because it was but a transient speech, I give out no copies of it here at all; yet that we spoke so, it did us much good; for heavy slanders lay upon us here, which the report of our speeches helped to mitigate. Our enemies have great hopes, by the French peace, to get powerful assistance from France. I verily think, if the King and we shall agree, assistance shall be got from this state, and the Marquis of Brandenburg, and some others, for good purpose. I pray God guide you there to put no more impediments to our agreeance than are necessary. My heart bleeds to think of a necessity for Scotland to have any friendship for the English sectaries, the worst of men, and a war with our King and countrymen in our own bowels. What relaxation you may grant, with conscience and safely, let it be done freely and publickly with this express. It will admit of no longer delay.

**** For Mr William Spang. September 14, 1649.

—— I thought to have sent you a particular account of the general assembly as I had done of some others; but the diary I wrote in the time I lost; so I cannot now do it; neither were there much in it worth the remembrance. The leeting of two for the moderator fell to Mr Robert Douglas, the ante penult moderator; Mr Gillespie, the last, was departed, and Mr Blair never thoroughly well since his English journey. He was not able to come to Edinburgh, whereof I was very sorry. The two Mr Robert leeted were, Mr Andrew Cant in earnest, and Mr Mungo Law for a fashion. The three the assembly added were, Mr Robert Douglas, Mr John Livingston and, by equal voices, Mr David Dickson and me; so, without question, the voices for moderation fell on Mr Douglas, whereof my heart was exceeding glad; for I was very feared for it, and it had done me great hurt. The committees were framed according to the custom by the moderator and clerk in private, and read at the next session, without any change considerable. We spent very much time; whole five weeks: I thought a fortnight less might have done our turn. Transportations took up much time, and deposition of ministers. There had been divers commissions, east, west, north, and south, who had deposed many ministers, to the pity and grief of my heart; for sundry of them I thought might have, for more advantage every way, with a rebuke, been kept in their places; but there were few durst profess so much; and I, for my ingenuous freedom, lost much of my reputation, as one who was inclining to malignancy.

My speech to the King, speaking so sharply of his father’s death, and the commendations I gave to himself, in the preface of my book, but especially a passage of a letter wrote from Holland, wherein, to a familiar friend, I spoke of the act of classes as so severe, that it will be needful to dispense with some part of it for the peace of the country: For these things, before the assembly, sundry spoke of me all their pleasure; yet I comforted myself in this, that I knew I was far from the calumny imposed, and that all the wise men I knew professed their agreement with me in the three things named. My unacquaintance with obloquy made my skin at this first assay more tender than needed; for I had so oft in print declared my sense against, not sectaries alone, but malignants also, and that so liberally, in my last book, that I thought in reason I should have been reputed above all suspicion of that crime; yet I was necessitated to drink more of that cup than I did truly deserve: for however in my sermon to the parliament I was as clear as needed, and in my report of our treaty obtained the unanimous approbation and thanks of the whole assembly, now in print; yet I behoved, in sundry voices of the assembly, either to quit the liberty of my mind, or endure the whisperings of my malignancy to continue. This last, though to my great grief, I behoved to chuse. I could not vote to depose Mr William Colvil upon his libel. The man indeed had, in my judgment, been an evil instrument in time of the engagement; yet all that was libelled against him was for mere silence in that engagement. For that alone I could depose no man, for the reasons I gave in the committee of the former assembly, when that act passed to depose for silence alone, if continued in. My mind did never go along with that act; though therefore I knew the whole assembly almost was otherwise minded, and, foresaw the mistake of my voice by some, yet I behoved to vote his suspension to continue, and no farther. As for Mr Andrew Ramsay, more was libelled and proven against him, and all this year he carried himself in a cankered untoward way; yet I told, I could not voice to depose a man of such age and parts; so in that vote I was silent, to the peace of my own mind, though some of my friends wrote sharp letters to me for it. I had also some contest with my neighbours in Mr William Wilkie’s process, whom I judged more hotly pursued than there was cause. But my sharpest contest was for the principal whom I found some men to pursue still, without any ground at all considerable. Contrary to their design, I got him reasonably fair off. These contests, and wrack of my friends, were very bitter to mind, and, joining with the obloquy in the ear against me by some, troubled my spirit sometimes, till I got my grief and wrong vented and poured out to God: for there was no other whom I found able and willing to help me. It was a piece of comfort to me, that the best of the land were, on more probable grounds, taxed for compliance with sectaries than I with malignants, whom yet I knew to be innocent; and that I remembered the cloud of infamy under which super excellent Mr Henderson lay, to my knowledge, till God and time blew it away. I have been ofter and sorer afraid for the wo of Christ to them, whom all the world love and speak good of, than I was grieved for any reproachful speeches which some were begun to mutter against me; but this now is our condition, that the chief in church, state, and army, how innocent soever, are whispered to favour either sectaries or malignants.

****

I wished earnestly, and so did the Chancellor intreat Mr Robert Douglas, but out of time, that the framing of the declaration should have been committed to another hand than that it fell in; who, how able soever, yet was generally thought to be among the most severe of the company to the King; but this could not be helped. Some clauses we got altered in the committee; yet, as it stands, I much fear it shall prove a division-wall betwixt the King and us for ever. We were always expecting the promised expresses from him, and for that end, some of us held off all we could, determinations of every thing concerned him; but when none did appear, and when at last William Murray had come without any letter or instruction, either private or publick, then there was no remedy, but the declaration and letter, in the style you see it, and the act about the engagers, went out without contradiction, which, as I foresaw and foretold in the Hague, puts harder and more peremptory conditions on the King than there would have given satisfaction. We had greatest debate for an act of election of ministers. Mr David Calderwood was peremptor, that according to the Second Book of Discipline, the election should be given to the presbytery, with power to the major part of the people to dissent upon reason to be judged of by the presbytery. Mr Rutherford and Mr Wood were as peremptory to put the power and voices of election in the body of the people, contradistinct from their eldership; but the most of us were in Mr Gillespie’s mind, in his Miscellanies, that the direction was the Presbyteries, the election the sessions, and the consent the peoples. Sundry draughts were offered. Mr Woods, most studied, was refused; Mr Calderwoods also. Mr Livingston came nearer our mind, yet was laid aside. Mine came nearest the mind of all, and almost had past; but for avoiding debate, a general confused draught (avoiding, indeed, the present question, but leading us into so many questions thereafter as any pleased to make) passed with my consent. But Mr D. Calderwood and Mr John Smith reasoned much against it in face of the assembly; where, against my mind, the Book of Discipline was pressed against them, and a double election made, one before trial, and another after, as if the election before, and the trial by the Second Book of Discipline were given to the people, and that after-trial, before ordination, to the presbytery. This I thought was nothing so, but was silent, being in my mind contrary to Mr David in the main; though, in this incident debate of the sense of the Book of Discipline, I was for him. However, already we find the defect of our act; for, as I conceive and expressed it, so in my draught so much direction in this is due to presbyteries, that they ought to recommend to the session men to be elected, without prejudice of their liberty to add whom they think fit: but I find it the design now of leading brethren, that the presbyteries shall not meddle at all with any recommendations, but leave that wholly to any particular busy man of the presbytery, to whisper in the ear of some leading man of the parish, to get voices to any young man, though never heard in privy exercise, that he, by desires of the people to the presbytery, may be put on trials for such a church. This I find will be the way of our elections, which I think not orderly. However, Mr D. Calderwood entered a very sharp protestation against our act, which he required to be registered. This is the first protestation we heard of in our time; and had it come from any other, he had not escaped censure.

There was a design, at the last assembly, to have got the hands of many ministers to a supplication for moderating, in some things, the power of the commission of the church, which was expounded by this assembly truly to have been the overthrowing, in favour of the malignant party, the power of the kirk. Great din was made for this supplication, to try what was the bottom of it, and a very severe act was made against the thing; yet Mr Douglas carried it so, that no man at all, even the chief contrivers, did suffer any thing for it, upon what ground I could never learn to my satisfaction; whether, because to Mr Robert Laurie, the confessed penner of the principal supplication, impunity was promised for his ingenuous and early confession, and he being secure, others less guilty could not be got punished; or because others foreseeing what necessity there might be for themselves to do more than supplicate a general assembly, had no will that any supplication whatsoever, especially being only intended, and never offered, should be a ground of church censure. However, albeit a terrible act was made against the thing, contrary to my mind, yet no man was to this day called to any account for it, nor, as I hear, shall ever be.

I was much afraid that the subscription required of the engagers should have made many prime men in our land desperate; but I am now very glad that so many offer themselves to do all that is required, as I expect there shall be very few who shall stick upon it, so I wish from my heart that Lauderdale may be moved to do what I found Callender and Dumfermline ready for, when I was there with you; and what I saw in the assembly, Middleton very near, and others, as Galloway, Linlithgow, Ogilvie, Baillie, Innes, Cochran, Kenmure, Fleming, &c. actually to offer. I do not expect now above three or four persons in Scotland who shall make scruple of that subscription, which, I hope, may be a mean to teach that man (for whom alone my love makes me afraid) some more wisdom. Mr Hary Guthrie, in his appeal to the assembly, had used some sharp and reflecting reasons, for which they summoned him to appear, resolving to have excommunicated him, if they did not find submission: but quickly his spirit was daunted. In all humility he appeared, and passed from his appeal, which obtained him favour not to be farther proceeded against. Mr William Colvil took his sentence of deposition submissively. Mr Andrew Ramsay professed his suffering. Some would have been at the present processing of both, as guilty of all the blood, and all the consequences of the engagement; but Mr R. Douglas quashed these motions, which otherwise easily had been carried on.

It was all our minds to have had transportations better regulated than they had been; for indeed their needless frequency was intolerable, yet Mr R. Douglas got all that shifted till Edinburgh once again he provided both of ministers and professors. For their university they moved for Mr Rutherford, but that was thought absurd. It seems they would be at Dr Colvil, but he will not be given them, as a man demi-malignant. They who judge so of that man, would give them Mr James Wood, or Mr D. Dickson; but in my mind, neither of these may be transported without greater hurt to the places they are in than benefit to Edinburgh, though they could get them; but as yet Edinburgh desires neither, and on whom they will fall yet, it does not appear. We fear they trouble us one way or other.

One day I escaped, to my sense, one of the greatest burdens ever was laid on me. Our committee, after many motions, had resolved for drawing up of the history of the times, to propone to the assembly a leet of three or four; Mr James Wood, Mr John Livingston, Mr Ja. Guthrie, and me. My profession made me secure of all danger, as I thought; and I minded it no more: but in the end of the assembly, when it came to be voiced, it ran wholly betwixt Mr John Livingston and me; and had not the opinion of my malignancy diverted some voices, I had undoubtedly been oppressed with that charge. As it was, I escaped it but by two or three voices; but I blessed the Lord for it; for to me it had all the days of my life been a burden intolerable, for many causes.

The assembly, for the full purgation of the church, as in former years, so in this also, has appointed divers committees; one in Angus, one in Stirlingshire, one in the Merse, one in Ross, one in Argyle, with most ample power. On these committees the most zealous men are put, which some few can chuse (even of very young men lately admitted ministers) for deposing such as presbyteries and synods do spare. I acknowledge the disinclination of my mind to so frequent depositions of ministers, and to all courses that further that, to me so severe an action; but this is a great part of my malignancy.

I think at last we shall get a new Psalter. I have furthered that work ever with my best wishes; but the scruple now arises of it in my mind, the first author of my translation, Mr Rous, my good friend, has complied with the sectaries, and a member of their republick. How a Psalter of his framing, albeit with much variation, shall be received by our church, I do not well know; yet it is needful we should have one, and a better in haste we cannot have. The assembly has referred it to the commission to cause print it after the last revision, and to put it in practice.

These were the chief things of our long and tedious five weeks labour; only we appointed a letter to be drawn for our brethren of England for their encouragement. The draught was Mr James Durham’s. It was his first, but did not so fully please us to pass, but was referred to the commission to perfect. Our brethren of Ireland had sent Mr John Greg to us, to have our advice about their carriage in my Lord of Aird’s defection. No publick advice was given; but Mr Livingston and Mr Maclellan were appointed to confer with him on all his propositions.

All this while the parliament did sit, though ready to rise at our first downsitting, more than at our rising. Their main cause of sitting was to see what we brought from the King. Thereafter, being to rise, constant reports, week after week, of Cromwell’s purpose to bring down the army on us before it went to Ireland, made them sit still to see to the defence of the country. To increase the levies, was to put the country to a farther burden, while the present was as great as could be borne, and caused dangerous grumbling every where; also, if a greater army had been on foot, the world would not keep them out of England, which we did not intend, being far from any agreement with the King; so nothing considerable was done, or could be done, though the English had come on us. They had written a letter with a messenger, to desire a treaty with us. Our answer was, that we could not acknowledge the present authority. This drew from them a paper, in reasonable soft words; but clearly enough renouncing all former treaties as broken by our parliament’s invasion, an advantage which they would openly make that use of, as to have it a breach of all their obligations to us. To this we made no reply; for what needs paper-debates at such a time?

****

1648. 2. Instructions by the Committee of Estates sent by their Commissioners to the English Parliament.419

You shall repair to London, and deliver our Letter to the Honourable Houses of the Parliament of England.

You shall excuse the long delay in sending to them, and in the mean time let them know, we hold Correspondence with the Commander in Chief of their Forces.

You shall give them a Narrative of our whole Proceedings according to the Declaration of the Kirk, and our own; particularly you shall acquaint them with our Proceedings in opposition to the late unlawful Engagement, and what Industry was used on the other part, for the Election of Malignants to be Members of Parliament, and how unlawfully some were admitted to sit in Parliament; and great numbers of Malignants were brought in from England, to over-awe the honest Party, and how many of the Army were corrupted.

And you shall farther represent particularly the great Sufferings and Oppressions of honest men, and that before they heard any thing of the Defeat of the Forces under Duke Hamilton in England, they had resolved on the manner and time of their Rising in Arms here in this Kingdom, against the Promoters and Abettors of that Engagement, and their Adherents, You shall also shew them the result of the Treaty betwixt us and those Armies about Sterlin, and how useful their Forces have been to us by being at so near a distance.

You shall endeavour to take away all Mis-information or Mis-constructions of any of our former Proceedings, and settle a good Understanding betwixt them and the honest protesting Party in Scotland; and you shall shew them the continued evil Principles, Malice, and Designs of the Malignant Party in this Kingdom, yet to trouble our Peace and interrupt theirs, and as they call it, not to live and outlive the not carrying on so pious and loyal an Engagement: and that some of them are going to Holland with an intention, as we are informed, to bring over Forces if they can: therefore we have caused deliver Berwick to be disposed of for the Good of both Kingdoms, and give the like Warrant for Carlisle; and that it is also surrendered, or presently to surrender for the use foresaid. So we agree during these Troubles, until the Peace of this Kingdom be settled, that the Honourable Houses may keep some Forces upon the Borders, and sufficient Garrisons in them both, upon a two-fold assurance: First, that in case any new Troubles be raised in Scotland by the Malignants, both they and the Forces about Newcastle have Directions from the Parliament to come unto Scotland, to pursue the Common Enemy when they shall be desired by the Committee of Estates, as it is now constituted of the Protesting Party in Scotland: and Secondly, that the Parliament shall remove all Garrisons out of those two Towns, and from our Borders, and put them in the Condition agreed on by the Treaties betwixt both Kingdoms, whensoever the Troubles are at an end, and the Peace of the Kingdoms settled.

You shall shew how desirous and willing we are to harken to any good Overture that may conduce to prevent any such-like Breaches again betwixt the two Nations, and that it may not be in the power of Malignants again either to seduce, or to enforce upon the People the like Sin and Snare; and for mutual Consultation, we think it expedient, both that they should have some honest Noblemen, Commissioners, here to reside at Edinburgh, and that we shall have some at London, that by Commutation of Counsels, our Common Peace may be the better settled and continued.

You shall try if the Treaty betwixt the Kings Majesty and the Two Houses of Parliament be like to take effect, and shall study to preserve the Interest of this Kingdom in the matter of the settling of the Peace of these Kingdoms: and if you shall find there are real Grounds to hope an Agreement betwixt the King and the Two Houses, in respect both Kingdomes are engaged in the same Cause and Covenant, and have been, and still are under the same Dangers, and to the end our Peace may be more durable, you shall endeavour that before any Agreement of Peace be made, we may be first acquainted therewith, that we may send up Commissions in relation to the Treaty with the King, upon the Propositions, and in relation to mutual Advice, for the settling of the Peace of these Kingdomes, and accordingly as you find the Two Houses inclined therein, you shall give us Advertisement.

You shall according as upon the place it shall be found expedient, present the same Desires to the Two Houses of Parliament in name of this Kingdome, touching the Work of Reformation, as shall be presented to them from this Kirk.

You shall assist Mr Blair in this Imployment, and take his advice and assistance in yours, and give us Advertisement weekly how all matters goe.

You shall publish all Papers either concerning the Proceedings of the Church, or of the Protesters, which are necessary to be known.

You shall endeavour to keep a good Understanding betwixt us and the City, and the Assembly of Divines; and strive to remove all Jealousies betwixt us and them, or betwixt honest men amongst themselves.

You shall endeavour that honest men who have suffered for opposing the Engagement be not prejudiced, but furthered in payment of the Sumes assigned unto them before the Engagement, out of the two hundred thousand pound Sterling, and Brotherly Assistance, for publick Debts or Losses.

You shall acquaint the Speakers of both Houses with his Majesties Letter to this Committee, and our Answer sent to Him.

You shall desire that the Noblemen, and Gentlemen of Quality, and considerable Officers of the Army that went into England under the Duke of Hamilton, and which are now there Prisoners may be kept as Pledges of the Peace of the Kingdomes, especially to prevent a new Disturbance in this Kingdome, or Trouble from this Kingdome to England, until the Peace of both be settled.

You shall acquaint the Two Houses with our Answer to that of L. General Cromwell’s, of the sixth of this Instant, and make use of the Grounds therein mentioned as you shall find occasion.

1648.—September 16 and 21. 3. Letters from Oliver Cromwell to the Committee of Estates.420

For the Right Honᵇˡᵉ the Committee of Estates for the Kingdome of Scotland. These.

Right Honoᵇˡᵉ,

Being my approach to the borders of the kingdome of Scotland, I thought fitt to acquaint you of the reason thereof. It’s well knowne how iniuriously the kingdome of England was lately invaded by the armye vnder Duke Hamilton, contrary to the covenant, and our leagues of amity; and against all the engagemᵗˢ of loue, and brotherhood between the two nations; and notwithstanding the pretence of your late declaration, publish’d to tak with the people of this kingdome. The Commons of England In Parliamᵗ assembled, declared the said armie soe entring as enemyes to the kingdome; and those of England who should adhere to them, as traytors. And having received commands to march wᵗʰ a considerable part of their army to oppose soe greate a violation of faith and iustice, what a witness (God being appealed too) hath borne vpon the engagemᵗ of the two armyes against the vnrighteousness of man, not onely yourselves, but this kingdome, yea, and a greate part of the knowne world, will, I trust, acknowledge how dangerous a thing it is to wage an vniust warre, much more to appeale to God, the righteous iudge therein; wee trust hee will perswade you better by this manifest token of his displeasure, least his hand be stretched out yet more against you, and your poore people alsoe, if they wilbe deceiued. That which I am to demand of you, is the restitution of the garrisone of Berwick and Carlile into my hands for the vse of the Parliamᵗ and kingdome of England. If you deny me herein, I must make our appeale to God, and call upon him for assistance, in what way hee shall direct us; wherein wee are, and shalbe, soe farr from seeking the harme of the well affected people of the kingdome of Scotland, that wee profess (as before the Lord) that what difference an army necessitated in an hostile way to recover the auncient rights and inheritance of the kingdoms, (vnder which they serve,) can make, wee shall vse our endeavour to the vtmost that the trouble may fall vpon the contrivers and authoʳˢ of this breach; and not vpon the poore innocent people, who have been led and compelled into this action, as many poore soules, now prisonʳˢ to vs, confess. We thought our selues bound in duty thus to expostulate with you; and thus to profess, to th’end wee may beare our integrity out before the world, and may have comfort in God, whatever the event bee. Desireing yoʳ answer, I rest

Yoʳ Loᵖᵖˢ humble servant, O. Cromwell.

Septembʳ yᵉ 16ᵗʰ, 1648.

Right Honourable,

Wee perceive that there was upon our advance to the borders, the last Lord’s day, a very disorderly carriage by some horse, who, without order, did steale over the Tweed, and plundred some places in the kingdome of Scotland, and since that, some straglers have been alike faulty to the wrong of the inhabitants, and to our very greate greife of heart. I have been as diligent as I can to finde out the men that have done the wrong, and I am still in the discovery thereof, and I trust it shall appeare to you that there shalbe nothing wanting on my part that may testifie how much wee abhorre such things; and to the best of my information, I cannot finde the least guilt of the fact to lye upon the regiments of this army, but upon some of the northern horse who have not been under our discipline and goverment, untill just that wee came into these parts. I have commanded those forces away back againe into England, and I hope the exemplarity of justice will testifie for us our greate detestation of the fact; for the remayneing forces, which are of our old regiments, wee may engage for them, their officers will keepe them from doinge any such thinges; and wee are confident that, saving victuall, they shall not take any thing from the inhabitants, and in that alsoe, they shalbe soe farre from being their own __________ as that they shall submitt to have provisions ordered and proportiond by the consent, and with the direction, of the committees and gentlemen of the country; and not otherwise. If they please to be assisting to us therein, I thought fitt, for the preventing of misunderstanding, to give your Lordshipps this accompt, and rest,

My Lords, Your most humble servant, O. Cromwell.

Norham, 21ˢᵗ September, 1648.

For the Right Honourable the Committee of Estates of the Kingdome of Scotland, at Edinburgh, These.

1648.—November 20. 4. The General’s Letter to the Speaker of the House of Commons, and the Army’s Remonstrance, presented by Colonel Ewert.421

Mr Speaker,

The General Council of Officers at their late Meeting here, have unanimously agreed on a Remonstrance to be presented to you, which is herewith sent by the hands of Col. Ewers and other Officers; and in regard it concerns matters of highest and present Importance to your self, to us and the whole Kingdom, I do at the desire of the Officers, and in the behalf of them and my self, humbly and earnestly intreat, that it may have a present reading, and the things propounded may be timely considered; and that no failing in Circumstance or Expressions may prejudice either the Reason or Justice of what is tendred, or their intentions, of whose good Affections and Constancy therein you have had so long experience. I remain

Your most Humble Servant, Tho. Fairfax.

For the Honourable William Lenthall, Esq., Speaker of the House of Commons.

Some chief Heads of the Remonstrance, after the Preambulary Part, which is to shew the Messages of the King and Parliament severally, also in all Treaties between them, especially in that they are now in, with Reasons therefore and Objections answered, from whence these Consequences are drawn.

1. That they conceive the Parliament hath abundant cause to lay aside any further Proceeding in this Treaty, and to return to their Votes of Non-addresses, and settle with or against the King, that he may come no more to Government; and this, first by rejecting those Demands of the King for himself and Party, especially concerning his Restitution and coming to London with Freedom; and that they proceed against the King in way of Justice, for evils done by him, and in order thereto, to have him kept in safe custody. 2. To lay aside that bargaining Proposition with Delinquents, which will present the thing done by contract with the King, and not in a judicial way, and by that Power, that no Delinquents be partially dealt with, protected nor pardonable by other Power, only moderated upon submission: and among these Offenders they offer,

(1.) That the King be brought to Justice, as the capital cause of all. (2.) That a timely and peremptory day be set for the Prince of Wales, and Duke of York, to come in and render; if not, they be declared incapable of Government, or any right in England, and stand exiled for ever as Traytors; and if they render themselves by the time, then the Prince to be proceeded against or remitted as he shall give satisfaction, and the Duke the like, and that the Revenue of the Crown be sequestred. Also the 10,000l. to be added, be disposed to publick use. (3.) That publick Justice may be done upon some capital Causers or Actors in the War. (4.) That the rest upon submission may have mercy for their lives. (5.) That the Soldiers have their Arrears, publick Debts paid, chiefly to those who voluntarily laid out their Estates, and ventured their Lives, and this to be done by Fines of Delinquents, and the Estates of those excluded from Pardon. After publick Justice thus done, then that a reasonable certain period be put to this Parliament. There want a hundred good Laws, as many to be repealed, as many to be explained, must not that be first done? and at this period it may be agreed that there be a certain succession of future Parliaments Annual or Biennial, with secure provision. (1.) For the certainty of meeting. (2.) For equal distribution of Elections, to render the Commons House an equal Representative. (3.) For certainty of the Peoples meeting, and that none who have engaged in the late War, or shall engage against the right of Parliament and Kingdom, or adhere to the Enemies thereof, be capable of electing or being elected, during some Years, nor those who shall not join with but oppose this Settlement. (4.) For clearing the Power of this Representative, it be declared to have the supream power, as to the governing and preservation of the whole, as to the People of England, and to altering, repealing, or abolishing of Laws, the making War or Peace, the highest or final Judgment in all civil things: and all Ministers or Officers of State shall be accountable to them, bound and concluded thereby, provided, 1st, They may not censure or question any man after the end of this Parliament for any thing said or done in reference to the late War. 2dly, They may not render up, give or take away any Right, Liberty or Safety contained in this Settlement or Agreement. (5.) That there be Liberty of entring Dissents in the said Representative: in case of Corruption in these highest Trusts, the People may know who are free, and who guilty, that so they may not trust such for the future, but with further Penalty to any for their future Judgment there. That no King be hereafter admitted, but upon Election of, and as upon Trust from the People, by such their Representative, not without first disclaiming and disavowing all Pretence to a Negative Voice against the determination of the said Representative or Commons in Parliament, and that to be done in such Form more clear than heretofore in the Coronation Oath.

These matters of a general Settlement are propounded to be done by this Parliament, and to be further established by a general Contract or Agreement of the People with Subscriptions thereunto; also that it be provided, that none be capable of benefit by this Agreement, who shall not consent and subscribe thereunto, nor any King be admitted to the Crown, or other Person to any other Office or Place of publick Trust, with express accord and subscription to the same. These things they press as good for this and other Kingdoms, and hope it will not be taken ill because from an Army, and so Servants, when their Masters are Servants and Trustees for the Kingdom.

1649. 5. Note of Proceedings in the Convention of Estates relative to the Kirk.

Jan. 16. Act Repealing Acts of Parliament or Committee, made for the late Unlawful Engagement, and Ratifying the Protestation and Opposition against the same, p. 341. Act in favour of the Ministers who were at Mauchlin Muir, p. 346. Act of Commission anent Universitie of St Andrew’s, p. 346.

Jan. 18. Act containing the return of the Estates of Parliament, upon the Testimony communicated unto them by the Commissioners of the General Assembly, and their Concurrence with the same, p. 349.

Jan. 26.—Act ratifying and containing the tenor of the band for securing the peace of the kingdom, and in joining the same to be subscribed, p. 358.

Jan. 25. Act in Favours of the University of St Andrew’s, anent the Rents of the Archbishopric and Priory of St Andrew’s, p. 357.

Jan. 30. Act in Favours of the Town of St Andrew’s, for Provision of a Third Minister, p. 359. Act against Fornication, p. 360.

Feb. 5. Proclamation of King Charles II., p. 363.

Feb. 7. Act anent Securing of the Covenant, Religion, and Peace of the Kingdom, p. 364. Act anent the Catechisms, Confession of Faith, and Ratifying thereof, p. 364.

Feb. 10. Act for Information of the Lieges anent the Securing the Peace of the Kingdom, p. 367.

6. Account of the Duke of Hamiltons Expedition into England, being Excerpts from “Memoirs of his own Life and Times, by Sir James Turner.”—P. 49.

The Committee of Estates, and consequentlie the visible soveraigne pouer of Scotland at that time, is divided between the Duke Hammilton and the Marques of Argile. The last keepd stronglie by the church, and had it for him; and for feare that did not his turne, he keepd the armie, at least Leven and David Leslie for him, as knowing, omnia sunt gladii pidissequa. Yet the Hammiltons had gaind much on Middleton, who had a strong influence on the armie. Hammilton, to beate Argile out of his strongest fortresse, propons the disbanding the armie as very useles now, and which was worse, very burthensome, all the enemies of the state being rangd to their duetie. This was not onlie a plausible pretext, bot ane unansuerable argument; bot marke the reply of the other partie. “Never so great danger as now; the Kings person, which they were bound to defend by the oath of their Covenant (observe, there was no former ty on them,) being in the hands of the Independents, who were suorne enemies to his sacred person and to presbiterie, and carying now all things before them in the English Parliament, were become very formidable.” So impudentlie could these hipocrites make use of the safetie of the King, to support their power, by the usurpation wherof they had brought him to that low condition, and whose destruction they still designd. To this they adde a ridiculouslie palpable ly, that the Marques of Huntley was strong and marching southward, waxd numerous, and to use their oune words, grew great like a snow ball; that poore Marques, in the meane time, hideing himselfe in holes and caves, out of which he is about that same time draune and carried to Edenburgh and cast in the tollbooth, out of which he never came till he was brought to a scaffold. The matter of the armies disbanding is referd to the meeting of a great Committee, whose members are summond by Argile and the kirk to come from the remotest places of the kingdome, and when they meet, they vote the armie to stand.

****

Bot before all this was done, E. Lainrick, brother to Duke Hamilton, is made one of these commissioners, which they called the Committee of both kingdomes. The Chanclor and he went to London, and from thence, by the Parliaments permission to the Ile of Wight, where they had severall conferences with his Majestie. Many concessions they obtaind from him against Poperie, Arminianisme, Socinianisme, Libertinisme, Erastianisme, and I know not what els, and many promises they made to him, and so returned to Scotland. A Parliament is calld, which either consisted of the Royal or purlie Hammiltonian partie; Argiles being the least of the three, the election of the members was so dexterouslie carried. Bot in the Commission of the Kirke, Argile carryd all before him. And now the scene is changd. The King is in no danger; the Parliament of England, thogh independent, and Scotland are good friends; they must not fall out; the union of the tuo kingdomes must be preserved; the King in his concessions, had not taken away Prelacie, and therfore all the rest of his grants were hipocriticall; neither were the Scots bound to defend his person by vertue of the Covenant, bot in the defence of the true religion, which, according to their glosse, is presbiteriall government; and therefor no armie must be raisd for his releasment or restoration, onlie the English Parliament wold be desird to suffer them to treate with the King, whose person, according to promise, sould be keepd in honor, freedome and safetie. Heere yow see ane armie necessare and not necessare, for one and the same cause. Yow will thinke that strange, bot I will unriddle yow. Necessare for the Kings defence, and to withstand the power of the Independents, so long as old Leven and David Leslie commanded it; not necessare for these or any other causes, if Duke Hamilton and Earle Calander had the conduct of it. Whether the great soumes of money the English Commissioners brought with them, had ane influence on the leading men of the state, the kirk and the armie, Sir James Stewart, once Provost of Edinburgh yet alive can well enough tell. This rent betueene the usurped state and the usurped kirk, was the first step to the mine of the whole designe of the yeare 1648; for in the time of this furious dis ... our levies were retarded, and time given to Fairfaxe and Cromwell to destroy all the Kings partie in England. At length the raising of ane armie is carried in spite of Argile and the kirk. Duke Hammilton is declard Generall; E. Calander, (who once more appeard to oune the Kings interest,) Lieutenant Generall of the armie; Mildletone, Lieutenant Generall of the horse, and Baillie of the foot.

Bot before this was dune, a petition is draune up by Argile and his friends, (the Chancellor playing fast and loose with both parties,) which is calld the petition of the armie, which was to secure religion (for these were the kirks words) and the kingdome of Christ, before any forces were raised for the Kings releasment. It is signd privatlie by Leven, Da. Leslie, Major Generall Holburne, Sir Johne Broun, Colonell Scot, and some others, and then presented publiklie to the rest of us, thinking we could not, being sojors, refuse to follow our leaders. Bot they found themselves mistaken; for Major Generall Middletone, and the honnest part of the officers of the armie told them, that such a petition, which lookd so like mutinie, could not be presented to the Parliament without incurring the dishonour which Fairfaxe his armie had draune upon itselfe, to impose on the Parliament of England. To oppose this petition, Middletone was pleasd to make use of me; neither was I, indeed, unwilling to contribute all my endeavors for the destruction of a paper which, if it had beene red, wold have spoke with so loud a voyce, that many of the members who were bot indifferent, wold have spoke Argiles language very plainlie. The busienes was so handled that it was never presented.

Innumerable allmost were the petitions that came from all places of the kingdome, against the raising of forces for his Majesties releasment. Glasgow being a considerable toune, was most refractorie to this Parliament; for Mr Dick, whom they lookd upon as a patriarch, Mr Baillie, Mr Gillespie and Mr Durhame, all mightie members of the kirk of Scotland, had preachd them to a perfite disobedience of all civill power, except such as was authorisd by the Generall Assemblie and Commission of the Kirke; and so indeed was the whole west of Scotland, who cryd up King Christ, and the kingdome of Jesus Christ, therby meaning the uncontroullable and unlimited dominion of the then kirk of Scotland, to whom they thought our Saviour had delivered over his scepter, to governe his militant church as they thought fit. For this reason, I am sent to Glasgow to reduce it to obedience, with three troops of horse, and Holburns regiment of foot, which a litle before that had mutind in the Links of Lieth; (their colonell, lieutenant colonell, and all their captains, haveing deserted them,) bot the mutinie was with some difficultie compesed by myselfe, and that regiment brought by me the length of Cramond, in its march to Glasgow. In Glasgow were many honnest and loyall men, the prime wherof wer the Cambells and the Bells; and indeed I had good helpe of Coline Cambell, James Bell, and Bayliffe James Hamilton. At my comeing there I found my worke not very difficill; for I shortlie learnd to know, that the quartering tuo or three troopers, and halfe a dozen musketeers, was ane argument strong enough, in two or three nights time, to make the hardest headed Covenanter in the toune to forsake the kirk and side with the Parliament. I came on the friday, and nixt day sent to Mr Dick, and desird him and his brethren to say nothing nixt day in their pullpits that might give me just reason to disturbe the peace of the church. In the forenoone he spoke us very faire, and gave us no occasion of offence; but in the afternoone he transgresd all limits of modestie, and raild malitieouslie against both King and Parliament. This obligd me to command all my officers and sojors to goe presentlie out of the church, because I neither could nor would suffer any under my command to be witnesses of a misdemeanor of that nature. At the first Dick was timorous, and promisd, if I wold stay, he wold give me satisfaction; bot I told him I wold trust him no more, since he had broke his promise made in the forenoone. Seeing I intended no worse but to remove, he continued his sermon, and nixt day went to Edenburgh to complaine; bot sent one that same night to make his greeveance to the Duke, who was comd the day before to his palace of Hammilton. Thither I went nixt morning. His Grace approvd of all I had done; and there was reason for it; because I had done nothing bot by his oune order, and his brother E. Lainricks advice. This was that great and well neere inexpiable sinne which I committed against the sacred soveraigntie of the kirk; for which all members were so implacable and irreconcileable enemies to me afterward.

Finding my Glasgow men groune prettie tame, I tenderd them a short paper, which whoever signed I promisd sould be presentlie easd of all quartering. It was nothing bot a submission to all orders of Parliament, agreeable to the Covenant. This paper was afterward by some merrie men christend Turners Covenant. It was quickly signd by all except some inconsiderable persons; and so soone as Duke Hammilton had causd read my letter in Parliament, and the signd papers sent to the Clearke Register, I was orderd to march to Renfrew, to reduce that shire to obedience. I left the Generall of the Artilleries regiment, which was not very strong, at Glasgow, and marchd with my oune (for the Parliament had given me that of Holburns, and my Lord Duke had placd me himselfe at Glasgow, and eleven troops of horse; for still as they were levied in the east, they were sent west to me. I lay at Paislay myselfe with my regiment, and quarterd my troopes round about. Bot the people from severall parishes came so fast to me, offering their obedience to the Parliament, that I knew not well how to quarter my present men, much lesse these troops, and Calanders regiment, which were on their march westward.

Meantime a pettie rebellion must be usherd in by religion, yea, by one of the sacredest misteries of it, even the celebration of our Lords supper; so finely could these pretended saints make that vinculum pacis, that band of peace, the commemoration of our Savieours sufferings and death, that peace so often inculcated, and left as a legacie by our blessed Lord to his whole Church; so handsomelie, I say, could these hipocrits make it the simbole of warre, and bloody broyles. While I lay at Paislay, a communion, as they call it, is to be given at Machlin church, to pertake wherof all good people are permitted to come; but because the times were, forsooth, dangerous, it was thought fit all the men sould come armed. Nixt Monday, which was their thanksgiveing day, there were few lesse to be seene about the church than tuo thousand armed men, horse and foot. I had got some intelligence of the designe before, and had acquainted the Duke with it; who ordered me expreslie not to stirre till Calander and Middletones coming; who accordinglie on the Saturday before the Communion came to Glasgow, where I met them, and then went straight forward to Paislay. A rendezvous is appointed by Calander to be of horse and foot at Steuarton till nixt Monday. From thence Lieut. General Middleton is sent with sixe troopes of horse to Machlin moore, where the armed communicants were said to be. I intreated my Lord Calander (bot to no purpose) not to divide, bot rather march with all his forces, then hazard the overthrow of a few, which might endanger the whole. We advanced with the rest as the foot could march; but it was not long before we heard that the communicants had refused to goe to their houses; and having ressaved a briske charge of Middletons forlorne hope, had worsted it; and that himselfe and Colonell Urrey comeing up to the rescue, were both wounded in the heade; which had so appalld their troopes, that if they lossd no ground, they were glad to keepe what they had, and looke upon the saincts. These unexpected news made Calander leave my regiment at Kilmarnock, and take his horse with him up to Middletone. I intreated him to march at least at a great trot, if not at a gallope; bot he would be more orderlie, and therefor marched more sloulie. We met numbers of boys and bedees, weeping and crying all was lost; bot at our appearance the slashing communicants left the field, the horse trulie untouchd, because not fiercelie pursued. About sixtie of their foot were taken, and five officers. The ministers that came in our power, who had occasiond the mischiefe, were nixt day dismisd. Nixt day we marchd into Aire, where a court of warre is appointed to be keepd about the prisoners. The country fellows of them are pardoned; the officers sentenced to be hanged or shot; bot therafter were pardond; to which I was very instrumentall, thogh I had bene president in the court of warre. Lieutenant Generall Middletons wound, and Colonel Urreys, sufferd them to ride abroad within foure or five days. We knew not well what to doe, for Lambert was on the Border with a strong part of the English armie, and in a manner keepd Sir Marmaduke Langdail blockd up at Carlile. Our west countrey was not at all setled, bot very readie for new commotions. Upon this E. Calander desires a conference with the Duke, who then was at Edinburgh, to be at his oune house of Hamilton, to which the Duke readilie assented.

I had left my wife at Glasgow, and, therfor, desird libertie to goe there, and bid her good night, and accordinglie went thither. Within two nights came E. Calander and Lieutenant Generall Middletone, and with them I went to Hammilton, takeing my leave of my deare wife, whom I did not see againe till she saw me prisoner at Hull.

At Hammilton, we could not bot with much regret and displeasure consider that Sir Marmaduke, and his Lieutenant Generall Sir Philip Mushgrave, both gentlemen of untainted loyaltie and gallantrie, had not onlie unseasonablie, and contrare to the advices given them, raisd above 3000 foot and horse, bot had marchd with them into Lancashire, and therby had given a just pretext to the Parliament to send Lambert with a more considerable power, to give a stop to their further proceedings: which he did so vigorouslie, that Langdale was glad to shelter himselfe under the walls of Carlile. This exposd him to a certaine and present ruine, unles he were succourd. To marche to his reliefe, were to leave the halfe of our forces in Scotland unleavied, and ane enemie behind our hand, ourselvs in very bad condition, without money, meale, artillerie, or amunition; to suffer him to perish was against honor, conscience, and the reason both of state and warre. It wold have given our enemies occasion to insult; wold have brought the Dukes honor (rudlie enough dealt with [by] some before) to an everlasting losse, and wold have given such just apprehensions of jealousies to the royalists in England, that never one of them wold have joynd with us, or ound us. The further debate of this busienes is delayd till the Duke, Calander and Middletone went to Edenburgh to advise with the Committee of Estates, for the Parliament was then dissolvd. Bot in the meanetime, Colonell Lockheart is sent to command some brigads of horse at Anan, and I orderd to goe presentlie to Drumfreis, to take the command of sixe or seven regiments of foot, which were to be shortlie there. Our neernes to Carlile was thought might give Lambert some ombrages of both a stronger and a neerer approach. Neither were we mistaken in our conjecture; for so soone as we began to rally there, he drew his troops neeer together, and so Sir Marmaduk got aire, and with it some meale for himselfe, and grasse for his horses.

In this posture did Lockheart and I stay about a fortnight, tuelve miles distant one from ane other, till (Sir Marmaduks reliefe being concluded on at Edenburgh as purely necessare,) my L. Duke, E. Calander, and Lieutenant Generall Middletone and Baillie, with many bot weake regiments of horse and foot, randevoused at Anan. There I met them with my little infantrie, amunition, and a great deale of meale, which had beene sent to me from Edenburgh and other places. Nixt day we advanced into England, order being given for all the regiments of the whole kingdome to haste after us, except such as were orderd to stay for defence of the countrey against our hidden enemies; and these were to be commanded by E. Lainrick, as commander in chiefe at home. Our advance obligd Lambert to retire. Some skirmishes we had with him for a day or tuo, bot to litle purpose. At length be got to Steinmure, where he beganne to fortifie himselfe. The Duke is necessitated to stay ten or twelve days at Kirbie-thure, to ressave those regiments were marching from Scotland, which did not exceed the halfe of their numbers they sould have beene, all neulie levied, raw and undisciplind; and that summer was so excessivelie rainie and wet, that I may say it was not possible for us to keepe one musket often fixd, all the time we were in a bodie in England. Adde to this that we had no canon, nay not one field peece, very litle amunition, and not one officer to direct it. Deare Sandie being groune old and doated, had given no fitting orders for these things. Whill the Duke lyes at Kirbie-thure, Sir Marmaduke beseegeth the castle of Applebie, in which Lambert had left a guarreson. I am sent with tuo brigads to ly neere him, for feare Lambert sould face about upon him. Within a few days the castle yeelded.

****

My Lord Duke marcheth on with this ill equipd and ill orderd armie of his, in which I being Colonell of a regiment, I officiated also as Adjutant Generall, or rather indeed doeing the duetie of Major Generall of the infantrie, since there was none named for it. To relieve Langdale at Carlile brought us out of the roade, and truelie we never came in the right way againe; so true is the old saying, once wrong and ay wrong. At Hornbie, a days march beyond Kendall, it was advisd whether we sould march be Lancashire, Cheshire and the western counties, or if we sould goe into Yorkshire, and so put ourselvs in the straight roade to London, with a resolution to fight all wold oppose us. Calander was indifferent; Middleton was for Yorkshire, Baillie for Lancashire. When my opinion was askd, I was for Yorkshire, and for this reason onlie, that I understood Lancashire was a close countrey, full of ditches and hedges, which was a great advantage the English would have over raw and undisciplind musketeers; the Parliaments armie consisting of experienced and well traind sojors, and excellent firemen; on the other hand, Yorkshire being a more open countrey, and full of heaths, where we both might make use of our horse, and come sooner to push of pike. My Lord Duke was for Lancashire way, and it seemd he had hopes that some forces would joyne with him in his march that way. I have indeed heard him say, that he thought Manchester his oune, if he came neere it. Whatever the matter was, I never saw him tenacieous in any thing during the time of his command bot in that. We choosd to goe that way, which led us to our ruine. Our march was much retarded by most rainie and tempestuous weather, wherof I spoke before, the elements fighting against us; and by staying for countrey horses to carry our little amunition. The vanguard is constantlie given to Sir Marmaduke, upon condition he sould constantlie furnish guides, pioneers for clearing the ways, and which was more than both these, to have good and certaine intelligence of all the enemies’ motions. Bot whither it was by our falt or his neglect, want of intelligence helpd to ruine us; for Sir Marmaduke was well neere totallie routed before we knew that it was Cromwell that attacked us: Quos vult perdere, hos dementat Jupiter.