Miscellaneous Historical Documents. RELATIVE TO THE ECCLESIASTICAL AND POLITICAL EVENTS IN SCOTLAND—1643. (continued 2)

We had, as I wrote, obtained a subcommittee of five to join with us for preparing to the great committee some materials for a directory. At our first meeting, for the first hour, we made pretty progress, to see what should be the work of an ordinary Sabbath, separate from fasts, communions, baptisms, marriage. Here came the first question, about readers. The assembly had passed a vote before we came, That it is a part of the pastor’s office to read the scriptures: what help he may have herein by these who are not pastors, it is not yet agitate. Always these of best note about London are now in use, in the desk, to pray, and read in the Sunday morning four chapters, and expone some of them, and cause sing two psalms, and then to go to the pulpit to preach. We are not against the minister’s reading and exponing when he does not preach: we fear it put preaching in a more narrow and discreditable room than we could wish, if all this work be laid on the minister before he preach. My overture was, to pass over that block in the beginning, and all other matter of great debate, till we have gone over these things wherein we did agree. This was followed. So, beginning with the pastor in the pulpit, and leaving till afterwards how families should be prepared in private for the work of the Sabbath, and what should be their exercise before the pastor came to the pulpit, our first question was about the preface before prayer. As for the minister’s bowing in the pulpit, we did misken it; for, besides the Independents vehemency against it, there is no such custom here used by any: so we thought it unseasonable to move it in the very entry, but minds in due time to do the best for it we may. A long debate we had about the conveniency of prefacing, yet at last we agreed on the expediency of it. We were next settling on the manner of the prayer, if it were good to have two prayers, as we use, before sermon; or but one, as they use: if in that first prayer it were meet to take in the king, church, and sick, as they do; or leave these to the last prayers, as we. While we are sweetly debating on these things, in came Mr Goodwin, who incontinent essayed to turn all upside down, to reason against all directories, and our very first grounds; also that all prefacing was unlawful; that, according to 1 Tim. ii. 1. it was necessary to begin with prayer, and that in our first prayer we behoved to pray for the king. All these our debates, private and publick, I have in writ: at meeting you shall have any of them you will. The most of all the assembly write, as also all the people almost, men, women, and children, write at preaching. That day God opened my mouth somewhat to my own contentment, to Goodwin’s new motions; I thought I got good new extemporal answers; however, he troubled us so, that after long debates we could conclude nothing. For the help of this evil, we thought it best to speak with him in private; so we invited him to dinner, and spent an afternoon with him very sweetly. It were a thousand pities of that man; he is of many excellent parts. I hope God will not permit him to go on to lead a faction for renting of the kirk. We and he seemed to agree pretty well in the most things of the directory. Always how all will be, I cannot yet say; but with the next you will hear more; for we now resolve to use all means to be at some point. Our letter to foreign churches, formed by Mr Marshall, except some clauses belonging to us put in by Mr Henderson, is now turned into Latin by Mr Arrowsmith, (a man with a glass eye, in place of that which was put out by an arrow,) a learned divine, on whom the assembly put the writing against the Antinomians. Mr Rutherford’s other large book against the Independents is in the press, and will do good. I am glad my piece is yet in; for if need be to put it out, I can make it much better than it was. Thus much for our church-affairs which most concern us.

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To Scotland. February 18, 1644.—Since my last, January 1st, affairs there had this progress, so far as I understand. The assembly having past, albeit with long debate, yet with reasonable good accord in the end, sundry conclusions, according to our mind, anent all the officers of the church severally; before they entered on their duties, as conjoined in sessions, presbyteries, and synods, for ordination and jurisdiction, they thought meet to consider some things further in the officers, both extraordinary and ordinary, some moe characters of the apostles, their power to ordain officers in all congregations, their power to send out evangelists to ordain any where, their power to decide all questions either of doctrine or fact by word or writ. After much debate arising from mere jealousies, that these things were brought in for prejudice and far ends, at last there was agreeance, while the 14th of Acts, 23d verse, was brought for a proof of the apostles power of ordination, and was going to be voiced. Very learned and acute Mr Gillespie, a singular ornament of our church, than whom not one in the whole assembly speaks to better purpose, and with better acceptance by all the hearers, advertised, that the word χειϱοτονησαντϵς, of purpose by the Episcopal translators turned ordaining, was truly chusing, importing the people’s suffrages in electing their officers. Hence arose a tough debate, that took up two whole sessions. Mr Henderson’s overture ended the plea; for granting, that in the latter part of the verse, the apostles praying and fasting might import their imposition of hands and ordaining, he advised to put the proof on the whole verse, and not on any part, with an express declaration of the assembly’s sense and intention not to prejudge any argument which in due time might be alledged out of this place, either for popular election or against it. In the debating of a proposition, anent the pastor’s power to judge who was meet to be admitted to the table, and who to be excluded, and who to be excommunicated, there were sundry weighty questions stated, especially that of excommunication, by Mr Selden; avowing, with Erastus, that there was no such censure in scripture, and what it was, was merely civil: also that of suspension from the sacrament, the Independents denying the lawfulness of all such censures; these were remitted to their own place. And at last the committee gave in their propositions anent ordination: 1st, That it was a solemn designation of persons for church-officers; the next, That it was always to be continued in the church; the 3d, who were to ordain; the 4th, who to be ordained; the 5th, what rites and actions to be used in ordination. Upon the first two, and their scripture-probations, after two, or three, or four sessions debates, there was a reasonable good accord; but in our last three will be our great controversy. The good God grant us to agree to the truth in them. To-day the debate will begin. The Independents, holding off with long weapons, and debating all things too prolixly which come within twenty miles of their quarters, were taken up sundry times, somewhat sharply, both by divines and parliament-men; to whom their replies ever were quick and high, at will. At last, foreseeing that they behoved, ere long, to come to the point, they put out in print, on a sudden, an apologetical narration of their way, which long had lien ready beside them, wherein they petition the parliament, in a most sly and cunning way, for a toleration, and withal lend too bold wipes to all the Reformed churches, as imperfect yet in their reformation, while their new model be embraced, which they set out so well as they are able. This piece abruptly they presented to the assembly, giving to every member a copy: also, they gave books to some of either House. That same day they invited us, and some principal men of the assembly, to a very great feast, when we had not read their book, so no word of that matter was betwixt us; but so soon as we looked on it, we were mightily displeased therewith, and so were the most of the assembly, and we found a necessity to answer it, for the vindication of our church from their aspersions. What both we and others shall reply, ye will hear ere long in print. The thing in itself coming out at this time, was very apt to have kindled a fire, and it seems both the devil and some men intended it, to contribute to the very wicked plot, at that same instant a-working, but shortly after discovered almost miraculously. Yet God, who overpowers both devils and men, I hope shall turn that engine upon the face of its crafty contrivers, and make it advantageous for our cause.

The other day, his Excellence, my Lord Essex, came to the assembly, with the warrant of both Houses to sit as a member; where, after he had given his oath, as the form is, to propone or consent to nothing but what he was persuaded was according to the word of God, he was welcomed by a harangue from the prolocutor. We had so contrived it with my Lord Wharton, that the Lords that day did petition the assembly, they might have one of the divines to attend their House for a week, as it came about, to pray to God with them. Some days thereafter the Lower House petitioned for the same. Both their desires were gladly granted; for by this means the relicks of the service-book, which till then was every day used in both Houses, are at last banished. Paul’s and Westminster are purged of their images, organs, and all which gave offence. My Lord Manchester made two fair bonfires of such trinkets at Cambridge. We had two or three committees for settling orders to have our covenant received universally in all the country, also for sending it, with a large narration of our condition in Latin, to the churches abroad; all which will come abroad in print. Being wearied with the length of their proceedings, and foreseeing an appearance of a breach with the Independents, we used all the means we could, while the weather was fair, to put them to the spurs. After privy conference with the special men, we moved, in publick, to have an answer to our paper, anent the officers of the church, and assemblies thereof, that we might give account to our church of our diligence. We were referred, as we had contrived it, to the grand committee to give in to it what further papers we thought meet, which the assembly should take to their consideration. They were very earnest to have us present at their committees, where all their propositions, which the assembly debated, were framed. This we shifted, as too burdensome, and unfitting our place; but we thought it better to give in our papers to the great committee appointed to treat with us: so we are preparing for them the grounds of our assemblies and presbyteries. Also we wrote a common letter to the commission of our church, desiring a letter from them to us for putting us to more speed, in such terms as we might show it to the assembly. Likewise we pressed the sub-committee to go on in the directory. At that meeting Mr Goodwin brought Mr Nye with him; which we thought an impudent intrusion; but took no notice of it. After that all we had done had been ranversed, we had so contrived it, that it was laid, by all, upon us to present, at the next meeting, the matter of all the prayers of the Sabbath-day. This, with much labour, we drew up, and gave in at the third meeting; whereupon as yet they are considering. By this means, ye may perceive, that though our progress be small, yet our endeavours are to the uttermost of our strength. These things must be more advanced by your prayers, than by our pains; else they will stick, and lets will be insuperable.

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Great longing is for the news of the Scots. We have got no letters since the 12th of December; so great a care have you of our information. It is reported here, that on Wednesday last, the Scots army entered Newcastle without blood. If that be, it is a great mercy of God, and of huge consequence; but now of a long time we have been beaten with so many divers reports, that we believe nothing, and marvel, that for so long a time we have no certainty at all either of the condition of that army or of our nation. Thursday’s ceremony was performed very solemnly. After Marshall’s sermon, now in print, the procession went a very long way, from Christ’s church to Taylor’s hall. The trained bands in arms on each side of the whole streets; the Common Council in their gowns marching; first the Mayor and Aldermen in their scarlet gowns on horseback; after them the General, Admiral, and the rest of the Lords, and officers of the armies, on foot; next to them the House of Commons, with their Speaker, and his mace before him; after the assembly of divines. It was appointed that we should go betwixt the assembly and the House of Commons; but my Lord Maitland being drawn away with the Lords, and we not loving to take place before all the divines of England, stole away to our coach; and when there was no way for coaches, for throng of people, we went on foot, with great difficulty, through huge crowdings of people. While all passed through Cheapside, there was a great bonfire kindled, where the rich cross wont to stand, of many fine pictures of Christ and the saints, of relicks, beads, and such trinkets. The feast was great, valued at £4000 Sterling; yet had no desert, nor musick, but drums and trumpets. In the great laigh hall were four tables for the Lords and Commons. The Mayor at the head of the chief in an upper room. Two long tables for the divines; at the head of the which we were set, with their prolocutor. All was concluded with a psalm, whereof Dr Burgess read the line. There was no excess in any we heard of. The Speaker of the House of Commons drank to the Lords in name of all the Commons of England. The Lords stood all up, every one with his glass, for they represent none but themselves, and drunk to the Commons. The Mayor drank to both, in name of the city. The sword-bearer, with his strong cap of maintenance still fixed on his head, came to us with the Mayor’s drink. This ceremony was a fair demonstration of the great unanimity of all these whom Oxford plot would have divided. Yet we wish the union in reality had been as great as it was in shew. Within a few days we found, that all plots were not at an end; but the jealousies betwixt the Houses were like to break out more than ever: which God, I hope, now has also composed.

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Upon Saturday the House of Lords sent to us in the assembly an account of another plot from Oxford, to this purpose. Captain Ogle, some six weeks ago prisoner, propones to his keeper, Devonish, a purpose he had to draw the Independents, and all these who were like to be grieved with the Scots presbytery, to compound with the King. For this effect, the keeper, a subtle knave, colluded with him. By the General’s permission, Ogle got leave to speak with Mr Nye and Mr Goodwin, who were desired to hear his propositions, and seem to consent to them. The design is communicated to Bristol; who heartily embraced it, and, according to Ogle’s desire, sends him £100, and a warrant to his keeper under the King’s hand for his freedom. Being dismissed, and come to Oxford, he is made one of the gentlemen-pensioners; and fills all Oxford with hopes, that the Independents, Brownists, and the like, would all compone. Bristol, under his hand, gives them a full assurance of so full a liberty of their conscience as they could wish, inveighing withal against the Scots cruel invasion, and the tyranny of our Presbytery, equal to the Spanish inquisition. It were longsome to write all the story, wherewith we were acquainted in great secrecy, foot by foot, as it proceeded.

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So soon as Monday last, Mr Cheesly306 made his report to the House of Commons, what he had seen in our army, which he had left the Wednesday before. All his relation was put in print, and £100 Ster. appointed him for his good news. The joint declaration of both kingdoms, which he brought, passed presently both Houses. These things were brought in a very important nick of time, by God’s gracious providence. Never a more quick passage, from Holy Island to Yarmouth in thirty hours; they had not cast anchor half an hour before the wind turned contrary. Mr Cheesly had no sooner made his report, when, I think, within few hours, a trumpet from Oxford brought to the General a large parchment, directed only to the Earl of Essex, subscribed by Charles, P. York, and Cumberland, (Prince Rupert is now Duke of Cumberland,) with the hands of some forty Lords more, and a number of Commons, now at Oxford, who have deserted or been expelled the House of Westminster; speaking much to the praise of the King, and danger of our invasion; conjuring Essex to draw these who intrusted him (no word of the houses of parliament) to begin a treaty of peace. This is the upshot of their long plots; and truly, if it had come a little before Mr Cheesly, when none here had great hopes of the Scots army, it might have brangled this weak people, and the strong lurking party might have been able to have begun a treaty without us, which twould have undone all. The certainty of our army’s coming made the Oxford parchment unseasonable. For answer, Essex sent the joint declaration of both kingdoms, which will be a very comfortless morsel at Oxford, being backed with yesternight’s news, whereof the General assured us of the total rout of the Irish army, at Nantwich, by Sir Thomas Fairfax, the killing of many, the taking of 1700 prisoners, five colonels, and Major-General Gibson, with a great number of officers, all their cannon and baggage. This victory is of great consequence many ways. We hope it will encourage a party at Oxford, in their design of purging the court of Cottington, Digby, Bristol, Jermyn, and the like.

Manchester, in our synod, in the name of the Lords, did move to expedite the point of ordination, that so gracious youths who so long have expected, may be admitted. A committee drew up two propositions for that end: 1. That in extraordinary cases something extraordinary might be done, keeping always so near to the rule as may be; 2. That for the present necessity, the ministers of London may be appointed by the houses of parliament to ordain ministers for London. The Independents, do what we are all able, have kept us debating these fourteen days on these two propositions; but little to their advantage; for I hope this day shall conclude the propositions: and now all the world proclaims in their faces, that they, and they only, have been the retarders of the assembly, to the evident hazard of the church’s safety, which will not be much longer suffered. Canterbury every week is before the Lords for his trial; but we have so much to do, and he is a person now so contemptible, that we take no notice of his process.

January 3. The bearer’s much longer stay for a ship than I expected, will make these letters come very late. Since, there has been but small progress in affairs. After our fourteen days debate for a present way of ordination, upon the desire of the Lords in this extraordinary necessity, when we were ready to conclude it, upon my Lord Sey’s harangue and vehement desire, it was laid aside; and upon hope made by him and his followers of the quick dispatch of the ordinary way, we fell on the long-wished-for subject of the presbytery; whereupon we have been skirmishing ever since. The proposition we stick on is. That no particular congregation may be under the government of one classical presbytery. The Independents agree for the negative; but finding, that all they brought yet was but vellications on quiddities, the most was impatient of their ways; so much the more, as this day being pressed to answer to the scriptures, which the committee had given in for the affirmation, they were obstinate to end first their negative. They promised at last to come to their scriptural objections; but would not name their scriptures beforehand. By this the most took them rather to seek vantage and victory, than the truth in so ingenuous a way as they professed. However, the matter cannot take long debate. The heat and clamorous confusion of this assembly is often times greater than with us. The reason, I think, is their way, both in assembly and parliament, to divest the speaker and prolocutor of all authority, and turn them to a very and mere chair, as they call them. We mind yet again to essay the Independents in a privy conference, if we can draw them to a reasonable accommodation; for to that toleration they aim at we cannot consent. In the committee for the directory, we gave in the matter of publick prayer. It was taken well by all the committee, and I hope shall pass. It was laid on __________ to draw up a directory for both sacraments; on Mr Marshall for preaching; on Mr Palmer for catechising; on Mr Young for reading of scriptures, and singing of psalms; on Mr Goodwin and Mr Herle for fasting and thanksgiving. Had not the debate upon the main point of differing, (the presbytery,) withdrawn all our minds, before this these tasks had been ended. However, we expect, by God’s grace, shortly to end these. What is behind in the directory, will all be committed the next time to the forenamed hands; and if it had passed these, we apprehend no great difficulty in its passing the great committee, the assembly, and parliament. We get good help in our assembly-debates of my Lord Wariston; but of none more than of that noble youth Mr Gillespie. I truly admire his faculty, and bless God, as for all my colleagues, so for him in that faculty with the first of the whole assembly. The Anabaptists and Antinomians increase; which yet cannot be helped.

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Montrose has contrived a wicked band and oath, against all who have taken the covenant, for the assistance of England, as traitors, which, we hear, Kinnoul, Traquair, and others, have refused, with disdain. However, ye would look to yourselves, and know well whom you trust. Yet we hope in our God that our army in England shall break the neck of all these wicked designs. The good party here were neither very able nor willing to move much till our state-commissioners came. At their first coming, they drew the form of an ordinance, whereby seven Lords and fourteen Commons, should join with our four commissioners, whereof five should make a quorum, viz. one Lord, two Commons, two Scots, for giving of counsel, for ordering and directing the armies in the three kingdoms for the ends expressed in the covenant. When we had agreed with Sir Harry Vane and the Solicitor, upon the draught, it was gotten through the House of Lords with little difficulty, where most was expected; my Lord Sey, upon new occurrences, being somewhat of the general; my Lord Northumberland joining effectually with all our desires, our army being now masters of his lands; also Stapleton being put on the committee, and desirous to be sent to salute our army. Hollis, Clotworthy, and others, were put off it; so a great business was made on it: yet it was carried over the belly of the opposers. But they tuned themselves about another way, and wrought on the facility of the General, deaving him with demonstrations of his limitation and degradation by this committee; that it made void the close committee of safety; it took the power to manage the war, to do all; which was to infringe his commission, subjecting him only to the two Houses, and no committee from them. Hereupon the House of Lords alters, and puts other six Lords, and twelve Commons to the former, limits the committee’s power to advising and consulting, makes the English quorum to consist of three Lords and six Commons. Upon this demur we gave a short and sharp enough paper to both Houses, to be at a point, if they thought to make any use of our committee, which so oft and so earnestly they had sought for. It was so guided, that the Commons unanimously agreed to the former ordinance, and required the Lords to stand in their own hazard. This day the Lords have well near agreed to the former ordinance. If this were past, we look for a new life and vigour in all affairs, especially if it please God to send a sweet north wind, carrying the certain news of the taking of Newcastle, which we daily expect. By all this you see what great need we have all of your effectual prayers. How great things are presently in hand! the highest affairs both of church and state being now in agitation, the diligence and power both of devils, and all kind of human enemies, being in their extreme bent-sail of opposition, either now or never to overthrow us, so much the more should your courage be to pray; as I persuade you the former supplications are all turned in sensible blessings on us; all here, as in body and mind, praise to his name, being supported to this day, as you do wish; which we truly ascribe in a good part to your intercession, which we intreat may continue and increase, especially for assistance to me in preaching the last Wednesday of this month before the House of Commons in the fast-day. This is all, but yet a great recompense, which I require of you for my long letters in a time not of much leisure. The Lord give an happy and quick end to all these confusions, and settle again these poor churches and kingdoms in truth and justice.

Since the closing of my last, the hard and great business of the joint committee is happily concluded, fully according to our mind, praised be God; for once we were in great fear of its miscarriage, and of the dividing of the one House from the other upon it. They began to sit yesterday: and are appointed to sit every day at three o’clock, and oftener on occasion: henceforth we expect expedition.

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It is said, these of Oxford are so far fallen, as to acknowledge the parliament at Westminster, and to put down Episcopacy, and to disclaim the cessation of Ireland. If our march to Newcastle has produced this much, I hope our taking of it shall obtain the rest. I hope our synod-affairs shall have a more speedy dispatch. A course will be shortly taken with all sectaries, and is begun already. The misorders which are at this time in New England, will make the Independents more willing to accommodate and comply with us. Praise to God we all are well, chearful, and hopeful, by your prayers, to see the advancement of a glorious work here.

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To Mr William Spang.

You have a large report from me, how all went here to the 18th of February. My leisure since has been but small; and as yet I have no time. Only know, that your letters to us were exceeding welcome; and for your good service to God, and us, in due time, you shall receive thanks. My nephew is gone home, with his most loving remembrance of your great kindness. The other day some of the Dutch church came to the assembly-door, and delivered a letter to us, from the classes of Wallachren. It was publickly read, and taken with a great deal of respect. It came wonderful opportunely, and will do a great deal of good. The long and sharp censure of the apologetick narration was very well received by all, but the parties, who yet were altogether silent, and durst not oppose one word. A committee was presently appointed for translating it into English, and transmitting it, to be read, to both houses of parliament, both in Latin and English. What there it may work, you shall hear in time. It spoke so near to the mind and words of the Scots, that some said it savoured of them; but when some such muttering was brought to the face of the assembly, all did deny they knew any author of such a speech; so, no man avowing it, the Scots let such a calumny pass, without any apology. I believe they wished, and thought it just, that all the Reformed churches should do all which the divines of Wallachren hath, in the defence of the cause of God, and all the Reformed churches, against common and very dangerous adversaries. But I heard them say, in private, that they had no correspondence at all with any foreign churches; it might be that some of them had sometimes letters from the minister of the Scots staple at Campvere, but that none of them had sent him either the apologetical narration, or so much as our answer to it; that they had never motioned any censure of that book by the foreign divines. However, in the good providence of God, that letter came. It is expected the synod of Zealand will not only avow what their brethren have written, but will give their brotherly advice to this synod, anent all the things in hand; which I assure you will be very well taken, and do much good; especially, if with their serious dissuasive from Independency, and cordial exhortation to erect presbyteries and synods, they join their counsels for abolishing the relicks of Romish superstition, in their festival days and liturgy, &c., and, above all, to beware of any toleration of sects, wherein you are an evil and dangerous example. If you assist us at this time, God may make us helpful to you another day. Farewell. March 10th.

April 2, 1644.—Since the 18th of February, till now, I have so little leisure, especially by my preparing and preaching my parliament-sermon, wherein, praised be God, I was graciously assisted, that I could not attend the writing of any long letter; but now, that task being off my hand, I may better wait on my friends. I shewed, in my last, how we were brought, in our assembly, to our chief question, That many particular congregations were under the government of one presbytery. The Independents pressed they might first be heard in the negative. Here they spent to us many of twenty long sessions. Goodwin took most of the speech upon him; yet they divided their arguments among them, and gave the managing of them by turns, to Bridges, Burroughs, Nye, Simpson, and Caryl. Truly, if the cause were good, the men have plenty of learning, wit, eloquence, and, above all, boldness and stiffness, to make it out; but when they had wearied themselves, and overwearied us all, we found the most they had to say against the presbytery, was but curious idle niceties; yea, that all they could bring was no ways concluding. Every one of their arguments, when it had been pressed to the full, in one whole session, and sometimes in two or three, were voiced, and found to be light, unanimously by all but themselves. By this means their credit did much fall in the city, who understood daily all we did, and found these men had got much more than fair play, a more free liberty than any innovators ever in any assembly, to reason their cause to the bottom; but farther in the country, who knew not the manner of our proceedings, their emissaries filled the ears of the people, that the assembly did cry down the truth with votes, and was but an Anti-christian meeting, which would erect a presbytery worse than bishops.

For to remeid these evils, and to satisfy the minds of all, we thought meet to essay how far we could draw them in a private friendly way of accommodation; but Satan, the father of discord, had well near crushed that motion in the very beginning. After our first meeting, with some three of the assembly, Marshall, Palmer, Vines, and three of them, Goodwin, Burroughs, Bridges, with my Lord Wharton, Sir Harry Vane, and the Solicitor, in our house, and very fair appearances of pretty agreement, Mr Nye was like to spoil all our play. When it came to his turn in the assembly to opugn the presbytery, he had, from Matth. xviii. drawn in a crooked unformal way, which he never could get in a syllogism, the inconsistence of a presbytery with a civil state. In this he was cried down as impertinent. The day following, when he saw the assembly full of the prime nobles and chief members of both Houses, he did fall on that argument again, and very boldly offered to demonstrate, that our way of drawing a whole kingdom under one national assembly, is formidable; yea, thrice over pernicious to civil states and kingdoms. All cried him down, and some would have had him expelled the assembly as seditious. Mr Henderson showed, he spoke against the government of ours, and all the Reformed churches, as Lucian and the Pagans wont to stir up princes and states against the Christian religion. We were all highly offended with him. The assembly voted him to have spoken against the order; this is the highest of their censures. Maitland was absent; but enraged when he heard of it. We had many consultations what to do; at last, we resolved to pursue it no further, only we would not meet with him, except he acknowledged his fault. The Independents were resolute not to meet without him, and he resolute to recal nothing of the substance of that he had said. At last, we were intreated by our friends, to shuffle it over the best way might be, and to go on in our business. God, that brings good out of evil, made that miscarriage of Nye a mean to do him some good; for, ever since, we find him, in all things, the most accommodating man in the company.

This, and sundry occurrences, have made the sails of that party fall lower. My Lord Sey’s credit and reputation is none at all, which wont to be all in all. Sir Harry Vane, whatever be his judgement, yet less or more does not own them, and gives them no encouragement. No man I know, in either of the Houses, of any note, is for them. Sundry officers and soldiers in the army are fallen from their way to Antinomianism and Anabaptism, which burdens them with envy. Not any one in the assembly, when they have been heard to the full in any one thing, is persuaded by them; but all profess themselves to be more averse from their ways than before. The brethren of New England incline more to synods and presbyteries, driven thereto by the manifold late heresies, schisms, and factions, broken out among them; also the many pens that have fallen more sharply than we on their Apologetick Narration. These, and divers other accidents, have cooled somewhat of these mens fervour; above all, the letter from Holland has given them a great wound. Our good friend in Zealand gave to his neighbour so good information of all heard from us here, that so soon as the classes of Wallachren did meet to consult about the letter which this synod sent to them, as to all the Reformed churches, they were very bent presently to write an answer, in the which they fell flat and expressly upon the Independents, and their Apologetick Narration, shewing how far their way was contrary to the word of God, to the Reformed churches, and to all sound reason. This was read openly in the face of the assembly, and in the ears of the Independents, who durst not mute against it. It was appointed to be translated into English, and sent to be read in both Houses of parliament, which was done accordingly. This has much vexed the minds of these men, and yet we expect from the synod of Zealand, now sitting, more water to be put in their wine. It seems they are justly crossed by God; for beside all the error and great evil which is in their way, they have been the only men who have kept this poor church in an anarchy so long a time, who have preferred the advancement of their private new fancies to the kingdom of Christ, who have lost many thousand souls through the long confusion occasioned by their wilfulness only, and the settling of the land, which their way hitherto has kept loose and open, to the evident hazard of its ruin. Their ways, private and publick, have taken away from the most of beholders, the opinion which was of their more than ordinary piety and ingenuity: that now is gone. All this contributes to the peace of this church. While we came to prove the affirmative of our tenet anent the presbytery, they jangled many days with us; but at last it was carried, and sundry scriptures were voiced also for that proposition, to our great joy. In the debate, they let fall so much of their mind, that it was hoped they might come up, if not fully to our grounds, yet to most of our practical conclusions. For this end the assembly appointed a committee of four of them, and four of the assembly, to meet with us four, to see how far we could agree. We were glad that what we were doing in private should be thus authorised. We have met some three or four times already, and have agreed on five or six propositions, hoping, by God’s grace, to agree in more. They yield, that a presbytery, even as we take it, is an ordinance of God, which hath power and authority from Christ, to call the ministers and elders, or any in their bounds, before them, to account for any offence in life or doctrine, to try and examine the cause, to admonish and rebuke, and if they be obstinate, to declare them as Ethnicks and publicans, and give them over to the punishment of the magistrates, also doctrinally to declare the mind of God in all questions of religion, with such authority as obliges to receive their just sentences; that they will be members of such fixed presbyteries, keep the meeting, preach as it comes to their turn, join in the discipline after doctrine. Thus far we have gone on without prejudice to the proceeding of the assembly. When we were going to the rest of the propositions concerning the presbytery, my Lord Manchester wrote to us from Cambridge, what he had done in the university, how he had ejected for gross scandals, the heads of five colleges, Dr Coosings, Beel, Sterne, Ramborne, and another; that he had made choice of five of our number, to be masters in their places, Mr Palmer, Vines, Seaman, Arrowsmith, and our countryman Young, requiring the assembly’s approbation of his choice; which was unanimously given; for they are all very good and able divines. Also, because of the multitude of scandalous ministers, he behoved to remove, he renewed to the assembly his former motion, anent the expediting of ordination. This has cast us on that head. We have voted sundry propositions of it. The last four sessions were spent upon an unexpected debate: Good Mr Calamy, and some of our best friends, fearing the Separatists objections, anent the ministry of England, as if they had no calling, for this reason, among others, That they were ordained without the people’s election, yea, without any flock; for the fellows of their colleges are ordained ministers sine titulo, long before they are presented to any people: when we came therefore to the proposition, That no man should be ordained a minister without a designation to a certain church, they stifly maintained their own practice: yet we carried it this afternoon.

As for our Directory, the matter of prayer which we gave in, is agreed to in the committee. Mr Marshall’s part, anent preaching, and Mr Palmer’s, about catechising, though the one be the best preacher, and the other the best catechist, in England, yet we no way like it: so their papers are past in our hands to frame them according to our mind. Our paper anent the sacraments we gave in. We agreed, so far as we went, except in a table. Here all of them oppose us, and we them. They will not, and say the people will never yield to alter their practice. They are content of sitting, albeit not as of a rite institute; but to come out of their pews to a table, they deny the necessity of it: we affirm it necessary, and will stand to it. The Independents way of celebrating, seems to be very irreverent. They have the communion every Sabbath, without any preparation before or thanksgiving after: little examination of people: their very prayers and doctrine before the sacrament, use not to be directed to the use of the sacrament. They have, after the blessing, a short discourse, and two short graces over the elements, which are distributed and participate in silence, without exhortation, reading, or singing, and all is ended with a psalm, without prayer. Mr Nye told us his private judgement, that in preaching he thinks the minister should be covered, and the people discovered; but in the sacrament, the minister should be discovered, as a servant, and the guests all covered. For hasting of the assembly, we got many messages from the Houses; but all they can do, is to sit all the days of the week, except Saturday and Sunday, till one or two o’clock, and twice a-week also in the afternoon; the other afternoons are for committees. However their speed be small, yet their labour is exceeding great, whereof all do expect a happy conclusion, and blessed fruits.

* * * *

The eyes of all are towards our army. The great God be with it, to put a quick end to the great miseries and dangers of all these dominions. We were comforted by the sundry clear passages of God’s mercies towards them; that they got as easily over the Tyne and the Ware; that the enemy, who durst visit them in their quarters, were so infatuated by God as not to set upon them in their passage; that when their want of provision was almost extreme, there should come to them at Sunderland, both from London and Scotland, so much as to put them out of hazard of starving; that though the extremity of the tempest had cast away the barks with their provision, yet God should have sent such weather as made the Tyne passable, and that no longer than they were over. Many such passages are in the letters, which we see from the camp, that demonstrates the answer of our prayers in a part, and confirms our hope in the rest: though the difficulties yet be many, and far greater than any did expect; yet we think the Lord is but walking in his ordinary way, to let us fell in difficulties insuperable to us, to draw us near to him out of all self-confidence, that we may cry to Heaven, and what deliverance comes it may be taken out of his hand. That very day, and these hours, when our army was passing the Tyne, the 28th of February, were we all here fasting and praying; and among the rest, I was praying and preaching to the parliament; blessed be his name that gave us at the same hour so gracious an answer. The next week, when that happy solemn fast does return, we have much ado with the help of God; for every where the armies are near a-yoking.

* * * *

If any disaster should befal Waller, our danger here were present and great. Manchester has drawn all his forces towards Lincoln to oppose Prince Rupert’s progress; but the main chance is in the north, for which our hearts are trinkling. Our letter yesternight from the leaguer at Sunderland shewed, that on Sunday last, while our perplexity was great for horse-meat, and we were in a great doubt what to do; to stay there was to starve our horse; to send our horse back over Tyne, without our foot with them, was to lose Sunderland, our sea-port, which brought us provision. While we are on these thoughts, our enemies draw near with all their forces, and set themselves down in a place of advantage. On Sunday at night, and Monday morning, we were skirmishing. The ground made it hard for us to set on; but our necessities put us on. The great God assist us. Lumsden was come over the water, with 3000 more men. On Monday, the 25th of this instant, these letters came away. We know no more, but with passion are expecting good news. We wonder your ambassadors should be dreaming of any treaty; since every other day after their coming from Oxford, this parliament there, with vote upon vote, with declaration after declaration, are made traitors, rebels, and all evil can be imagined. The parliament here, to put off them that very groundless scandal which they at Oxford strove to put upon them, have put out a declaration of their great desire of peace, and of the invincible obstacles laid in their way to it. However your ambassadors seem over-ready to have proven very unhappy instruments to have divided the two nations, and raised a new party here for the King, and divided both Houses; but I hope God has prevented them. The propositions for treaty were really answered by the declaration of both Houses, That they, by the late votes at Oxford, being declared traitors, were made incapable to treat; yet they resolved, according to the overture made by us long ago, to advise on propositions, without which they could not proceed. These the lower house did agree to refer to the higher, to the committee of both kingdoms; but the higher house resolved to have a new committee of Lords and Commons to join with our commissioners, alledging, the former committee, which was carried over their bellies, was only for managing of the war; but for the treaty of peace they have another, Pembroke and Salisbury, who disdained they were of the first, and below Hollis, Reynolds, Clotworthy, did much urge a second committee; and all these who loved division seconded this motion. Here it has stood some days; but after the disaster at Newark, your commissioners struck the iron when it was hot, and pressed a further and far more unhappy point, to have a treaty without us. On Saturday last they did so far advance this desperate motion, that the House of Commons were divided about it in two equal halves: so that division was referred to the honest Speaker; who carried it right, that they were obliged, not only to conclude, but not to begin, a treaty without the Scots. On this fearful debate they sat till three o’clock in the afternoon; so far did your unhappy agents from Oxford and the Hague prevail. But, behold! before half an hour after three, there came news which made their ears to tingle. God answered our Wednesday’s prayers. Balfour and Waller had got a glorious victory over Forth and Hopeton, and routed them totally, horse and foot. All since are exercised to raise money to that victorious army, and men, to assist them to pursue that great and timeous victory. We were sinking; but God has taken us by the hand, and filled us with hope. On Sunday, March 25, and Monday, Lesly and Newcastle, with all their forces, were skirmishing. We think ere this they will have a battle: we are in hope of good news. We expect good from the synod of Zealand. We wish they may consider their giving of excommunication to every congregation.

* * * *

To Mr David Dickson and Mr Robert Ramsay only.

The unhappy Independents keep all the matters of the church so loose, that there is no appearance of any short-settling. The preface of my sermon has put some edge on the assembly for a quicker dispatch; but the nature itself of their way is so wofully longsome, that it is almost impossible to be shortened. The number and evil humour of the Antinomians and Anabaptists doth increase. In a word, things here are in a hard condition. I have acquainted you herewith, that we may remember hereafter, when God has appeared for us, from how great depths he has lifted us up. We truly do expect, from the goodness and mercy of our God, though this stupid and secure people are no ways fitted for a deliverance, if we look to justice, yet, that for his name’s sake, the truth, and handful of the godly, that he will arise. So much the more is it needful that God should haste, as we hear of a storm that may arise among you in your north, and elsewhere, by the pestiferous malignants and malecontents; also from your Irish army, if they be not satisfied, and the Irish rebels on their back. All these will be matters of God’s praise, when he has let them appear, and rear upon us, but incontinent, by the chain of his providence, has drawn them backward for their confusion. I hope to keep the general assembly with you at Edinburgh. We are all, for our private, well, blessed be God. How all is with you, I know not: but that broil about Mr Hugh Blair I wish were some way composed; but being so far from the place, I cannot tell how. The matter of our present debates in our assembly, is the people’s interest in their minister to be ordained. We hope to give light to these scabrous questions.

* * * *

After the writing hereof, this Sunday, March 24, we were all afflicted with sad news from Newark. Sir John Meldrum by all means would besiege Newark, and gave assurance to all, day after day, to carry it; yet it is so fallen out, whether by base cowardice or treachery, that his whole camp, near 5000 or 6000, after a little skirmish, have rendered themselves to the enemy, being fewer in number: a grievous and disgraceful stroke. The certainty of the particulars we have not yet; but such another stroke will make this people faint, except God bless the Scots army. Yet this sore stroke puts many to their knees who were in a deep sleep, and we hope there will be a wrestling with God the next Wednesday. This is a fearful alarm. Let God do all his will: yet I must say his people and cause are on our side; and on the others, patrons of oppression, profanity, and Popery, whom God cannot bless to the end. God send us better news; for the time our anxiety is very great. The bearer is not yet gone. As all former disasters, so this I hope shall do us good. Yesterday was a gracious day of prayer.

* * * *

For Mr Robert Blair. March 26, 1644.

I have written nothing to you all this time, partly not knowing certainly where too were, and mostly because my sweet colleague, Mr Samuel, informed you of all I had to say. Thanks to God, never colleagues had a greater harmony; for to this hour not the least difference, the smallest eyelist betwixt any of us, either state or church commissioners, in any thing, either private or publick, which you know Is rare in societies, makes our fellowship much the sweeter. We have written a publick letter to you, to advise, if you think meet, to call any of us home to the general assembly. All of us will take it for the call of God, whatever you resolve of our stays or goings. It is like, about that time, there shall be more to do here than before; for the delays of the Independents importunities has been wonderful, which now, I hope, are drawing near an end; and very likely, about that very time of the assembly, if God cast not in unexpected impediments, we may be about the highest points both of government and worship, the erecting of our presbytery, and putting our votes in practice, and settling of a directory, wherein we have yet got little thing done, and much is here ado. These things are so high, and of so great concernment, that no living man can think Mr Henderson may be away; and to put him to go and return, it were very hard to venture such a jewel, that is so necessary to the well being both of church and state of all these dominions. Mr Samuel, for the great parts God has given him, and special acquaintance with the question in hand, is very necessary to be here; especially because of his book, which is daily enlarging, and it will not come off the press yet for some time. It is very like, whenever it comes out, it shall have some short affronting reply; and judge now if it be not necessary that he should be here to answer for himself. Mr G. Gillespie, however I had a good opinion of his gifts, yet I profess he has much deceived me. Of a truth there is no man whose parts in a publick dispute I do so admire. He has studied so accurately all the points ever yet came to our assembly, he has gotten so ready, so assured, so solid a way of publick debating, that however there be in the assembly divers very excellent men, yet, in my poor judgement, there is not one who speaks more rationally, and to the point, than that brave youth has done ever, so that his absence would be prejudicial to our whole cause, and unpleasant to all here that wishes it well.

* * * *

To Mr William Spang. April 12, 1644.

Matters here, both of church and state, are in a strange posture. We are oft put to our knees to cry to God. The unhappy, and unamendable prolixity of this people, in all their affairs, except God work extraordinarily, is like to undo them. They can put nothing to any point, either of church or state. We are vexed and overwearied with their ways. God help them, and our poor land, which by their unhappy and sottish laziness is like to be in great hazard.

* * * *

I cannot tell you what to say of the assembly. We are almost desperate to see any thing concluded for a long time. Their way is wofully tedious. Nothing, in any assembly that ever was in the world, except Trent; like to them in prolixity. Particulars you shall have with the next.

* * * *

April 19, 1644.—Our assembly at last has perfected ordination, both in the doctrinal and directory parts. I think, to-morrow, they shall present it to the Houses. It has cost us much labour, and above twenty long sessions, I hope it shall do good, and over all this land shall erect presently an association of ministers to ordain; Our presbytery shall shortly follow. The Independents are resolved yet to give in their reasons against us, and that will be the beginning of an open schism. Likely, after that, we will be forced to deal with them as open enemies. They have been here most unhappy instruments, the principal, if not the sole causes, why the parliament were so long in calling an assembly, and when it was called, why nothing in a whole year could be gotten concluded. In the mean time they, over all the land, are making op a faction to their own way, the far most part whereof is fallen off to Anabaptism and Antinomianism. Sundry also worse, if worse needs be: the mortality of the soul, the denial of angels and devils, and cast off all sacraments, and many blasphemous things. All these are from New England, where divers are in irons for their blasphemies, condemned to perpetual slavery, and well near by a few votes it went for the life. They proclaim their fears of the rigours of presbytery. Possibly they are conscious of their insufferable tenets, and certainly they know their own rigour against the Presbyterians. In all New England, no liberty of living for a Prysbyterian, Whoever there, were they angels for life and doctrine, will essay to set up a different way from them, shall be sure of present banishment. Be diligent, we beseech you, with your synod. While I am writing this, praise to God for evermore, a messenger comes to us from our army, shewing, that on Friday night the enemy hearing of Fairfax’s victory, marched away from Durham towards the Tyse; that Saturday and Sunday we were following, and were within three miles of them, resolving to follow where-ever they went.

* * * *

April 25, 1644.—We are all very sensible of your prudent diligence; by all means go on with your divines for their answer. I wish these whom you have engaged in Zealand were put on to engage with themselves the divines of the other provinces, especially the presbytery of Leyden, also Rivet and Voetius. There is great need; for this is a very wavering and fickle people. Write what they please against bishops and ceremonies obiter, for our confirmation; for these are now out of the hearts of all here almost: but above all, and in earnest, let them exhort to be watchful against anarchial schisms, and the heresies of Antinomians and Anabaptists. These three come together cordially against all the Reformed churches, and increase so much in number and boldness, as easily they would carry all here to a lamentable confusion, if the fear of our armies did not keep them in order; and, as it is, many fear they shall do much, if God prevent it not. We have given in to the parliament our conclusions anent ordination; whereupon, I think, we have spent above forty long sessions. To prevent a present rupture with the Independents, we were content not to give in our propositions of presbyteries and congregations, that we might not necessitate them to give in their remonstrance against our conclusions, which they are peremptor to do when we come on that matter. We judged it also convenient to delay till we had gone through the whole matters of the presbyteries and synods; to send them up rather in their full strength than by pieces; also we suffered ourselves to be persuaded to eschew that rupture at this time, when it were so dangerous for their bruckle state. The Independents having so managed their affairs, that of the officers and soldiers in Manchester’s army, certainly also in the General’s, and, as I hear, in Waller’s likewise, more than the two parts are for them, and these of the far most resolute and confident men for the parliament-party. Judge ye if we had not need of our friends help. I wish we had letters by some of your friends means from Switzerland and Geneva; and however the French divines dare not keep publick correspondence, and I hear the chief of them are like some of yours, so much courtiers, that they will not help us in the half they dare and might, policy and prudence so far keeps down their charity and zeal; yet I think some of the ministers of Paris, and their professors, if they were dealt with by some of your friends, might, in private letters, either to some here, or some with you, write so much of their mind in this publick cause of church-government, as might contribute to the encouragement of this fainting and weak-hearted people. In any letters that come here, I wish they may be sparing of the point of the magistrate; also in the enlarging of the particular congregations. I wish they might speak home to that you assure is their practice, of giving ordination only to the classes, and excommunication, at least for regulating of the process; albeit we make the chief parts of the process to be led before the classes, and gives them the power of the decree; for we count it a musa communis, and of so high a consequence as can be, to cut off a member, not from one congregation only, but the whole church and body of Christ. Our brethren here are so peremptor, that they will by no means tie themselves so much as to advise any thing in the whole process with the classes; only when they have sentenced, if they be required, they will give an account to any who have offended.

* * * *

To Mr David Dickson. April 29, 1644.

I wrote to you my mind anent the motion of our coming down to the general assembly. I am still of that mind, and my Lord Wariston thinks so with me; yea, it is all our minds that Mr Henderson cannot be spared; for the matter of both government and directory, especially in the points of prayer, sacraments, preaching, which we have given in already; the catechism, which is almost ready, and the other parts also, will shortly be in such a maturity, that about the midst and end of May it is like our work shall be hottest. Mr Henderson’s absence for a little might not only retard, but also put matters so far wrong, as would not in haste be gotten righted. For any other of us to come down to the assembly, we conceive, were not only very needless, but in some respects, which I will not write, disadvantageous to affairs here and there both; yet if you on the place think fit to send for any or all of us, we are all willing and ready to obey your calls. However, in this long anarchy, the sectaries and hereticks increase marvellously; yet we are hopeful, if God might help us, to have our presbyteries erected, as we expect shortly to have them, and get the chief of the Independents to join with us in our practical conclusions, as we are labouring much for it, and are not yet out of hope, we trust, to win about all the rest of these wild and enormous people. However, for the time, the confusions about religion are very great and remediless. There were many bickerings, and fear of breaking, about the articles of peace; but, thanks to God, I hope that fear be past. The committee of both kingdoms has unanimously agreed the articles, which my Lord Wariston, for the far most part, drew up. I think he may come down with them himself one of these days, to be agreed to by you there. Upon your first hearing of his coming to Edinburgh, make haste to be at him, for he cannot stay. The articles are such as doubtless the King will scorn, till his wicked council and party be broken, which, by God’s help, will shortly be.

* * * *

To Mr William Spang. May 3, 1644.

I cannot tell how things go here. If God do not this work, it will perish of itself without an enemy. Extreme inlack of money for all occasions, which yet daily are many and great; a mighty party in the Houses, in the city, and every where, who mind their own things, and cause such distrusts, and fears of treachery, as are formidable; in all the armies great divisions, and extreme want of pay. When we have any trace with the Independents anent our presbytery, we fall in new wars with others. For our sessions, a great party in the synod, for fear of ruling elders, and in opposition to Independency, will have no ecclesiastick court at all, but one presbytery for all the congregations within its bounds. I cannot tell you our daily perplexities; yet we must trust in God, and not faint, for all the vexation which passes from far and near on all hands.

* * * *

To Mr Robert Ramsay. May 9, 1644.

This people are so divided, and subdivided, in their judgements and practice, that if ever either their church or state settle, it is God’s miraculous mercy. Had not God raised our nation to join with all our strength, long ere this, without all doubt, they had been swallowed up by their enemies; yea, they had, without the hand of an enemy, by their own broken and languid proceedings, been lost irrecoverably; and as yet it stands, the dangers are exceeding great.

For our assembly-matters, we are daily perplexed; not only we make no progress, and are far from the sight of any appearance of an end, but also matters oft in hazard of miscarriage. The Independents, so far as yet we can see, are peremptory for a schism; and their party is very strong and growing, especially in the army. The leading men in the assembly are much at this time divided about the question in hand, of the power of congregations and synods. Some of them would give nothing to congregations, denying peremptorily all example, precept, or reason, for a congregational eldership; others, and many more, are wilful to give to congregational eldership all and entire power of ordination, excommunication, and all. Had not God sent Mr Henderson, Mr Rutherford, and Mr Gillespie among them, I see not that ever they could agree on any settled government. We expect the favour of God to help us over the rocks, and through the storms, in the midst whereof we sail at this hour. The answer and return of your prayers we oft feel and acknowledge. All our company, blessed be God, have had perfect health, good courage, and hearty unanimity, in all things; great credit and reputation; sensible assistance in every thing, and hitherto very good success, to all our motions, either for church or state; so that we are hopeful to wrestle through the present difficulties, as we have done many before, by the help of the prayers of God’s people among you. The humour of this people is very various, and inclinable to singularities, to differ from all the world, and one from another, and shortly from themselves. No people had so much need of a presbytery. The affairs of the state, marvel not that I and others write oft so diversely of them; for there are many contrary and divers tides into them. We are still feared that the King come, and set himself down in the parliament. If he had done so this twelvemonth bygone, or yet would, it would put our affairs in the greatest hazard of confusion. To cross that dangerous design of the mighty faction among us, the engine of the articles of peace is turned on the face of the authors to our great advantage. We have got such articles passed the committee of both kingdoms, and transmitted to both Houses, as Wariston has brought down. They are of our own framing. Nine of the greatest are consented to by the Commons, and the rest will shortly pass, I trust. Yesterday the whole House went to the Lords for a conference, and required the passing of three ordinances, which long had lien by. 1. The continuance of the committee of both kingdoms for other three months. That committee is the great bulwark against the faction. The first framing of it was over their heads. It has been their greatest eye-sore. It expires the morn. They thought either to hinder the renewing of the ordinance, or to add unto it such other members of both Houses, of their mind, as might have over-swayed the better party and us; but we hope this union of the Commons will counteract that plot.

* * * *

To Mr William Spang.

On Friday, after a week’s debate, we carried, albeit hardly, that no single congregation had the power of ordination. To-morrow we begin to debate if they have any right of excommunication. We gave in, long ago, a paper to the great committee, wherein we asserted a congregational eldership, for governing the private affaire of the congregation, from the 18th of Matthew. Mr David Calderwood, in his letter to us, has censured us grievously for so doing; shewing us, that our books of discipline admit of no presbytery or eldership but one; that we put ourselves in hazard to be forced to give excommunication, and so entire government, to congregations, which is a great step to Independency. Mr Henderson acknowledges this: and we are in a peck of troubles with it.

* * * *

May 17, 1644.—This day was the best that I have seen since I came to England. General Essex, when he went out, sent to the assembly, to intreat, that a day of fasting might be kept for him. We appoint, this day, four of our number to preach and pray at Christ’s church; also, taking the occasion, we thought it meet to be humbled in the assembly, so we spent from nine to five very graciously. After D. Twisse had begun with a brief prayer, Mr Marshall prayed large two hours, most divinely, confessing the sins of the members of the assembly, in a wonderful, pathetick, and prudent way. After, Mr Arrowsmith preached an hour, then a psalm; thereafter Mr Vines prayed near two hours, and Mr. Palmer preached an hour, and Mr Seaman prayed near two hours, then a psalm; after Mr Henderson brought them to a sweet conference of the heat confessed in the assembly, and other seen faults, to be remedied, and the conveniency to preach against all sects, especially Anabaptists and Antinomians. Dr Twisse closed with a short prayer and blessing. God was so evidently in all this exercise, that we expect certainly a blessing both in our matter of the assembly and whole kingdom.

[See continuation of the Account of the Westminster Assembly, appended to the Acts of 1644.]

1642.—August. 5. Report of the State of Scotland, by Hamilton to the King, in August, 1642—sent by special messenger.307

I. Shew His Majesty with what a prejudicated Opinion I was received, by reason of what I have done at York, which I still lie under.

II. Shew in what Temper I found this Kingdom, occasioned (as I conceive) by the apprehension they have of His Majesties not observing what He hath already granted, if He shall be in a Condition to force them; seeing it is believed, that what He hath given was against His Will. Next, divers eminent Persons apprehend, that if He obtain His ends by Force, they will be neglected, and Persons obnoxious to this Kingdom cherished.

III. Shew that some active men will not lie idle in so stirring Times; and therefore His Majesty would consider how to make use of them, lest otherwise they may be engaged, and with them the Kingdom.

IV. Shew that it will be impossible longer to delay the Meeting of the Commissioners for Conserving of the Peace, and what my Part hath been therein; and therefore to Consider, if it were not fit they were called by His Majesties Warrant.

V. Shew that I could not think of a better way to serve Her Majesty (for the present) than by procuring an Invitation from the whole Kingdom for her return; which Proposition if His Majesty conceive fit for His Service, and be acceptable to Her Majesty, I doubt not of the effectuating it, otherwise it shall here end.

VI. Shew that though I can be of no great use to His Majesty any where, yet I conceive more here than at York; for albeit I still say I can undertake for nothing, yet I may possibly be able to prevent Evil, if I can do no Good.

VII. Shew the miserable Condition of my Fortune, which occasioneth the not sending as yet the Moneys for entertaining the Horse, which if the sale of Land can procure, shall be quickly remedied.

1642.—August 26. 6. The King’s Letter about Uniformity of Church Government.308

Charles R.

By your Letter to Us of the 19ᵗʰ of this Instant August, We find you concur with Our late General Assembly, in their Desire to Us about Unity of Religion, and Uniformity of Church-Government in all Our three Kingdoms; which cannot be more earnestly desired by you, than shall be really endeavoured by Us, in such a way as We in Our Conscience conceive to be best, for the flourishing Estate of the true Protestant Religion. But as for Joyning with Our Houses of Parliament here in this Work, it were improper for Us at this time to give any Answer: for since their Meeting they have never made any Proposition to Us, concerning Unity of Religion, or Uniformity of Church-Government: so far are they from desiring any such thing, as we are confident the most considerable Persons, and those who make fairest Pretences to you of this kind, will no sooner embrace a Presbyterial than you an Episcopal. And truely it seems, (notwithstanding whatsoever Profession they have made to the contrary,) that nothing hath been less in their minds than Settling of the true Religion, and Reforming such Abuses in the Church-Government, as possibly have crept in, contrary to the establish’t Law of the Land: to which we have been so far from being averse, that we have by divers Declarations and Messages pressed them to it, though hitherto it hath been to small purpose. But when-ever any Proposition shall be made to Us by them, which We shall conceive may any way advance the Unity of the true Protestant Religion, according to the Word of God, or establish the Church-Government according to the known Laws of this Kingdom, We shall by Our chearful joyning with them, let the World see, that nothing can be more acceptable unto Us, than the furthering and advancing of so good a Work. So we bid you Farewell.

From Nottingham the 26th of August, 1642.

1642.—September 10. 7. Letter from Mungo Murray (afterwards Earl of Dysart) to the Earl of Lanerick.309

My Much Honoured Lord,

When I arrived here, your Brother was in Argyle; but upon knowledge of my coming, came himself, and brought that Marquis with him to Hamilton, whither the Chancellor went likewise, and there I attended all three.

I found them with the same Affections and Desires your Lordship left in them, but as they conceive, not so able to Act as they were then. They apprehend, the Parliament of England will be much higher in their Demands than at that time; as understanding now both the Kings Power, and their own, which were then but upon forming, and promised a greater Equality. The Kings two Messages to the Parliament have likewise so discredited His Majesties Affairs in this Country, that they fear many forward enough before, will now unwillingly engage in any way which may displease the Parliament; yet they are resolved to do their best, and I believe say little less in this inclosed Letter, signed by all three.

His Majesty must expect in point of Religion, to be prest for Uniformity in Church-Government; and if His Majesty may be moved to publish some handsome Declaration satisfactory in that point, it would infinitely advance all his Affairs in this Country, and from hence have a powerful influence upon that.

The Parliament hath gained much here by their last Vote, and there is a very fine Answer expected in their last Message sent by the Lord Maitland, which will extraordinarily confirm the former Correspondence; if the King do not something plausible in the same kind, timeously and unconstrained, the two Kingdoms will shut upon him in despight of what his best Servants can do.

Here is no Order for publishing His Majesties Declarations, and great care taken to the contrary, which occasions great prejudication in the common Peoples minds, and were very fit to be amended.

I am looked upon here with great Jealousie, yet it lessens because they see I am not busie. I am advised by your Brother, and the rest, for avoiding of suspicion to go up to Court, which (having dispatched some particular business I have of my own) I am resolved to do. They have entrusted me with these particular Queries, of which they desire His Majesties Resolution; if your Lordship had opportunity you may acquaint His Majesty with them. They desire likewise your Lordship may be sent down with a Letter to the Commissioners full of Confidence, and allowing them all Freedom in their Consultations. In respect of this great Meeting, your Brother cannot make his Journey to Holland: no Act of that nature being now to be done, their Opinion and Authority not consulted: but I find them all right set in the thing, and truly so respective to the Queens Person, it did my Heart good to hear them. All the Lords Conservators which are with you, will receive Summons: but it is not desired they should come down, and truly I believe their Presence will do more hurt than good.

I must intreat your Lordship to acquaint His Majesty with these Particulars, to receive his further Commands, and convey them to

My Lord, Your Lordships faithful humble Servant, M. Murray.

Edinburgh, 10ᵗʰ Sept. 1642.

Postscript.—The King must send to New-Castle Directions concerning his Ships, for their Victuals are quite spent; my poor opinion is, they should be sent to Holland, where they may be safer, and attend the Queen.

1642.—September 18. 8. The King’s Letter to the Conservators of the Peace.310

Right Trusty, &c.

Having been informed that upon Petition of the Commissioners from Our late General Assembly, Our Council thought fit, that you should meet for discharging of that Trust imposed on you by Us, and Our Parliament, whereby all fair means may be used to prevent such Troubles and Divisions, as may interrupt or endanger the common Peace of Our Kingdom. And as it ought to be the continual study of all Good and Pious Princes, to preserve their People, so certainly it is the Duty of all Loyal and Faithful Subjects, to maintain the Greatness, and Just Authority of their Princes; so that without this reciprocal Endeavour, there can be no Happiness for the Prince, nor Security for the People. We are sure, Our late Actions in Scotland, will to all posterity be an acceptable witness of Our Care, in preserving the Liberty of those Our Subjects, and Our Desire to settle perfect Peace in that Our Kingdom. And We are also confident, that the many good Acts We have past here since the Sitting of this Parliament, (indeed denying none but such as denyed Us any Power at all, and were never so much as demanded from any of Our Predecessors) will bear the like Testimony of Our Affection to the Good and Peace of this Kingdom, though the success hath not been alike. For though We have used Our best Endeavours, to prevent the present Distractions and threatning Dangers: yet so prevalent have been the opposers of Us, and the Peace of Our Kingdoms, that not so much as a Treaty can be obtained, (though by Our several Messages we have descended to demand and press it) unless upon such Conditions, as would either by taking all Power of Government from Us, make Us as nothing; or by forcing Us to quit the Protection of such, as for obeying Us (according to Law and their Oath of Allegiance) they would have Traytors, and so make Us do an Act unworthy of a King. Yet so desirous We are to save Our Subjects Blood, (which cannot but be prodigally spent, if We be necessitated by force of Arms to decide these unhappy Differences) that no sooner any such Treaty shall be offered unto Us by them, (which with Honour and Safety We can receive) but We shall chearfully embrace it. This We have thought fit to acquaint you with, that from Our Selves, you may know Our love to Peace, and We doubt not but your Meeting at this time will produce something which will witness your tender respect to Our Honour and Safety; and so much We do confide in your Affections, as We shall absolutely leave the ways and means of expressing it to your selves. So We bid you heartily farewell.

From Our Court at Stafford, the 18ᵗʰ of September.

1642.—December 2. 9. Letter from the King to Hamilton.311

Hamilton,

Though the Trust of this Bearer312 needs not a Credential Letter, yet the Civility of a Friend cannot but under his hand, as well as by word of mouth, express his Kindness, and resentment of Courtesies; which of late have been such, that you have given me Just cause to give you better Thanks, than I will offer at in words. I shall not neglect the lazie use of so trusty a Bearer, by referring to him, not only the estate of my Affairs here, but likewise in what way you will be of most use to Me: yet I cannot but tell you, I have set up my rest upon the Justice of my Cause, being resolved, that no extremity or misfortune shall make me yield; for I will be either a Glorious King, or a Patient Martyr, and as yet not being the first, nor at this present apprehending the other, I think it now no unfit time, to express this my Resolution unto you. One thing more, (which but for the Messenger were too much trust to Paper) the failing to one Friend hath indeed gone very near me; wherefore I am resolved, that no Consideration whatsoever shall ever make me doe the like. Upon this Ground I am certain, that God hath either so totally forgiven me, that he will still bless this Good Cause in my Hands; or that all my Punishment shall be in this World, which without performing what I have resolved, I cannot flatter my self will end here. This accustomed Freedom will (I am confident) add chearfulness to your honest Resolutions, seeing beside Generosity, to which I pretend a little, my Conscience will make me stick to my Friends, assuring you, I have none if I am not

Your most assured constant Friend, Charles R.

Oxford, 2ᵈ Decemb. 1642.

1642.—December 29. 10. Letter from the King to Hamilton.313

Hamilton,

You know I am ill at words: I think it were best for me to say to you (as Mr Major did) you know my mind, and indeed I know none of my Subjects, that knows it better; and having for the present little else to give my Servants but thanks, I hold it a particular Misfortune that I can do it no better, therefore this must suffice. I see you are as good as your word, and you shall find me as good in mine, of being

Your most assured constant Friend, Charles R.

Oxford, December 29ᵗʰ, 1642.

Postscript.—You cannot take to your self, nor express to your Brother, better thanks than I mean to you both, for the Service you did me the last Council-day.

1643.—January. 11. The Cross Petition.314

May it please your Lordships,

That whereas His Majesty, with Advice of his Great Council the Estates of Parliament, hath been pleased to select your Lordships to be His Councellours, and hath, by an Act of the late Parliament, committed to your Lordships the Administration and Government of this Kingdom, in all Affairs concerning the Good, Peace, and Happiness thereof; and in regard of that great Trust reposed by His Majesty, and the Estates of Parliament in you, your Lordships have been and will continue so careful to acquit your selves of that weighty Charge, as you may be answerable for all your Actions and Proceedings to his Majesty, and the Estates of Parliament, to whom, (as we conceive) you are and can only be accomptable: And now we being informed of a Petition presented by some Noblemen, Gentlemen and others, to the Commissioners, for conserving the Articles of the late Treaty, upon pretext of your Lordships not Sitting at that time, wherein it is represented, that your Lordships late Warrant for Printing his Majesties Letter hath occasioned great Grief and heavy Regrate, of all who tender the Glory of God, His Majesties Honour, and procuring Unity of Religion, and Uniformity in Church-Government, the continuance of Peace, and Union betwixt the two Kingdoms, and fearing if at this time, we should be silent, your Lordships should conceive us, and the rest of the Kingdom, to be involved with them in the like Desires, Judgements, and Opinions, and lest by our silence our Gracious Soveraign the Kings Majesty should believe us wanting in the Duty and Allegiance, which by so many Tyes and Obligations we owe to Him, our Native King, or that our Brethren of England should apprehend the least Intention, or Desire in us, to infringe, or any ways encroach upon the Brotherly Union of the two Kingdoms, to happily united under one Head; We presume in all Humility to clear our selves, and our Intentions to your Lordships, and to all the World, and therewith, to represent our humble Wishes and Desires, for Establishing His Majesties Royal Authority, and continuing that happy Union betwixt the two Kingdoms, which can never truely be conceived to be intended to weaken the Head, whereby it is knit together, and without which it can have no subsistence.

The happy Union of the two Kingdoms under one Head, our King, doth so much add to His Majesties Greatness, and Strength of both Kingdoms, that we British Subjects cannot choose but wish that the said Brotherly Union be heartily entertained, and cherished by all fair and reasonable means, to which we conceive no one thing will as much conduce, as that the late Articles of the Treaty of Peace, and Conclusions taken thereupon about Unity of Religion, may be carefully and timeously prosecuted: wherein as our Commissioners then, so we now without presuming or usurping to prescribe Rules, or Laws of Reformation to our Neighbour-kingdom (Civil Liberty and Conscience being so tender that it cannot endure to be touched, but by such as they an wedded to, and have lawful Authority over them) notwithstanding, seeing the duty of Charity doth oblige all Christians to pray and profess their Desires, that all were of the same Religion with themselves, and since we all acknowledge that Religion is the base and foundation of Kingdoms, and the strongest Bond to knit the Subjects to their Princes in true Loyalty, and to knit their Hearts one to another in true Unity, we cannot but heartily wish, that this work of Union so happily begun, may be crowned end strengthened by the Unity of Church-Government; and that your Lordships with us may be pleased to represent it to His Majesty, and Both Houses of Parliament, as an expression and Testimony of our Affections to the good of our Brethren in England, and of our Desires to make firm and stable our Brotherly Union by the strong chain and Bulwark of Religion; but, as we have said, no ways intending thereby to pass our bounds, in prescribing, and setting down Rules and Limits to His Majesty, and the Two Houses of Parliament, their Wisdom and Authority, in the way of prosecution thereof. The sense we have of the great Calamities, and irreparable Evils, which upon occasion of these unhappy Distractions and Mistakes betwixt the Kings Majesty and the Two Houses of England, (which if not speedily removed cannot but produce the tearful and prodigious effects of a bloody and Civil War) obligeth us in the duty of Christians, and as feeling members of what may concern our Common Head, the Kings Majesty, and the Good and Happiness of our Brethren of England, humbly to represent to your Lordships, That as we will not be wanting with our Prayers, and our faithful and best Endeavours, to assist in the removing of these Unhappy Mistakes and Misunderstandings: so we heartily wish, and humbly Petition your Lordships, that from the deepness of your Wisdom such happy Motions may flow, as upon that tender care of our Soveraigns Person and Authority, Peace and Truth may be settled in all His Majesties Dominions. Although we will not presume nor take upon us, to prescribe Laws and Rules to your Lordships, yet in all Humility we intreat your permission, to represent such Particulars as we conceive, and are very confident, will conduce much to the removing of all these Mistakes betwixt His Majesty and His Two Houses of Parliament, and be a ready mean to facilitate a happy and wished Peace, and continue the Brotherly Union between the Two Kingdoms.

And first, that in answering the foresaid Petition your Lordships may be pleased to do no Act, which may give His Majesty just occasion to repent him of what Trust he so Graciously expressed (in his letter of the Date the fifth of December) He reposes in us His Subjects of His Ancient and Native Kingdom; for we cannot think, that our Brethren in England, or any other, can believe, that the ground of this Mutual Union of the two Kingdoms, by the several and respective Unions to our Prince and Head, should weaken the strong Bond, whereby it is knit, and by which we are so firmly tied, by so many Ages, and unparalelled lineal descents of an hundred and seven Kings. Neither can we suppose, that any good Protestant, or true member of our Church, can imagine, far less seduce others to believe, that by the late Treaty of Peace, or Act of Union, we as Scotish Subjects are in any sort liberated from the Dutiful Obedience, which as Scotishmen we owe to our Scotish King, or from that due Loyalty, which as Scotish Subjects we owe to our Native Soveraign, for Maintenance of His Person, Greatness and Authority; or that thereby, we are in any other Condition in these necessary Duties to our Soveraign, than we and our Ancestors were, and have been, these many Ages and Descents, before the making of the said Act, or before the Swearing and Subscribing of our late Covenant, by which we have solemnly sworn, and do swear not only our mutual Concurrence, and Assistance for the cause of Religion, and to the utmost of our power, with our Means and Lives, to stand to the Defence of our Dread Soveraign His Person and Authority, in the preservation of Religion, Liberty, and Laws, of this Church and Kingdom; but also in every Cause, which may concern His Majesties Honour, we shall according to the Laws of the Kingdom, and Duty of Subjects, concur with our Friends and Followers in quiet manner, or in Arms, as we shall be required of His Majesty, or His Councel, or any having his Authority.

Secondly, That if your Lordships think it fitting, to make any answer to the Parliament of England their Declaration, your Lordships may be pleased not to declare, enact, or promise, any thing which may trouble or molest the Peace of this Kirk and Kingdom; which by Gods special Grace, and His Majesties Favour and Goodness, we enjoy and have established unto us according to our Hearts desire, by the Laws Ecclesiastical or Civil of this Kingdom respective, and which His Majesty since, by so many Declarations and deep Protestations hath Sworn to maintain inviolably.

Thirdly, That your Lordships may be pleased to consider, that as nothing will more diminish His Majesties Greatness, than that this Kingdom should consume in Civil War; so nothing will more conduce to the Suppressing of Insolent Papists, malignant, schismatick, and Disloyal Brownists, and Separatists, the special, if not the sole promovers of these unhappy Misunderstandings, than that heartily and freely, without respect of worldly and secondary Considerations, we give to Christ what is Christ’s, and to Cæsar what is Cæsar’s; by means whereof, the Truth and Purity of Religion shall be established, to the utter Confusion of all these Sectaries, true Monarchical Government firmly setled; by which likewise, Laws and Authority shall retain their ancient vigour and force, to the Suppression of all Commotions and tumultuous Conventions, the bane and overthrow of all true Religion and Policy.

Fourthly, Although there be nothing farther from our minds, than to presume to question, or crave of your Lordships an account of your Actions, knowing perfectly by the inviolable Laws and Customes of this Kingdome, that to be only proper and due to the King and Parliament, from whence you have that great Charge and Trust delivered unto you: yet we hope your Lordships will give us leave, in all Humility to remember your Lordships of your Deliverance, June 1642, and are confident, that the said Lords, the Petitioners, neither have, nor shall have, necessity to trouble themselves, nor the Council with Supplications of this kind, and that your Lordships in your Wisdom will take some Course for preventing all occasions, which may in any sort disturb the Peace of this Kingdom, or make Division among the Subjects thereof.

1643.—February. 12. Answer by the King to the Scots Commissioners at Oxford.315

His Majesty commends the Zeal of the Petitioners for the advancement of the true Reformed Religion, against Heresy, Popery, Sects, Innovations, and Profanity, and always shall use His best and uttermost endeavours, for the Advancing the one, and the utter Suppressing the rest.

For the Unity in Kirk-Government, His Majesty knows, that the Government now established by the Laws, hath so near a relation and intermixture with the Civil State, (which may be unknown to the Petitioners) that till a composed digested Form be presented to him, upon a free debate by Both Houses of Parliament, whereby the Consent and Approbation of the whole Kingdom may be had, and He and all His Subjects may discern what is to be left, or brought in, as well as what taken away, He knows not how to consent to an Alteration, otherwise to such an Act for the ease of Tender Consciences, in the matter of Ceremonies, as His Majesty hath often offered.