Miscellaneous Historical Documents, RELATIVE TO THE ECCLESIASTICAL AND POLITICAL EVENTS IN SCOTLAND—1648.

Excerpts from Principal Baillie’s Letters.

To Mr William Spang. [Glasgow,] March 27, 1648.

Reverend and Dear Cousin,—He is wiser than a man who can inform what course our affairs here will take. This is the seventh week that I have been forced to attend in Edinburgh; and yet we see small appearance of any good conclusion; but as they are I make you this account of them. After the King found himself disappointed of all the fair hopes made to him by Cromwell and his party, whether on their repentance, or their fear from Lilburn, Rainsborough, and their levelling friends, our commissioners made more serious applications, and were more acceptable than before. At the Isle of Wight, his Majesty did live with them very lovingly, and upon great hopes on all hands. Traquair, Sir John Cheesly, Callendar, and all that came home before them, gave it out confidently in the general, that the King had given to our commissioners full satisfaction. This caused great joy, and a readiness in all to rise in arms quickly for his deliverance. But when I found all bound up by oath, not to reveal any of the particular concessions till the commissioners returned, I feared the satisfaction should not be found so agreeable as was spoken. The too strict secrecy bred prejudices in the minds of the wisest. And when we heard the report from the Chancellor and Lauderdale at their return, our suspicions were turned into grief: for we found the concessions no ways satisfactory, and the engagements of some to the King upon them so great, as did much blemish their reputation with many of their intimate friends. Our debates for more than a fortnight were to come to the bottom of these offers, and to find a way how we might be free of them. We were malecontent with our commissioners: their scurvy usage by the parliament of England, their compassion of the King’s condition, Lanerk’s power with Lauderdale, and both their workings on the Chancellor, made them to accept of less, and promise more to the King, than we would stand to. They were content we should declare our dissatisfaction with the King’s offers as we thought fit, both by the church and the state, on condition we would consent to a levy against the faction of sectaries. To this we were not unwilling, providing we might be satisfied in the state of the question, and might be assured, that the army should be put in such hands as we might confide in. Both these were promised to us in private; but when we found no performance, the business is retarded to this day. Betwixt the Chancellor, Duke Argyle, Treasurer, Lauderdale, Lanerk, Balmerino, Wariston, Mr Robert Douglas, Mr George Gillespie, Mr David Calderwood, Mr Robert Blair, Mr David Dickson, Mr Samuel Rutherford, many meetings have been had, night and day, private and publick; but as yet our discords increase, and are ready to break out in a fearful rupture both of church and state. Our meetings were long in private for a state of a question. We required peremptorily to stand to our former principles and covenant; “to have religion settled first; and the King not restored till he had given security, by his oath, to consent to an act of parliament for injoining the covenant in all his dominions, and settling religion according to the covenant.” We stuck many days on that negative expression, “The King not to be restored till he had sworn the covenant.” This much had both our parliament and assembly pressed upon him at Newcastle; yet at last we were content of affirmative expressions: “Religion and the covenant to be settled, and thereupon the King to be restored.” The next difficulty in the question was about the malignants. We were peremptory to have none of them in our army who should not take the covenant, and to have all of them declared enemies who should rise in arms by themselves for any end contrary to our cause. Here we had great struggling. In the writ which we called an agreement and engagement, the King’s offers therein, too great favour was shown to malignants. We resolved to beware of them so much the more. The greatest stop of all was upon the oath. We resolved to have these things put in a formal oath, to be taken solemnly by all the members of parliament and officers of our army. They declined an oath by all means. While we are like to come to no agreement about these things, the pulpits sounded loud against the dangers of malignants, but more softly against sectaries. We prepare also a declaration of dangers and duties, wherein we press to the full our dissatisfaction with the King’s concessions in matters of religion. This gave great offence to our commissioners. We had put them to it to give us in writ the report what passed between them and the King concerning religion; for his Majesty in his letter to us had said, he had offered to them what he was confident would give us satisfaction, which they are necessitated to give us in writ these private concessions, and be content to have them, and our reasons against them, published to the world. They were not a little offended; but there was no remedy. To our sense, they had passed the bounds of their duty, though both the committee of estates, and parliament itself, had, in a fair general, without examination, approved all they had done. We thought it destructive to our cause and covenant, and ourselves absolutely impeded from all motion for the King till these grounds of motion were publickly disclaimed. It increased our offence, that so many noblemen did vex us with debates and votes openly in face of the commission, after we had changed in private, for the satisfaction of the Chancellor and Lauderdale, many passages of our writ; also that they had laboured to their power to make a party among the ministers to oppose us, Mr Andrew Ramsay, Mr Andrew Fairfoul, Mr Robert Laurie, Mr Andrew Afflect, and divers others; but especially Mr William Colvil, who had in private objected against one passage, inferring the necessity upon conscience to restore the King presently to the exercise of his full regal power in all his dominions, notwithstanding of all he had done, without any condition, either of covenant, religion, or propositions; that we were obliged to do this duty unto him, and never more to oppose till we found him abuse this power; and then we might resist, albeit no more but the abuse of this power. I did think it enough in our subcommittee to bring him to acknowledge so shameful a tenet, all of us thinking he would not have the boldness any more in publick to speak to such a purpose; yet in the face of the commission, in a very jeering insolent way, being a little provoked by the indiscreet challenge of Mr Rutherford; he offered to reason for such a conclusion. We had not failed to have called him to an account for his malapertness, had not the intervention of other greater affairs diverted us.

By this time the parliament was set. Never so many noblemen present in any of our parliaments; near fifty Earls and Lords. Among them were found but eight or nine for our way; Argyle, Eglinton, Cassils, Lothian, Arburthnot, Torphichen, Ross, Balmerino, Cupar, Burleigh, and sometimes the Chancellor and Balcarras. All the rest, with more than the half of the Barons, and almost the half of the Burgesses, especially the greater towns, Edinburgh, Perth, Dundee, Aberdeen, St Andrew’s, Linlithgow, ran in a string after Duke Hamilton’s vote. That party, besides the advantage of the number of two at least to one, had likewise the most of the ablest speakers. For us none did speak but Argyle and Wariston, and sometimes Cassils and Balmerino; but they had the Duke, the Treasurer, Lanerk, Lauderdale, Traquair, Glencairn, Cochran, Lee, all able spokesmen; yet the other party had the advantage of reputation, having from the beginning been constant in our cause: also all the assistance the church could make was for them. The first bickering was for our declaration. When, contrary to their minds, we had passed it, they were earnest it might not be published; but we had given orders, as ever had been our custom, to print it, even before we had communicated it to the parliament. They had divers purposes, either by persuasion or violence, to have kept it in; but we let it go out on Monday, and ordained it to be read on Sunday thereafter in all the kirks of Edinburgh, and about. That which hastened it out was our irritation by the Treasurer’s challenge of Argyle on the Monday morning; an unhappy accident, that was ready to have kindled the fire amongst us all, had not God prevented it. Argyle’s enemies had of a long time burdened him, among many slanders, with that of cowardice and cullionry. On the Friday afternoon in parliament, discoursing merrily with the Treasurer, he said, “He heard of a meeting whereat the Treasurer had been the other night.” Speaking a little of this purpose, he apprehended, that the Treasurer had said, not only that the best men of the kingdom had been at that meeting, but also, that himself was a better man than he. Upon this, Argyle goes out of the House in anger, and calls for Major Innes, who sat at both their feet, and heard their discourse, to know if he had heard the Treasurer say, that himself was a better man than Argyle. Innes did not avow the words; but being sent to the Treasurer from Argyle, to try if he had spoken so, he said, He would not account to Argyle what he said; but whatever it was, he would make it good with his sword. Upon this, Argyle desired him to appoint time and place; and on the Sunday, a publick fast-day, the Treasurer sent back word, after both sermons, that on Musselburgh links, at seven o’clock to-morrow morning, he should meet him, and bring a nobleman for a second. Innes, albeit no great friend to Argyle, not only offered himself to Argyle for a second, but told him, he would resent it as a wrong if he were not admitted; so Argyle, with no flesh but Innes, the Treasurer, and Lanerk his second, did meet. Incontinent all were missed, and many ran to all quarters to search for them; and, by God’s providence, before they began their plea, some fell on them, and made them part without a stroke. The council that night, with much ado, got them to a professed coldrife friendship. We had resolved in the commission of the church, to have made both before the congregation acknowledge their fault; so much the more, as Sinclair and David Lesly, Eglinton, and Glencairn, some days before; and some days after, Kenmuir and Cranston, had been on the like engagements; but other matters put that out of our heads.

The publishing of our printed declaration put some of the parliament on many hard thoughts of us; but the result of all was, the calling of six of us to confer with six of their great committee upon a state of a question. For them were, Lauderdale, Lanerk, Humbie, Lee, Archibald Sydserf, and Sir Alexander Wedderburn, with the Chancellor: For us, Mr David Calderwood, Mr D. Dickson, Mr G. Gillespie, Craighall, Libberton, I, with the moderator Mr Robert Douglas. They produced to us a draught of a declaration, penned with a great deal of deliberation, by the counsel of many, but especially by Lanerk’s pen. They had slandered us exceedingly, as opposite to all war with the English sectaries on any terms. To clear that mistake, I wrote, and put in divers hands, Lanerk’s among others, the paper which herewith I send you. Their draught did endeavour to give pretty good satisfaction to most of our doubts; yet after a day’s advisement, we found it so unsatisfactory, that themselves were content we should take it to our consideration to be corrected as we found expedient. Mr Gillespie and my Lord Wariston had drawn an oath of association, which pleased themselves well, but their opposites, extremely ill, and their best friends but so and so, when best corrected. In our draught we took so much of their declaration, and our friends oath of association, as we thought made a state of a question which should be satisfactory to all; and here, to my great joy, were we on the very nick of a cordial agreement: but behold a most unhappy accident, which did put us to, and yet has kept us in a discord almost irreconcileable. There was a great desire in the chief that were for an engagement, to seize on Berwick and Carlisle, both for the extreme great advantage of these places, and also to begin the war, for the encouraging of our friends abroad, and wakening our people at home. This they counted no wrong, nor invasion of England; their quarrel being only against the sectaries and their adherents, for vindicating of our covenant, for the rescue of the King, parliament, and oppressed covenanters. An indiction needed not against this enemy. The towns of England, for our passing and safe retreat in the prosecution of the common cause, ought to be patent. Yet the most of us were averse from this design, and had long kept it off. In a few days we found the parliament, two thirds for one, otherwise affected than we wished. So soon as it was constitute, there was an inclination to make a close committee for the greatest affairs. Six of every state were named. So long as their power was not determined, we were not startled; but so soon as they got an absolute power to do what was fitting for the safety of the kingdom, in relation to Berwick and Carlisle, incontinent all were alarmed. Six of the trustiest members of parliament protested against that vote. The protestation was not admitted; but the protestors thereafter kept themselves together; and albeit the least, yet they kept the reputation of the best part of the parliament. Privately and publickly we gave warning, that the passing of such a vote would break us irrecoverably; but we were believed too late. My Lord Callendar’s party were so furiously earnest to possess Berwick, and to begin action, that they threatened to desert Hamilton and his friends if they delayed the vote any longer; so it passed, notwithstanding our earnest intreaties, and our friends protestation to the contrary. The issue was, we refused to confer any more on the state of a question. The protestors confirmed their union. Many of the shires sent in to supplicate against all engagement, unless the kirk were satisfied in the state of a question. David Lesly, Holburn, with the rest of the officers, declared their resolution, not to move without our satisfaction. After some days contest, we found a great change. The Chancellor that had hitherto been too far for the engagers, offended with their unreasonable proceedings, came almost wholly off them to us his old and best friends. The chief of the Duke’s friends came to intreat us to accept all we could desire, to state the question according to our mind, to be assured to have such in our armies and committees as we liked, to give over the surprise of Berwick, and all acting by the close committee. These things, by the Treasurer and others, were offered to us, with many fair and earnest expressions. As yet we are not satisfied by words, and some of our leaders are likely never to be satisfied, and resolve to trust to nothing that their opposites can do or say, so long as this parliament, which they call unsound, is in being. The danger of this rigidity is like to be fatal to the King, to the whole isle, both churches and states. We mourn for it to God. Though it proceed from two or three men at most, yet it seems remediless. If we be kept from a present civil war, it is God, and not the wisdom of our most wise and best men, which will save us. I am more and more in the mind, that it were for the good of the world, that churchmen did meddle with ecclesiastick affairs only; that were they ever so able otherwise, they are unhappy statesmen; that as Erastianism is hurtful to the church, so an Episcopal papacy is unfortunate for the state. If no man were wiser than I am, we should not make many scruples to settle the throne, and pull down the sectaries. Never more high and dangerous questions in Scots hands. What the conclusion will be, a few days will declare.

While we are sticking in these labyrinths, one of our number, none of the most rigid, falls on the overture to propone the commission of the general assembly’s desires all together immediately to the parliament, wherein, if we got satisfaction, we were to go on as they desired us, to state a question. The motion was approven. This draught of eight articles, after some changes of it to the worse, was passed, and presented, in name of the commission of the church, by Mr Robert Blair, Mr Robert Ramsay, and I. For answer, the eighteen of their first great committee, with the addition of six more, twenty-four in all, the prime members of parliament, were appointed to confer with us on these our desires. The commission, to these seven who had met before with the subcommittee of parliament upon their declaration, added Mr Robert Blair and Mr Andrew Cant. On the Thursday, before noon, they went through the first five of our desires. All the sticking was on the fifth; wherein we pressed to have the malignants who should rise in arms by themselves declared enemies, as well as sectaries. This was contrary to the King’s agreement with some, and their intentions, who, without the help of malignants, made the work impossible. At last we carried the article. In the afternoon we had almost differed on the sixth, the King’s oath to consent to an act of parliament for injoining the solemn league before his restitution to the exercise of the royal power. We pressed him not to take the covenant; but whatever his conscience was, we conceived him bound to consent to the necessary laws of the kingdom. Thus his good-dame Queen Mary assented to the acts of parliament for the Reformed religion. This also did pass for the substance; only a committee was appointed to smooth some expressions about the King’s restitution. We had no power to recede from any word, and so would not be at any committee for changing any expression, but believed the commission of the kirk would not stick at words, if the matter were well secured. On the seventh article, for managing the war by constant hands, there was not much debate. We could here fall on no words which might not be granted, and yet little for our advantage; albeit this was the greatest of all our difficulties. Upon the constitution of the army depended all our human safety, hope, and security of whatever else was granted. It goes now so, that no trust remains to any words or oaths; except therefore force were in the hands of our friends, we resolved not to stir; and yet we could not crave any such particular, but had necessity to have it done one way or other. Some underhand did move to have the Duke General. Callender and his friends were careful to free us of this fear; for generally all but the Duke’s own followers doubted much the sincerity of his intentions, either for religion or the King; albeit I confess, whenever I heard him or his brother speak in earnest, they seemed to me to give ample satisfaction; but as yet they have not the fortune to be believed by many. Ochiltree’s business sticks still in the throats of some. Upon too great probability, Callender, by his own party, which is great, is wished General: but his inflexibility to serve against Montrose, upon the sense of private injuries, whereby indelible marks of disgrace were printed on the face of Scotland, and his very ambiguous proceedings in England at Hereford and elsewhere, make us that we dare not put our lives and religion in his hands. David Lesly and Holburn are more beloved by us. The old General, for all his infirmities, is acceptable; also Middleton, and the general of the artillery, will not be refused. In private we were assured these should be the general officers; but we will not be assured without sight, and our main difficulties will be upon the committees to govern the state and army in the intervals of the sessions of parliament. If herein they permit them whom we count trusty, to have full power, when they can carry what they will in parliament, it will be a great wonder; yet if in this we get not satisfaction, nothing else will satisfy. We expect little debate on the eighth article, to have an oath for all this; but herein we were peremptory, and hope to obtain. It was my wish, that only the parliament and officers of the army should swear, and that the body of the land should be put to no more oaths; but it seems this association must be no less sworn than our two former covenants. While thus far we had proceeded on Thursday, I thought we were as good as agreed; so I resolved to go home to-morrow; for the opening of our provincial synod lay on me as the last moderator; also a new very dangerous infection was broken up in Glasgow, and come to my very gates. Upon these reasons, after eight weeks stay, I got leave from the commission to return; albeit very hardly, for our business was not fully closed, and I had immediate access and trust with sundry of the most leading men, with whom I was esteemed to do no evil service; while others, by their way, did irritate more; also we had resolved to have reason of Mr W. Colvil and his followers for their great and dangerous insolency, not so much in their open contempt, neglecting to read our declaration, as in their sermons and private negotiations, both with noblemen and ministers, to frame a faction for dividing of our church, wherein the peremptory rigidity of some, the too great simplicity of others, and the evil talents of more, gave them the occasion to make too great progress; but having staid till I declared my sense abundantly against these men, and helped to bring them low, and put them in a way either to recant or to be censured, I came away on the Friday morning, and to my own house at night. The college was almost totally dissolved for fear of the plague. We are waiting on the Lord’s pleasure, what he will do with Glasgow, whether yet it may be spared from the plague, whereof I am not desperate; and what shall be the next act of the long tragedy among us.

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June 26, 1648.—Reverend and Dear Cousin,—Since my last, March 28th, I have heard nothing from you, nor long before. Our affairs since have had a great progress, but not an inch to the better. All appearance of any possibility to agree, daily does more and more evanish. A spirit of bitterness, jealousy, and mutual contempt, grows on all hands, and the stronger party is begun to persecute the weaker, and that evil is like much to increase quickly. The course of affairs may draw both beside any intention to do the worst of that which has been objected to either as their design. The sectaries and malignants may shortly divide the whole isle, to the great danger and hurt of the King and the honest Presbyterians in both kingdoms. Our storm is yet but waxing; we can make but small judgement of its end.

When I closed my last to you, as then I wrote, there was some good hope of concord, a pretty good answer was expected to our eight desires; but some unhappy men made all these hopes to flee away. The committee of twenty-four framed their answer, and got it passed in an act of parliament before it came to the commission of the kirk. They to whom the consideration of it was committed, looked so narrowly into every word of it, that they found snares in every other line, and not one of our eight desires satisfied. This much the commission represented in a new paper, added a new desire, to declare against the negative voice of the King, which the commissioners papers in England had so much pressed. This draught of Mr James Guthrie’s, in the absence of Mr G. Gillespie, was as ill taken when it came to the parliament as any other, and so was as good as laid aside, till in the large declaration they gave it an answer. In the mean time they put out the act of posture for setting all the kingdom in a defence against invasion; but in a few days came out the act of levy, which, incontinent, alarmed all. The first narrative was ill taken, a danger from the malignants that had taken Berwick and Carlisle. The world knew there was no danger to us from them, for they had been with us in Edinburgh, and their enterprise upon Berwick and Carlisle was generally believed not to have been undertaken without some of our privities. The act therefore, before publishing, was helped, grounding our levy on the danger from the army of sectaries, which these surprises would draw down on our borders; and in this there is like to be no false prophecy.

Here it was where our differences began first to be irreconcileable. We stood on the managers of the war as much as any one thing. The committees of shires, and crowners for the posture, were indifferent; but when it came to the levy, generally all the crowners of horse and foot were chosen as Duke Hamilton, and Callender liked. Our friends here got very little of their will; but the copestone was put upon our despair, when we found Hamilton and Callender, how much contrare soever one to another, yet at last, after their had been much speech and dealing of either to join with Argyle, and that, through whose fault I know not, had miscarried at last: I say, Hamilton and Callender did join too friendly to our prejudice, and that on these terms, beside others, that the Duke should be General, and the Earl his Lieutenant. Both of them to that time had been opposite to the employment of either; and so long as they had any hope of our compliance, both professed a great deal of willingness to continue the old general officers, without any change, and each offered to mar the employment of the other; but when they could not draw our friends to engage in any terms liking them, then peremptorily they struck hands, and went on without much more notice of us.

With threats and promises they moved old Lesly to lay down his place. For a long time we had hopes the army, which we had kept from dissolving, should have been firm to us; but Middleton spoiled that our hope. All the officers had joined in a supplication to the parliament backing the desires of the kirk. Had this been stood to, the designs of others had soon been broken; but Middleton, who long had shifted subscription, at last was willing to join, with an addition of a short postscript, of the subscribers willingness notwithstanding to obey all the parliament’s directions. This commentary did so enervate the text, that our friends persuaded the officers to lay aside their petition, as that which was profitable for nothing, being clearly emasculate by the postscript. From that day we lost the army. David Lesly, by much dealing of many, was made willing to keep his place; yet afterward he repented, and gave it over; and so did Holburn, and divers more of the most gallant of their officers, when they saw the church’s advice totally neglected.

These things did grieve much the spirits of many, and I believe few more deeply than my own, so that my health by grief for many days was impaired; yet by the importunity of many, I was (before fully recovered) drawn back again to Edinburgh. Then I found that matters totally were desperate. Lauderdale with grief, the Treasurer, with many tears, told me how sore against their hearts they went the way they were in, casting the blame on others, who yet assured me, for their parts, that they found never any truth in the fair general offers was made them, when it came to any particular. However, then the dice was cast, every side were engaged to go on in their own way.

The declaration, long and well studied, and penned most by Lanerk, in very plausible terms, was offered to us. We appointed a committee for it. It was my advice to be short in observing, and to pitch but on the main exceptions. On sundry we agreed, and what sum offered I got out of their own conceptions; yet being obliged to take physic, I was forced to keep my chamber ten days. In this interval Mr Gillespie, without much contradiction, got in his representation whatever either himself or W. or C. had collected, which made it tediously long, and in sundry things needlessly quarrelsome, and to come so late, that the parliament, after ten days waiting for it, at Lauderdale’s canker’d motion, commanded their declaration to go out without any more notice of what we had to say against it.

At this time a messenger went to the parliament of England with five demands, craving an answer peremptorily in fifteen days. That which they feared most was to engage in any treaty. This we ever pressed, but they thought it needless, since they quarrelled not with the parliament, but with the army and their adherents, with whom they were not obliged to treat, and lose the season of the English motions at home. The rumour of our war made a great stir in many parts both of England and Ireland, and put the parliament to alter much of their former way, to grant London their militia, the tour the guard of the parliament as before, the freedom of their imprisoned aldermen, the recalling of the eleven members to their places, the restoring the impeached Lords, the making Warwick admiral of the navy: the army also was forced to divide; Cromwell to Wales, where yet he is; Fairfax to the north; but in his march he was recalled to suppress the Kentishmen. The most of the shires were on their feet. Had not our unhappy discords marred our expedition; had we with a small army, with any unanimity, but appeared on the border in time, appearingly, without stroke, we might have got for the King, for our friends, for ourselves, what we pleased; but our fatal discords were as well known at London as at Edinburgh, so leisure is taken by Fairfax to quiet Kent and Essex, and by Cromwell to hold down Wales, and by others to keep in Cornwall. Lambert in Yorkshire had time to keep back Langdale from York and Lancashire, and great pains are taken to join the Presbyterians and the Independents against all the risers in the shires, and our army, as against malignants. If this conjunction go on, the King and our nation are in a hard taking.

In the meantime the parliament and commission proceed in their paper-differences. Their declaration and our representation are both printed. They go on to act, we to preach against the lawfulness of the engagement as it was stated. The rendezvouses are appointed for the shires against the 21st of May. Many presbyteries, synods, burghs, shires, gave in supplications the 1st of June, to delay the levy till the church got satisfaction. Our poor town still singular in that unhappiness, is made the first example of suffering. All of us the town-ministers went up to supplicate the Duke in Hamilton, in the name of the presbytery, to delay the lifting of our people till our supplications were answered by the parliament. I spoke oft, and at length, to his Grace and Excellency, as moderator of the presbytery. We got courteous and civil words enough; but deeds very bitter. Incontinent all our magistrates and town-council, that same night, were summoned to answer to the parliament, for not keeping with their men the rendezvous; a fault common to them with all their neighbour towns and shires, yea with the whole kingdom well near; yet they were all cast in the tolbooth, and kept there divers days; and because they professed scruple of conscience to further the levy, they were all deprived of their places, and a commission sent to the old council that before was removed, to elect new magistrates.

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But this not all our misery. Before this change, some regiments of horse and foot were sent to our town, with orders to quarter on no other but the magistrates, council, session, and their lovers. These orders were exerced with rigor. On the most religious people of our own town, huge burdens did fall. On some 10, on some 20, on others 30 soldiers, and more, did quarter; who, beside meat and drink, wine, and good cheer, and whatever they called for, did exact cruelly their daily pay, and much more. In ten days they cost a few honest, but mean people, 40,000 lb. besides plundering of these whom necessity forced to flee from their houses. Our loss and danger was not so great by James Graham.

No relief got we, but a greater mischief. Many yeomen in Clydesdale, upon fear to be levied by force, had fled from their houses to Loudon-hill, and there had met in a body of some hundred horse and foot. Sundry of the soldiers who had left the army, joined with them. Much speech began of a resistance in the west. Too many ministers, both east and west, were said to be for it, if there should appear a likelihood of a party. For myself, I was clear against all such thing: I thought we had neither a just cause nor a good authority for any such matter, and the farthest we might go was no more than suffering. While we are on these debates, Callender and Middleton come west on the Saturday the 10th June. About a fortnight before Argyle had met with Eglinton and Cassils at Irvine. This meeting gave a show to the talk of a resistance in the west. Fife also seemed to look that way: but it appears now well, that the named noblemen, whatever they met for, did conclude of no such thing; for Argyle went presently home to Inverary, and Eglinton declared himself willing to let his men be levied. However Callender made haste to make the west secure. The Clydesdale men came, on the Saturday, to Mauchline to communicate. That night Callender lay at Paisley. On Monday he made a rendezvous at Stewarton, of 16,000 good horse, and above 2,000 foot, at ten o’clock. From thence he marched to Mauchline, sending Middleton before him with 300 horse.

The noblemen and gentlemen of the shire of Ayr had sat late on the Saturday at a committee in Riccartoun: finding that Fife had yielded, that Argyle was far off and quiet, and Callender with an army in their bosom, they resolved to lay aside all thoughts of resistance, and of this advertised the people at Mauchline. They notwithstanding would not dissolve, but after the sermon in the morning of Monday, some 1200 horse and 800 foot with eight ministers go out to Mauchline muir; gentlemen or officers very few were among them. While they are about to chuse some, Middleton appears. They expected no enemy in haste, so they are amazed at the sight. The ministers went to Middleton, and capitulated for the safety of all, except the soldiers who had left their colours, whereof were 100 or 200. This written capitulation the ministers did carry to the people, and persuaded to their power their disbanding. The most of the men of Kyle and Cunningham were content to go, but the soldiers and Clydesdale men would needs fight. While they are more than an hour in this confused uncertainty, and sundry crying to fight, Middleton makes a few of his horse to charge; but the people presently fled. His soldiers abstained from killing, only a taking horse, arms, and purses. A troop of the people fleeing to a bridge, and missing the way, were forced to stand. They turned on the soldiers, and fought very stoutly. Here was the most of the slaughter; near forty fell: some say as many of the troopers as of the people. Middleton himself was sore put to it by a smith. He got some wounds; and confesses, had he not stabbed the smith, though not deadly, while he was bringing on him too great a stroke, he had undoubtedly killed him. Many of the people were wounded. By the time Callender and the army came up, the people were dispersed. They speak as if the Clydesdale horse were gone to Galloway, with a mind yet to fight; but I believe it not. There is indeed in our people a great animosity put in them, both by our preaching and discourse; also by the extreme great oppression of the soldiers; so that it fears me, if Lambert be come to Carlisle with fresh men, and have put Langdale in to the town, as they say, so soon as our army shall be entangled with the English, many of our people rise on their backs. To prevent this, they have passed a severe, and, as I think, an unjust and tyrannous act of parliament, to put all the subjects of the kingdom to subscribe their readiness with life and estate, to further the execution of the acts of this parliament, meaning, above all, the act of the levy, which the church has so much contradicted as unlawful; also to declare, that the execution of the acts of this parliament, are the most necessary and fittest means to remeid our troubles, and preserve religion; and that all who shall not subscribe this much, without delay, are justly to be holden enemies to the common cause, religion, and country. We think the best part of the land will never subscribe this, and so that all of us who refuse shall be at their mercy. If I be put to this subscription, as possibly I may shortly, I think I may once more come to you, and that to remain longer. A service to any of our regiments, or any company of English merchants, will be very welcome to me; which you will be thinking of; for however yet they let ministers alone, and I have as much favour as any other, yet I think our troubles may so increase, that I may be glad to be out of Scotland. It seems many of our people may incline to venture their lives, either alone or with the English army, if it come near, against them who now are employed. I am not for any such matter. For fear of sectaries, we have not joined with malignants. If we should join with sectaries, it would be to me abominable. We who resolve neither to join with malignants nor sectaries, may fall into great inconveniencies; but the Lord’s will be done.

Our approaching general assembly is like to be a dangerous one. The moderator’s task will be hard. I am in doubt if I shall be at his election. The last time I was near it. I am feared more for it now. I incline by absence to eschew it. You have here the posture of our affairs as now they stand. I think they shall be much worse before they amend.

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August 23, 1648.—How things go here since my last, I give you this account. So soon as the motion in the west was crushed, which now I find had proven a very high and dangerous commotion, had Callendar delayed but two or three days to see it, the Duke with diligence did draw his forces together to the border, both to ease the poor country of their free quarter and grievous oppression, as also to put Lambert from hazarding the regaining of Berwick and Carlisle. The leaguer lay long about Penrith and Appleby before the Irish troops, and foot regiments from the north came to him. At last they became a very considerable force; the greatest that went from Scotland since the beginning of these troubles, though far from the number, as I conceive, of 22,000 foot and 8,000 horse, which common report made them. Never an army was so great a charge to the country; the foot-soldier for his levy-money, cloaths, and arms, costing generally 100 lb. the horsemen 300 merks, and their free quarter being an unlimited plundering of many very good and pious people. Our state has now found, which scarcely could have been believed, that, contrary to the utmost endeavours of the church, and all their friends, they can raise and maintain an army, and do what they will at home and abroad. The wisdom of some of us has made that practick to pass, and the mystery of our weakness to be divulged much sooner than needed. Always what the end will be, a little time will try. They are now in Lancashire. Lambert has no force to look upon them. The trained bands of the shires join not with him. Cromwell, with the few he could bring with him from Pembroke castle, having marched mid-way, is forced to return to Wales, where the Lord Biron did raise a party so soon as he had left it. Fairfax is yet at Colchester. It seems the Houses, city, and committee of the shires, have of purpose withdrawn assistance, that Fairfax at Colchester, and Cromwell at Pembroke, should lie till their forces melt away, and become contemptible. If London permit the Prince to lie still in the Downs, and be master of their trade, it cannot but breed great altercations quickly. That the cursed army of sectaries should evanish in smoke, and their friends in the Houses, city, and country, be brought to their well-deserved ruin; that the King and his family should be at last in some nearness to be restored to their dignity and former condition, I am very glad: but my fear is great, that his restitution shall come by these hands, and be so ill prepared, that the glorious reformation we have suffered so much for, shall be much endangered, and the most that shall be obtained be but an Erastian weak Presbytery, with a toleration of Popery and Episcopacy at court, and of divers sects elsewhere. We, who might have been the chief instruments to have stopped this evil, are for the time so far at odds with our state, army, and King, that the despite which all three have at us is like to further much that evil in England, and draw it ere long on Scotland also; but the Lord can easily disappoint our fears. Our state, on pretence to attend the Prince, whom, by my Lord Lauderdale, according to the agreement at the Isle of Wight, they are inviting hither, but really to keep down insurrections of people in the west, are levying 1500 horse more. They suspect deadly, that the dissenters in parliament, with the help of the church, may raise the country, if their army were once deeply engaged or worsted in England. Of this I know no ground; but men who are conscious of occasioning much grief to many, fall in needless fear, and by the means of preventing, draw on their deservings. Our condition for the time is sad: The pestilence in Glasgow, Aberdeen, and Edinburgh also; the continuance of very intemperate rain upon the corns; the irreconcileable differences of church and state, looking towards a very great persecution of them who have been the best instruments both of church and state, are great signs of the wrath of God; especially the hearts of the body of the people being evidently hardened, and the minds likewise of the ministry diverted from pressing that humiliation and mourning which the times call for above all things else.

But, leaving the state, our general assembly sat down on Wednesday, July 12th. On the Saturday before, I had been tormented with a pain in my tooth, more vehemently than ever with any other pain. This put me from preaching on Sunday, and riding on the Monday. Thus far I was glad that I had a true excuse for my not appearing the first day in the assembly, whence I had resolved, however, to have been absent. Mr Robert Douglas and Mr Robert Blair preached at the fast. The assembly sat till near eight at night chusing their moderator. Every man’s addition of three to the moderator’s list, albeit an equitable and satisfactory way, yet it proves very longsome. Mr Robert Douglas named for his two, Mr Andrew Cant and Mr George Gillespie; the assembly added Mr David Dickson, Mr Robert Blair, and Mr John Smith. Many named me; but I was well away. Mr Blair was doubtless the meetest man; but because lately he had moderated, he got few votes. Mr Andrew Cant got two; Mr David Dickson none. It went betwixt Mr George Gillespie and Mr Jo. Smith. Mr George did much deprecate the burden; as he had great reason, both for his health’s sake, and other great reasons: yet he carried it.

The session on Thursday was spent on the nomination of the committees. In all prior assemblies, some few of us met the night before the assembly in Wariston’s chamber, with Argyle, the Chancellor, and some others of our chief and wisest friends, to consider about chusing the moderator, committees, and chief points of the assembly. This preparation was now necessarily omitted to our hurt. Argyle and the Chancellor were both absent in their own houses, to eschew the subscription of the bond of maintenance. Wariston did not appear, not only for that cause, but also lest he should have been pressed to have pleaded against the ministers; for the eight ministers present at Mauchline muir were summoned to answer as raisers of the tumult. Mr William Guthrie, Mr Matthew Mowat, and Mr Thomas Wylie, were dissuaded to appear. Mr Gabriel Maxwell, Mr John Nevo, Mr William Adair, Mr Alexander Blair, appeared, and under their hand protested, that, directly nor indirectly, they had persuaded the people to meet there that day. When for divers weeks they had been put off from day to day, they were at last dismissed to a new citation. Always the good advocate being resolved in his mind, if he had been put to it, to have pleaded for the ministers, and not against them, was, with much ado, moved by his friends to lurk for some time till the storm went over.

The want of these private preparatory meetings, which the moderator’s health permitted him not to attend, did make our assembly needlessly long, and very tedious; for besides that the moderator’s way of inquiring at so many before every voice, was not for dispatch, his unacquaintance with the affairs of the committees before they came to the face of the assembly, made the reports unripe and unadvised and so oft needful after much debate in the assembly, to be recommitted. The committee of prime importance was that of publick affairs. Upon this the prime men were put; but so mixed, that the far most part were of the most rigid dispositions. When Mr Robert Ramsay, and some others, were moved to be added to the moderator’s list of this committee, it was peremptorily refused, upon this pretence, that he was upon another committee. By this means, were got out of that meeting whoever the moderator pleased, and on it whom he would.

For examination of the proceedings of the late commission, Mr John Moncrieff, Mr John Row, and some who had not before been commissioners, were named. Upon the fear, that they who had corrupted the parliament, should have been alike active to have procured commissioners to our assembly conform to their minds, it was carefully provided, that in all presbyteries they should be chosen who were most zealous for the covenant, and for the proceedings of the commission of the kirk, and for the maintenance thereof: so this assembly did consist of such whose minds carried them most against the present engagement, which was the great and only question for the time. The ruling elders were, Cassils, Lothian, Balmerino, Coupar, Torphichen, Kirkcudbright, Angus, Creigh, Moncrieff, Netherpollock, &c. Southesk and Loure were also commissioners; but Loure appeared not, and Southesk finding himself put on a mean committee, appeared no more. The chief contest betwixt us and the committee of estates, was like to be about the work of this committee for the commission-book. They sent in Glencairn to desire us to delay to approve the proceedings thereof, till they had prepared their considerations against them. The custom of the assembly, according to prior acts, was to examine with the first, acts of the commission of the preceding assembly. The exceptions the state took at their proceedings were such as made their persons incapable to voice in the assembly till they were cleared. Now the men were a great and chief part of this assembly; also the matter in question, the engagement, was of a great concernment, and had for many months been in agitation betwixt the church and state; so that long time needed not to set down any thing concerning it. So soon, therefore, as the report of that committee was ready, it was thought meet, without longer delay than a night or two, to receive and vote it. All without a contrary vote was approven. This angered our statesmen, and made them see, that all hope to make the assembly divert from the way of the former commission, was desperate.

The first ten or twelve days we had but one session in the day, the afternoon being given to the committees to prepare work for the assembly. In our committee for publick affairs, at our first meeting, I found more work cut out, and put in other hands, than I well liked. I agreed we should go on as far as the commission of the church had done against the engagement; but I wished no farther progress; yet it was proponed, and carried, to make a new publick declaration against it; yea, to have a declaration to England for the same effect. The drawing of these was committed to a subcommittee of six, whereof I was glad to be none; but I was not content, when, to Mess. David Calderwood, Robert Ker, John Smith, were joined Mess. James Guthrie, John Livingston, John Maclelland, Robert Blair, and David Dickson, who were afterwards added; and I was required to be added, but peremptorily refused; for my mind was not very forward for the writs they were to draw.

Friday and Saturday were spent on trying the commissions. Those of the presbyteries of Dunse and Chirnside were rejected; the one had chosen Mr Samuel Douglas moderator, the same day that a complaint of him had come to them from the commission of the church, for his never appearing there but once, and that to dissent from the church’s declaration against the engagement. The other presbytery’s commission was rejected, because they had put in a ruling elder, who had entered a written protestation in the presbytery against the causes of the late fast, relating to the late engagement. The disaffection of these two presbyteries was much spoken of; therefore it was thought fit to appoint a visitation, consisting of the most zealous brethren of Edinburgh, Lothian, and the Merse, to cognosce and censure their carriage as they found cause. The like course was taken with the presbyteries of Stirling and Dunkeld. They had not been exact enough in trying the alledged malignancy of one of their number. This occasioned a visitation of them likewise. Mr Harry Guthrie, a very bold man, but in this and the late assemblies very quiet, gave in a petition against this course; but rather than to make din in vain, took it up again. In our committee we had, these days, some reasonings about the commissions from boroughs: none of us were much for the things but all for tolerating of them, for fear of offending the boroughs at this time; only the commission of Edinburgh was thought to be wrong; but none offered themselves for that town. The discord betwixt their magistrates and ministers was much more than I desired to see. Their spleen against one or two of their ministers was great. The wilfulness of some rash men to have Sir John Smith out of his place has cost us dear. Since they have got the magistracy of that town, who, to their power, have carried all things there to the mind of those whom we little affected, one of their great cares has been, to keep their kirks rather vacant, than to plant them with any whom they liked not. In chusing of ministers and commissioners they took a new way. Their commissioners for the assembly they named in their town-council; also, as patrons, they elected their ministers there. They were content to propone the men elected, to the session of that church where they were to serve, but to no other. Much debate there was with them in a committee appointed for that end; but the result was, that the commissioners elected in their council should have the consent of their great session, which is their six sessions joined; also the ministers whom, as patrons, they name in the council, shall have the consent of the six sessions before they be presented to the presbytery; and in regard of their neglect to supply their vacant places, now of a long time, the assembly did vote six, whom they recommended to the great session to chuse four of them, and to obtain their orderly transportations from the commission of the church. The men were, Mess. John Maclellan, George Hucheson, Hugh Mackell, James Ferguson, James Naesmith, and Robert Trail. All this has added to the town of Edinburgh’s offence, and is thought will not further the plantation of their vacant places.

One of the assembly’s committees I have ever been against, tho’ yet without fruit. The city of Edinburgh is supplied with the ablest men of the kingdom; their chief service should be in assembly time. The custom ever has been, that so long as the assembly sits, all these men are idle, and all their kirks must be provided by members of the assembly. This makes many weak and ill-accommodated country preachers fill these eminent places, at most considerable times. This made the pulpits of Edinburgh be provided for on the Sundays, and week thereafter, worse than needed.

On Monday always we have the forenoon free, because many go out on the Sunday to the churches about. That time I spent in a meeting with the universities, and got them to meet twice or thrice more, where we debated, and concluded the most part of the overtures, whereof you have here a double.

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The three or four next sessions were spent much of them in votes and debates upon papers betwixt us and the states. Glencairn and others presented to us a petition from the Duke and the army for ministers, which they seconded. Likewise they offered all the security for religion they were able: and for removing the present differences they required a conference with us. To all these they required a present answer; at least before we past on the trial, in order to the approbation of the commission’s books, against which they professed they had divers new exceptions. To all these we gave answers in writ. The proceedings of the commission were unanimously approven; a conference was appointed; eight ministers named, and some elders; the army’s letter was referred to our committee. The state neglected the conference, since we had approven the proceedings of the commission, and had resolved, that no security to religion was possible so long as the engagement did stand; only they met once for a fashion, and gave in a paper, craving scripture from us for the unlawfulness of the engagement, and our meddling with matters of war and peace. This paper was referred to our committee. In an afternoon some few of us met, and set down our scriptural grounds for both these points; but thought fit to put them in the declaration rather than in a several paper.

Mr R. Blair and Mr J. Smith were willing to draw the declaration, lest it should fall in Mr James Guthrie’s brisk hand. I obtested Mr Blair, that he would be careful of two things; one, to be full against the sectaries; another, to beware that his draught carried any thing which, directly or indirectly, might carry us to a resistance of the state. I knew, that the most of the leading men thought a resistance by arms to the ways in hand lawful enough, if the dissenters in parliament, or any considerable part of the kingdom, had courage and probable force to act; but it was my greatest care, that nothing might bear any such thing; and this I obtained to my great contentment. There were two points somewhat akin to this that I obtained also, but with much difficulty. Sundry at divers times moved to have it determined, if it was lawful to pay any monthly maintenance, since avowedly it was pressed for the use of the army, which was unlawful. I avowed the lawfulness of it, as of a tribute agreed upon by the state before this army was in being; and that Cæsar in conscience must have his tribute, let him employ it to what uses he thinks fit. Also, if this were refused, the excise, the portion of annualrents, and all other dues, which were employed for the service of the army, behoved to be denied; which could not but make the state to take it by force, and the people to fight against their spoilers. At last we agreed to lay the question aside. It was likewise much pressed, that such as had been active for the engagement should be kept from the holy table; and, as I did think, the design of some was to have our statesmen put under church-censures for their diligence in this engagement. My mind in this you have in a paper here by itself. I got it, by much speech and private dealing, carried according to my mind. But other things were carried over my head. It was moved, for the farther clearing of the wickedness of the war, to make a collection from the commissioners of all the presbyteries of the chief insolencies committed by the soldiers before they went from among us, and to put these in our declaration. I was willing they should be collected to be complained of both to church and state, and censured by both so severely as possible; but was averse to have them registrated, for the infamy of the very nation, into our publick declaration. In this I was not heard. Also, when it was pressed that ministers silent, who did not preach against the engagement, should for this be deposed, I wished, if men were modest, and otherwise offended not, that this fault might carry no more but a rebuke; but not only it was made deposition, but, by the motion of two or three men at most, it was carried against my mind, and of divers others, that the prior acts against deposed ministers for malignancy should be made more strait: 1. That none of them should be ever admitted to any church whence a man for malignancy was deposed; but also, that they should be kept from preaching till a general assembly did find them fit for a church; also, if after their deposition they meddled with any part of the stipend or glebe, it should be excommunication to them. It was pressed by some, that the not paying of the stipend to the next intrant, should be excommunication to the patrons or tenants, who, upon the act of parliament, paid it to him who was deposed for adhering to the state. This was hardly got avoided.

It was against the minds of sundry to make a declaration to England at all; but this behoved to be. I was feared for Mr James Guthrie his hand, and so I found I had reason. His draught was wanting of that which I thought was the chief thing it became us to say to them, if so we said any thing, a sharp complaint against the sectarian army, and the parliament’s negligence to perform their part of the covenant, which had brought on us all our present troubles: also it had some dangerous expressions, which I thought imported the rock I desired to evite, calling our state, “a faction; yea, the mixed multitude that came out of Egypt;” but the dissenters from the engagement, “the nation, and the Israel of God.” With very much ado I got these helped, some in the committee, and others in the face of the assembly.

I found the bent sail of the spirits of some so much on the engagement, that all things else were like to be neglected; therefore I pressed, that the doctrinals, as most proper for us, which the last general assembly had recommended to all the presbyteries, might be taken into consideration. I got in the Catechism, but no more. We passed this, both the Larger and the Shorter, as a part of uniformity; but we thought the Shorter too long, and too high for our common people and children, and so put it in Mr David Dickson’s hands, to draw it shorter and clearer. Of this he was careful, and presented us with a draught before the end of the assembly, which truly was very good and exact; but yet so high and long, that it was recommitted to Mr John Livingston, who purposed to remit it to the ministry of Edinburgh.

We had three things more of great concernment to have passed, and might easily have concluded them all, had not our time been worse spent, the Directory of government, the Theorems against Erastians, and the Psalms. The first, a very excellent and profitable piece, the fourth part of our uniformity, was shuffled by through the pertinacious opposition of Mr David Calderwood, and two or three with him. Four or five things we all agreed unto, except in that writ from our consent; but that which grieved Mr David was the matter of church-sessions, which he maintains to have no divine right in particular, but to be only as a committee from the presbytery, to execute those acts of jurisdiction which the presbytery thinks fit to commit thereto. Lest, in the end of the assembly, when many were gone, we should come to so grave a debate, or rather, lest at a time of our so great strife with the state, we should fall a jarring among ourselves, it was thought best to refer the whole writ to the next assembly. Upon the same grounds, the Theorems were also remitted. The Psalms were often revised, and sent to presbyteries. Had it not been for some who had more regard than needed to Mr Zachary Boyd’s Psalter, I think they had passed through in the end of the assembly; but these also, with almost all the references from the former assemblies, were remitted to the next.

One session, was spent in encouraging Mr David Calderwood to perfect his Church-history, and to consider Mr Andrew Ker for his good and great service to them. Both got a testimony of our favour, 800 lb. yearly for Mr David Calderwood, and 1000 lb. to Mr Andrew Ker, with a gratuity of 5,000 merks for bygones, were appointed by the assembly to be paid to them out of the church’s £500 Sterling pension; but we cannot, for any request, get one penny paid by the Treasurer, and have little hopes to get any more in haste.

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We were troubled with the opening of the mouths of deposed ministers. Poor Mr Patrick Hamilton, in the very nick when the assembly was to grant all his desires, was rejected by his own unhappiness. He had let fall out of his pocket a poem too invective against the church’s proceedings. This, by mere accident, had come into the hands of Mr Mungo Law, who gave it to Mr James Guthrie, who read it in the face of the assembly, to Mr Patrick’s confusion. Also when the assembly was to have at last, after three or four year’s refusal, shown favour to your old colleague Mr James Row, Mr Patrick Gillespie, and his own cousins, did so far mar him, upon tacit surmises, as, I suspect of small importance, that it is like he shall never be permitted to preach; yet honest John Gillon got permission to preach, and for this I confess I was forward; for the man, though he want letters, is very pious and well-gifted, and strong against all sectaries. The preparative is not dangerous, for I believe few in an age will fall to be in his case; and if many should, I would grant them the like favour, though some misinterpret it.

The assembly spent divers sessions, for small purpose, upon transportations. These I love daily worse. The most are evidently packed businesses, little for the credit either for the transporters or transported. Mr John Livingston, refused to Glasgow, and designed for Ireland by the late assembly, though earnestly suited by my Lord of Airds, and much stuck to by my Lord Cassils, who, for his respect, had made a constant stipend for his church, most out of his own rent, though his parishioners had not been cited, yet was, at my Lord Lothian’s suit, transported to Ancrum, where the benefice was great, and the way to Edinburgh short. D. Colvill, called by Edinburgh to the divinity profession, so willing to come as it became a wise and modest man, his colleagues willing to dismiss him; yet the private respects of a very few, made him to be fixed to his station, which I regretted. Mr George Hutcheson, orderly appointed by his presbytery to go to Ayr, yet he liking better to go to Burntisland or Edinburgh, than to join with Mr William Adair, and Mr William absenting himself when the action came in, was appointed to abide in his place.

I think the misorder of transportations will not be got helped, till some honest men peremptorily refuse to obey, which, I think, at last, some will do; especially since the falling of so many places is referred to the commission of the kirk, with a power almost arbitrary, to neglect all the rules before appointed by general assemblies for transportations. We were fashed with Patrick Lesly of Aberdeen. His intemperate zeal for the levy had made him overhale. Mr Andrew Cant gave in a foul libel against him. He gave in another against the ministers. It cost a committee very much diligence to get this matter accommodated; for it was manifest that Mr Andrew Cant could hardly live in Aberdeen, if this man were enraged; so for the ministers cause he was much spared, and that matter packed up as it might be. Some men are born, if not to raise, yet continually to live in a fire. We had some debate in our committee about conventicles. Some of them we had heard of in Edinburgh, in the characters of sectaries. Mr Robert Knox got them in to my great contentment; for I found some too sparing of them; and yet I fear how far in their own time they may extend their duty of mutual edification. The whole two weeks following were spent on these things. The most were fashed for the moderator’s want of dispatch, and too much sticking wilfully to his own sense.

Mr Robert Blair in the most, Mr Robert Ramsay in all, was of my mind. Mr Robert Douglas misliked some men’s carriage. The assembly of divines wrote to us a general letter. To this, Mr R. Blair’s answer was good and uncontroverted. The subscribing of the bond was much against all our minds; but an act was drawn up against it in my absence, which I much misliked; for it carried censure against the pressers of it. This directly aimed at our statesmen, the contrivers of it; but in the face of the assembly, I got it to be exponed only ad futura. Some of my neighbours before the assembly were so far in love with this subscription, that I was forced to write to them arguments against it, as you may see herewith. Though in some parts of the country the subscription go on, yet in the chief and most parts it is not required of any.——

—— Our assembly drove on to the end of the fifth week. Many, dwelling far off and superexpended, slid away. I suspected the moderator drew long of purpose, waiting for a letter from the parliament of England, which came not. We hear now the House of Commons past a declaration to us; but the Lords consented not to it. I did not love to have any correspondence with them now, but others loved it too well. Another motion in our committee I loved not, a letter to be written to the king. It was fathered on Mr James Hamilton; and the drawing of it put on him, though no commissioner. I knew there would be a heavier load laid by us on his Majesty than was expedient to be meddled with; also that we should not express such a sense of his unjust sufferings as the world would expect; and so I was earnest to let all alone; but the moderator carried it: and though the draught of that letter came never to our committee, but at the first was taken in to the Assembly, and some hours spent in the moderator’s publick correcting of it, yet the thing behoved to pass, and the wording of it to go to the commission. Many good overtures against the sins of the times did likewise pass. One of them I was feared for. It was, first, that all ministers conversing with malignants should be censured by presbyteries. This would have snared many; for the notion of the malignants now by the engagement, is extended to very many. I got it some way qualified, but not as it will be found needful.

That which some days in the end of the assembly troubled us, was, Mr Andrew Ramsay and Mr William Colvil’s process. Mr Andrew had, in preaching, often fallen out in divers impertinencies, and contradiction to his brethren: he had been oft admonished; but the man’s weakness and age, and divers who resorted to him, permitted him not much to amend. Not only he had spoken for the engagement; but in prejudice of our proceedings, and Presbyterian government itself. Much he denied; much was proven. He untimeously had fallen on an unhappy question, The magistrates power to remit blood. The general theses which he professed to maintain, “That the supreme magistrate, when the safety of the commonwealth does require, may dispense with the execution of justice against shedders of blood,” many of us declined to meddle with; but the moderator gladly would have had the assembly determining the negative expressly, which was eschewed; only the man for his doctrine and carriage was suspended till the next assembly. Mr William Colvill was referred to us only for his silence about the engagement. The man was generally too busy to countenance and encourage our statesmen in their way, and the chief mover of Mr Ramsay to his course; however, he himself walked very cannily. I was indeed offended at his malapert carriage in the commission of the church, and for it, albeit it was not libelled, I consented to his suspension; but it was against my mind that Dr Baron should have been censured for mere silence; yet it was carried.

One or two of your friends in our presbytery had been, for their silence and ambiguity about the engagement, referred to the assembly, had I not diverted and got that evil kept off them; for had they come before us, possibly they had never come off.

We appointed visitations for universities and hospitals, and put on them the sharpest men we had. Likely Edinburgh will not submit to have either universities or hospitals visited, though they have most need; and I pressed their visitation before any other; since, as yet, they have ever declined it.

The commissioners for uniformity with England were continued without change; only Lauderdale, to my grief, was justly omitted. I was scarce resolved to have seen him; yet my Lady Wariston sent me to him, as trusting in his friendship for her husband’s business. He told me, that, however, to his best knowledge, there was no design either on his place or person for the time; yet that he could not answer for what might be shortly, especially when in debate and discourse these things might escape him which might irritate them. The good Wariston, lest by his enemies, he might be brought in by violence, thought meet to retire to Kintyre, where, for the present, he passes his time with Argyle. Lauderdale continues kind to me, and regrets much the difference betwixt us; fears it become a fountain of great evils, either the overthrow of the design for the King against the sectaries, or the putting up of the malignant party so high, that they will hardly be got ruled; at best the making of the government of the church, as we exercise it, to be abhorred by all in England and abroad, and intolerable to our own state at home. I find the Treasurer in the same mind; but both of them fast enough, for ought I can see, to our covenant and persons, except to one or two whom they esteem the prime causes of this difference. In Mr William Colvill’s censure, Mr David Calderwood rashly had said, “he was the painfullest minister of Edinburgh.” This the Moderator exaggerated so far, as some spoke of his removal for censure. The moderator before had taken him up for his impertinencies indeed; yet too roughly, and more, as I thought, than became. After this rencounter, Mr David went home, and came no more to the assembly. At this I grieved; it may do harm.

The state, on the Friday before we rose, gave in a large paper of observations on our declaration. I take them to be Primrose their clerk’s draught. We appointed the commission to sit and answer them. They are but poor ones. That same day we renewed the commission of the church. There is too great a change of the persons, and too great addition of men who never have been members of any assembly; also their power is too much enlarged, even to process all who oppose their orders, as well as of the general assembly. I find divers in the mind, that if once our army in England had got any sensible success, our state are resolved totally to suppress the commission of the church, as a judicatory not yet established by law; and it is feared they will trouble the persons of some of us: but the Lord’s will be done. I think indeed the carriage of some is too high and peremptory; but if the state begin to trouble any of us with imprisonment, it will be a great ill of long and dangerous consequence.

On Saturday, August 12, we arose. In the morning I went away, desirous, after much toil, to be at home that night, unwilling to wait on the commission, to jangle more with the moderator. I was glad we had all ended in peace. The matter of this unhappy engagement I hope will not last, and so the ground of our difference with the state shall be removed. But new grounds of division may possibly arise, which may make our contentions greater.