Miscellaneous Historical Documents. RELATIVE TO THE ECCLESIASTICAL AND POLITICAL EVENTS IN SCOTLAND—1639-40.

1639.—September 11. 1. Discussion in Parliament as to the Large Declaration.246 Undecimo Septemb. 1639.

Anent the Supplication presented by the Assembly against the booke called the Large Declaratioune, whairof Doctor Balcanquhall is challenged to be ane of the authors: The Commissioner represented that it is not expedient that this Supplicatioune be presented in ane parliamentarie way; becaus it tendis to the renewing of the remembrance of these troubles and the causes thereof, which heirtofoir vexed this Kingdome, and ar now to be buried in oblivioune; and seing the said booke beirs inscriptione of His Sacred Majesties name, quhilk he will not disclaime, it aught to be handled with more reverence then to be challenged in any publick way, quhilk evidentlie rubbis with His Majesties honour, and can produce no better effect than ane answer to all assertiounes contrair to what is averred in the booke, and will frustrate the Petitioners of their intendit end. And, therefore, the Commissioners Grace desyred, that gif the Petitioners will goe on in this Supplicatione, they shall doe the same in that quiet, humble way, which may not trench upon His Majestie, bot will most readilie satisfie His Majestie, quhilk ought to be their first and maine desyre.

The Erles of Argyle and Rothes answered—That the said booke containes so many vntrewthis, that is so dishonourable to His Majestie and this haill natioune, and is so publick and dispersed through all the world, of purpose to incense neighbour nationes, and speciallie Ingland, against us, and to possess thaime with prejudices against thair proceidings; and, therefore, the Petitione aught to be presented in ane publik parliamentarie way, quhilk being legall and humble, cannot in reasone offend His Graceous Majestie.

The Commissioners Grace answered—That the publik way will rather oblige His Majestie to vindicate his honour by ane answer of mainteining that booke then procure any satisfaction from his Majestie; becaus the King must ather mainteane that booke, gif it be challenged by ane publik way, or else acknowledge that he took armes upon unwarrantable grounds and false information, quhilk is so dishonourable, that no good subject can desyre or expect the same—and now, at this tyme, it is unfitt to renew the memorie of what is past upon ather side, but they are to be covered with ane act of oblivione.

The Estatis of Parliament being petitioned by the Assemblie to joyne with thame in supplicating His Majestie against ane booke intituled A Large Declaration, (which Supplicatione is registrat in the buikes of the Assemblie,) the Estatis humblie recommendis the same to the Commissioners Grace to be presented to his Majestie for obtaining graceouslie the desyre of the said Supplicatione; and ordainis this to be inacted in Parliament, in thir same words, and in no other wayis.

1639 40.—January 29. 2. Letter from the Earl of Rothes to the Earl of Pembroke and Montgomery.247

My Good Lord,

I have large encouragement to use freedom, both from your own favours to me, and my affection to your Lordship, and so may expostulate with you for withdrawing your wonted (and even lately expressed) respects at the Camp to this Nation. You found we had reason for our lawful Defence, and that we had loyal Hearts to our Prince, and Justice in our Desires; which moved you to plead for us, and so engaged the Affection of many to you. But sithence, when my Lord Traquair made his Relation, that moved hard Conclusions against us, not requiring so much as that it should not obtain Truth to the prejudice of a Noble Nation, till we were heard; and agreeing that an Army should be levied, and lending Monies, hath much grieved us, to disappointed of one we so much trusted. I have therefore been bold to entreat that we may keep better Correspondency, or else by mistake we may be brought again to begin a Mischief that will not end in our days. As we have formerly declined it, so shall it not be our fault. And it lies in your Lordship, and in other great Persons, to prevent these Evils. You have lived in all great Ease, Peace, and Plenty for many years, as any Nation in the World; and if you can like to interrupt your own Happiness for the pleasure of some Prelates, who will share little with the Hardships and Dangers that will be indured, you are not well advised. The Earl of Dumfermling, and Lord Loudon, are sent with a full information of our Bussiness. They will wait upon your Lordship, and expect your wonted Assistance. They all (as much as may be) decline War, except you will now needs have it. We hope your Lordship and others will make use of these Reasons for the right end, which will fix a great deal of Obligation from both Nations on you, and shall infinitely increase my respects, desiring to continue

Your Lordships most humble Servant, Rothes.

Edenburg, Jan. 29, 1639. 40

1639 [40.]—March 2. 3. Letter from the Marquis of Hamilton to Lord Lindsay, with Postscript by the King.248

My Lord,

I Received yours of ________ February, wherein you endeavour to let me see the hazard that His Majesty may run, if he take not a peaceable Course with his Subjects of Scotland, which you say, I am reported to be no adviser of; as likewise the unavoidable Ruine that will befall me, in case of my accepting of any Imployment against them.

The Arguments that you use, are the Resolutions of your own people, and the assistance that you will have elsewhere, the particular way you forbear to write; yet you say, that God hath provided it beyond your expectation; and, as it was beyond your expectation, so it is still beyond my belief; my Reasons you shall have anon. But first I will say somewhat concerning myself.

Know then, Brother, for a truth, that I heartily pray a Curse may follow him and his Posterity, that doth not endeavour and wish, that these unhappy Troubles may be composed in a fair and peaceable way. God, who knoweth the Secrets of all mens thoughts, can bear me record, with how much care, pains, and zeal I have endeavoured that; and I promise you, I shall as faithfully continue in that Course, as ever man did, in any Resolution which was with reason grounded in his heart; how few either believe, or know this, I care not, for I have laid my accompt long since, and am resolved on the worst that can befall me. And for your further satisfaction, know, that nothing can grieve more in this World, than to be sent in any Hostile manner against my Friends, Kindred, and Country: where at the best, though I may merit something from His Majesty, (to whose Goodness I owe much besides the Duty of a Subject) yet I shall never be called other than the destroyer of them; and what cause of Sorrow this will be to a kind-hearted Scotsh-man, I leave to you to judge. Therefore I assure you, that if either my Industry, Intreaties, nay Prayers prevail, no such Charge will be imposed on me, my inclinations having always led me in this rather to follow your Advice, and absent my self, in case things come to the worst, than to accept of that Employment; though I must tell you, it may bring along with it His Majesties Displeasure, and so consequently certain Ruine. Yet I do intend to put that to the hazard, and if it happen, I will have the Vanity to say, it will neither prove advantageous to the Country, nor to those in it, who once did me the Honour to esteem me their Friend. To conclude this point, consider, if a Navy come, probably I must be miserable; for what can I gain by it? if employed, a Discontented Life ever hereafter. If the King should impose the Charge on me, and I refuse it, what the better would you be? an abler would be employed in it, and I need never look for His Majesties Favour thereafter, and without that in his Kingdom will I never live. If I had no other Reasons but these, (but I could write you fourty more,) consider if I have not cause to endeavour Peace, and believe me I will do it.

For the Danger that His Majesty will run if he enter into this War, I do acknowledge with you it may be great; but that certain Ruine must follow, I cannot confess: yet I must say, that his Gain will be but small, when he hath got that by Force which is his, or ought to be his already; but what remedy? He conceiveth a Kingdom to be lost, and two will be hazarded to regain that, if they continue in the Course they are in.

For the Assistance you mention God hath provided for you elsewhere, that is conceived to be used as an argument to fright us: For from whence can it come?

From a Party in England? Trust not to that, nor give credit to a few Factious Spirits, with whom perhaps Correspondence may be kept.

From France? Reason and the knowledge of their Affairs make us confident, that no great matter can come from thence: Reason, for they will not assist the Rebels (for so you will be called) of a King for examples sake; and the necessity of their Affairs, for we know they have enough to do elsewhere.

From Sweden? Though they perhaps be willing, yet it is known they have not men to do it in these parts.

From Holland? The Body of that Estate hath by their Publick Ministers disallowed your Actions, and hath given assurance that they will be far from either giving Countenance or Assistance to you; what private men may doe by way of Stealth, is little regarded or to be esteemed.

Thus I freely write what is thought of the Assistance you are like to get from abroad, of which Opinion I shall still be, unless you can make it more clearly appear; therefore I will use the old Proverb to you, Beware that your stout Hearts make not your heads dry a Gutter, and make you neglect the receiving of his Majesties Pleasure with all thankful obedience, which, for any thing I know, nay I durst Swear, will be no other than stands with the true Protestant Religion and the Laws of the Kingdom. What pity is it then, that these mistakes should continue? but how much more will it be, that they should encrease to a Bloody War. If all amongst you would rightly insider what true Religion and Piety is, and lay that only before their Eyes, there are yet, not only good hopes, but certain assurances of a peaceable Conclusion of those unhappy Troubles; and as you have advised me, so let me you, (which perhaps may be the last time, that on this Subject I shall write to you) endeavour Peace, which if gained, the effusion of much Christian Blood will be saved, the Country preserved, Scotshmen esteemed Valiant, Just, and Loyal, not only in this Kingdom, but through all Europe, and no man happier than

Your now much troubled, and affectionate Brother, Hamilton.

Postscript.—For Answer to your Postscript, I am not in dispair, but to bring it to a good pass if your own carriage do not marre it; for His Majesty is content to sign the Signature, but it is to remain in my hands, and not to be delivered except your Carriage do deserve it, as well as Crawfords, who knows not as yet, how far his Majesty hath condescended. This Letter is not fit to be long keeped, therefore it will not be amiss it be burnt. Let me hear from you with the first occasion, and thereafter I care not how seldom, if matters come to the worst.

Since the writing of this, the Letter which Rothes wrote to the Chamberlain by Dumfermline was this day publickly read at Council-board, His Majesty being present: it hath produced contrary effects to what (I believe) he expected, for not only doth the Chamberlain swear that there is not one true word in it, but hath beseeched His Majesty, that Rothes may be called to an account for the traducing of him in so high a nature, (to use his own words) nay to make him, (if it were in his Power) appear to be a greater Traytor than himself. In a word, the whole Table was much scandalized with the Letter, and no wayes satisfied with the Writer of it, even though it had been all as he expressed.

I profess I have loved Rothes, and am sorry when any misfortune befalls him; and likewise I thought fit to mention this, that you may see what those of this Country will doe, when it comes to an issue; therefore I hope not only he, but the whole Country will take example by this, and grow wise while there is time.

This Letter he carried to the King, and at the end of that Copy he retained, yet extant, His Majesty with his own hand wrote.

I have perused this Letter, and have not only permitted, but commanded that it should be sent.

Charles R.

Whitehall, 2 March, 1639 [40.]

1639 [40.]—March 8. 4. Letter from the Earl of Pembroke to Rothes.249

My Good Lord,

The Civilities and good Respects which I placed upon you, at the time of my being in the Camp, you stile Encouragements, and insinuate them as Reasons why you may expostulate with me. Your Premises I allow you, but your Inference I return you again, as fuller of Sophistry and mean Designs, than of Truth or Reason.

First, I never allowed your Defence lawfully undertaken, by other Arms than by Petitions and Prayers unto your Master. I never found Loyalty in your Covenant, nor Duty in your taking up Arms. I never affirmed the Justice of your Cause; neither did I consider so much the Merit thereof, as your unwarrantable and tumultuous disobedience therein unto the King, with the Vexation and Disturbance it brought upon the Nobility of this Kingdom. Neither was I in all this Commotion your Advocate for other reasons, than suffering my self to become a Mediator to his Majesty for your Peace and Forgiveness, moved thereunto by your frequent Protestations of paying all Duty and Loyalty to your Master’s Commands.

If from hence you haply gained from me an easier Credulity than your mask’d Designs deserved at my hands, I know not why you should obtrude on me an Alteration of my Opinion, or a withdrawing of my (but conditional) Respects from you. Thus far an Answer to what concerns me.

And now, as a Counsellor of England, let me be bold to expostulate with you upon that which follows in your Letters.

How cometh it to pass that you should upbraid us, or expect from us, that we should not give credit to my Lord Traquair’s Relation; that we did not mediate with the King to change his Resolution of sending forth an Army; and that we did not deny the King Loans of Money for his Service?

My Lord, These Enforcements perhaps as little become you, as it is certainly unlawful and undutiful in the Subjects of England to dispute it with their King. You may pretend Religion to be the sole Cause of your Grievance; but we believe it a woful Religion here, that hath thus devested itself of all Moral Duty and Civility. Nay, you go further, you threaten and fear us with a Mischief that will not end in our days; and boldly make it your own Act, to have declined it hitherto without Obligation to the Kings Mercy at all. You tell us of Plenty, and Ease, and Happiness for many years enjoyed, and wonder we should expose all those to hazard for the pleasure of some few Prelates.

My Lord, These are Arguments for common People, and Men of broken Fancies to feed upon; but such Suggestions will not find nor make a Party here. Perhaps it may blow them into a Flame, whose Zeal already hath burnt up their Duty and conscionable Allegiance unto their Master.

To be short, as I never had a Correspondency of Bussiness with your Lordship, so your Letters have assured me it is dangerous to begin it. Yet for the Peace of both the Churches and Kingdoms, I will adventure to give you this Intelligence, That we have not (in our Council here) proceeded against you without deliberation, a good Conscience, and a just sense of Honour. Neither shall I, or any of us, be entreated or feared by you, or any of you, for contributing our Assents or Fortunes thereunto, but as our Master shall command us.

Lastly, Know you, my Lord of Rothes, that the return of my old Friendship to you is to be expected, when I shall hear of your Renovation. Be simple, my Lord Rothes, and not a Covenanter, and I shall be the same.

P. & M.

Whitehall, March 8th, 1639 [40.]

1640.—[Date uncertain.] 5. Letter from the Covenanters to the King of France.250

Sire,

Vostre Majesté (estant l’asyle & sanctuaire des Princes & Estats affligéz) nous avons trouvé necessaire d’envoyer ce Gentilhomme le Sieur de Colvil, pour representer a V. M. la candeur & naiueté tant de nos actions & procedures, que de nos intentions, lesquelles nous desirons estre graveés & escrites à tout l’univers avec un ray du Soleil, aussy bien qu’a V. M. Nous vous Supplions doncques treshumblement (Sire) de luy adjouster foy & creance, & a tout ce qu’il dira de nostre part, touchant nous & nos affairs; estans tresasseurés (Sire) d’une assistance esgale a Vostre clemence accoustumeé cydevant, & si souven monstrée a ceste Nation, laquelle ne cedera la gloire à autre quelconque d’estre eternellement,

Sire, de V. M., Les treshumbles, & tresobeyssants, & tresaffectionés serviteurs,

Rothes, Montrose, Lesly, Marre,

Montgomery, Loudoun, Forrester.

Englished thus:—

Sir,

Your Majesty being the Refuge and Sanctuary of afflicted Princes and States, we have found it necessary to send this Gentleman Mr Colvil, to represent unto your Majesty the candour and ingenuity, as well of our Actions and Proceedings, as of our Intentions, which we desire to be engraved and written to the whole World with a Beam of the Sun, as well as to your Majesty. We, therefore, most humbly beseech you (Sir) to give faith and credit to him, and to all that he shall say on our part, touching us and our Affairs; being most assured (Sir) of an Assistance equal to your wonted Clemency heretofore, and so often shewed to this Nation, which will not yield the Glory to any other whatsoever, to be eternally,

Sir, Your Majesty’s most humble, most obedient, and most affectionate Servants,

Rothes, Montrose, Lesly, Marre,

Montgomery, Loudoun, Forrester.

1640.—June 17. 6. Letter from Committee of the Scottish Parliament to the Earl of Lanerick.251

Right Honourable,

It is not unknown to your Lordship with what difficulties this Kingdom hath wrastled this time past, in asserting their Religion and Liberties against the dealings of bad Instruments with his Majesty to the contrary. The means which they have used, have been no other but such as they humbly petitioned and obtained from his Majesty—a free National Assembly and Parliament. The Assembly went on in a fair way, and was closed with the liking and full consent of his Majesties Commissioner; but the Parliament Indicted by his Majesty was prorogated, till the Reasons of the Demands of the Estates were rendered to his Majesty; which having done by their Commissioners, they kept the second of June (the day appointed by his Majesty) for the sitting of the Parliament; and after diligent Enquiry, hearing nothing from his Majesty nor his Commissioner, neither by their own Commissioners or any others sent from his Majesty, which might hinder the Parliament to proceed to the settling of their Religion and Liberties, after mature deliberation, and long waiting for some signification of his Majesties pleasure, they have all, with one consent, resolved upon certain Acts, which they have adjudged to be most Necessary and Conducible for his Majesties Honour and the peace of the Kingdom, so far endangered by delayes; and have committed to us the Trust to shew you so much, and withal to send a just Copy of the Acts, that by your Lordship (his Majesties Principal Secretary of Scotland) they may be presented to his Majesty. The Declaration prefixed to the particular Acts, and the Petition in the End, contain so full expressions of the Warrants of the Proceedings of the Estates, and of their humble continued desires, that no word needs to be added by us. We do, therefore, in their name, (according to the Trust committed to us,) desire your Lordship (all other wayes of Information being stopt) with the Presenting of the Acts of Parliament, to represent unto his Majesty against all suspicions, suggestions, and tentations to the contrary, the constant love and loyalty of this Kingdom unto his Majesties Royal Authority and Person, as their Native King and kindly Monarch: And that they are seeking nothing but the Establishing of their Religion and Liberties under his Majesties Government, that they may still be a free Kingdom, to do his Majesty all the honour and service that becometh humble Subjects; that their Extremity is greater, through the Hostility and Violence threatned by Arms, and already done to them in their Persons and Goods, by Castles within and Ships without the Kingdom, than they can longer endure: And that, as his Majesty loveth his own Honour and the Weal of this his Antient Kingdom, speedy course may be taken for their relief and quietness; and that if this their Faithful Remonstrance (to which, as the Great Council of the Kingdom, they found themselves bound at this time for their Exoneration) be passed over in silence, or answered with delayes, they must prepare and provide for their own defence and safety. We are very hopeful that your Lordship (as a good Patriot, and according to the obligement of your place) will not be deficient in that duty for your Native Countrey, and send us a speedy Answer, as we shall in every duty be careful at all occasions to shew our selves.

Your Lordships humble Servants,

Signed, Balmerino, George Dundas,

Burghly, John Smith,

Napier, Ed. Egger,

Thomas Hop, Thomas Patterson,

John Murray, Ja. Sword.

John Hamilton,

1640.—June 26. 7. Terms of Agreement on which Lord Lowdoun was liberated from the Tower of London.252

I. The Lord Lowdon doth promise to contribute his faithful and uttermost Endeavours for his Majesties Service, and furthering of a happy Peace, and shall with all possible diligence and care go about the same, and shall labour that His Majesties Subjects of Scotland may in all humility petition, that His Majesty may be Graciously pleased to authorize a Commissioner with full Power from His Majesty to establish the Religion and Liberty of that His Majesties Native and Ancient Kingdom according to the Articles of Pacification, and that by a new Convening or Session of the Parliament, without cohesion or dependence on what hath been done by themselves, without His Majesties Presence, or of a Commissioner to represent His Majesties Royal Person and Power.

II. That if there be not an Army already convened in Scotland in a Body, he shall endeavour that they shall not convene, nor come together during the time of Treaty, in hope of Accommodation; and if they be already convened in a Body before his return, he will labour that they may dissolve and return to their several Shires, or dispose so of them, that they remain not in one Body, as may best evince that they intend not to come into England; but may carry themselves in that respective way, as may best testifie their Duty to His Majesty, and their Desires of Peace.

III. That if General Ruthwen shall happen to become their prisoner, they may (as a testimony of their desire to shun every thing which may provoke His Majesties displeasure) preserve him, and that the Lord Lowdon will shew how far he is engaged for his Safety.

IV. That when Affairs shall be brought to a Treaty in Parliament, and that His Majesty shall be Graciously pleased to settle the Religion and Liberties of the Kingdom according to the Articles of Pacification, he will endeavour that the Kings Authority shall not be entrenched upon, nor diminished, that they may give a real demonstration to the World, how tender and careful they are, that His Majesties Royal Power may be preserved both in Church and State.

V. That what is done or imparted to the Lord Lowdon concerning His Majesties Pleasure shall be kept secret, and not revealed to any here, further than His Majesty shall think expedient.

That the Lord Lowdon shall (as soon an conveniently he can) return an account of his Diligence.

[There was given with this another Paper, which follows.]

Memorandum of what passed betwixt the Marquis of Hamilton and me, 26 June 1640.

I. Because no great matters can be well effectuated without Trust, Fidelity, and Secrecy; therefore it is fit that we swear Fidelity and Secrecy to others, and that I shall faithfully contribute my best Endeavours for performance of what I undertake; and that my Lord Marquis doe the like to me.

II. Our desires and designs do tend mainly for Preservation of Religion, Laws, and Liberties of the Kingdom, the Kings Honour, and of His Royal Authority, and for establishing of a happy Peace, and preventing of Wars; and we are to advise and resolve upon such ways and means as may best conduce for these ends.

III. If (after using of our utmost Endeavours) it be not Gods will that we may be so happy as to obtain such a Peace in haste, as may content the King and satisfie his Subjects, till differences draw to a greater height, and beginning of Wars, to resolve what is fit to be done in case of such an Extremity, for attaining a wished Peace, and to condescend what course we shall take for keeping of Correspondence.

If my Endeavours and Service (which doubtless will put me to a great deal of expence and pains) shall prove useful for His Majesties Service and Honour, and the Good of the Kingdom, which are inseparable, the Marquis will intercede really, and imploy his best Endeavours with the King, to acknowledge and recompence the Lord Lowdon’s Travels and Service in such a manner as a Gracious King and Master should doe to a diligent and faithful Servant.

1640.—June 27. 8. The Earl of Lanerick’s Answer to the Committee.253

My Lords,

By my former of the date of the 23d of June, his Majesty was pleased to promise by me, to let you know within few dayes his further pleasure concerning those proceedings and desires of the Noblemen, and Barons, and Burgesses, which you sent me to be presented to his Majesty; whereupon he hath now commanded me to tell you, that the Not Proroguing of the Parliament in a Legal and Formal way, was not for want of clear Instructions, and of full and ample Power from his Majesty, he having fully signified his pleasure to those whom he did entrust with the executing thereof, not thinking it fit to employ other Servants of greater Eminence, by reason of the disorders and Iniquities of the times: and as forced by the importance of his other great and weightie affairs, he was necessitated to Prorogue the Parliament for some few dayes, so did he most really intend to perform, at the time prefixed, whatsoever he had promised by the Act of Pacification; but neither can the neglect of his servants, (if any be,) nor those other Reasons alledged by the foresaid Noble-men, Barons, and Burgesses, in their Declaration for their sitting, satisfie his Majesty for their proceeding in a Parliamentary way; since, by the Duty and Allegiance of Subjects, they are bound to acknowledge, in a most special manner, his Transcendent Power in Parliaments. And if Subjects there do assume the Power of making Laws, and rescinding those already made, what Act can be done more Derogatory to that Regal Power and Authority we are all sworn to maintain? Therefore his Majesty conceives, they cannot in reason expect he can interpose his Royal Authority to these, or any other Acts whatsoever, whereto neither he in his own real Person, nor by his Commissioner, did assist. Yet such is his Majesties Clemency, that when they shall take such an humble and dutiful way, as may witness that they are as careful and tender of his Majesties Royal Power, as they are desirous of his Approbation, then shall it be time for them to expect such a Gracious and Just Answer, as may testifie his Majesties Fatherly Compassion of that his Native Kingdom, and his Pious and Princely care of performing whatsoever is necessary for Establishing their Religion and Laws. So thus, having imparted unto you all that was enjoyned me by his Majesty, I shall say no more from my self, but I am

Your Lordships humble Servant, LANERICK.

White-Hall, June 27, 1640.

1640.—July 7. 9. Reply by the Committee to Lanerick.254

My Lord,

We received your Lordships Letter of the twenty seventh of June from the Lord Lowdon, whose Relief out of Prison gives us occasion (before we answer your Lordships Letter) to acknowledge the same as an Act of his Majesties Royal Justice and Goodness, although the pretended Cause of his Imprisonment was but a Malicious Calumny of the Enemies of the Kings Honour and our Peace, forged to engage both his Majesties Kingdoms in a National War. As we cannot but regret that any Neglect of his Majesties Officers, or absence of his Commissioner, whose presence we did both desire and expect, should hinder the interposing his Royal Authority to these Acts of Parliament, which were found most necessary for establishing Religion and the Peace of this Kingdom, and which, according to the Acts of Pacification, his Majesty was Graciously pleased to promise; so we have and shall still endeavour to give demonstration of that tender respect we have of his Majesties Honour and Royal Power. And whereas your Lordships Letter doth imply, that we should take some other way for the more easie obtaining of his Majesties Approbation, which also, by several reasons, hath been most instantly pressed by the Lord Lowdon; yet we conceive that Parliamentary way which was taken by the Estates convened by his Majesties Special Warrant, to have been most Legal and Necessary, and no wayes Derogatory to his Majesties Power in Parliament, nor contrary to the Duty of good Subjects, who are warranted by the Articles of Pacification under his Majesties hand, to Determine all Civil Questions, Ratifie the Conclusions of the Assembly, and remove the present Distractions of this Kingdom, as is more abundantly demonstrated by their Declaration in Parliament hereabout; so that we dare not take any other course, which may entrench upon their Parliamentary Power or Proceedings, nor will we (being so few in number appointed to stay here) presume of our selves, in a matter of so great moment, to return a more full and particular Answer, till there be a more frequent meeting of those appointed by Parliament, which will be shortly; and then your Lordship shall be acquainted, that you may shew his Majesty their resolutions and humble desires; and we shall remain

Your Lordships Affectionate Friends and Servants,

Signed, Lindsay, G. Dunglass,

Balmerino, Ja. Sword,

Burghly, J. Forbes,

Napier, Ed. Eggar.

J. Murray,

Edinburgh, July 7, 1640.

1640. 10. Principal Baillie’s Account of the Aberdeen Assembly, in a Letter to the Rev. William Spang.255

Our assembly at Aberdeen was kept with great peace. We found a great averseness, in the hearts of many, from our course, albeit little in countenance. D. Sibbald, Forbes, and Scroggie, were resolved to suffer martyrdom before they subscribed anything concerning Episcopacy and Perth articles; but we resolved to speak nothing to them of these matters, but of far other purposes. We found them irresolute about the canons of Dort, as things they had never seen, or at least considered. They could say nothing against any clause of the book of canons, liturgy, ordination, high commission. D. Forbes’s treatises, full of a number of Popish tenets, and intending directly reconciliation with Rome, farther than either Montacute, or Spalato, or any I ever saw among their hands, and the hands of their young students, together with a treatise of Bishop Wedderburn’s, and an English priest, Barnesius, all for reconciliation. D. Sibbald, in many points of doctrine, we found very corrupt; for the which we deposed him, and ordained him, without quick satisfaction, to be processed. The man was there of great fame. It was laid upon poor me to be all their examiner, and moderator to their process. Dr Scroggie, an old man, not very corrupt, yet perverse in the covenant and service book. D. Forbes’s ingenuity pleased us so well, that we have given him yet time for advisement. Poor Barron, otherwise an ornament of our nation, we find has been much in in multis the Canterburian way. Great knavery and direct intercourse with his Grace we found among them, and yet all was hid from us that they could. I got my cause delayed to the next general assembly; yet Mr Robert Ramsay was ordained to transport to Glasgow, and Mr Andrew Cant to Aberdeen, sore against his mind; his patron Lothian will vehemently oppose it. Thir violent transportations will at once offend many. I am like to be more than boasted with a divinity-profession in Aberdeen. The work is so far mistaken. Better for me to be dumb or dead than so far miserable. Much of our ten days sitting spent in causes of transportations, and plantations of churches, where patrons, presbyteries, and people had their contests. All which came before us were at last peaceably settled. Many good overtures were made, which ye will see at once in print. That which troubled us most was a passage of Mr Henry Guthrie’s, which, because it may be the occasion of farther din, I will relate to you particularly, so far as I understand. Our countrymen in Ireland, being pressed there by the bishops to countenance the liturgy and all the ceremonies, did abstain from the publick worship, and in private, among themselves, their ministers being all banished, did, in that time and place of persecution, comfort themselves with prayer and reading, and other exercises of religion, whiles in the night, whiles in the day, as they had occasion. Sundry of them intending a voyage to New England, inclined towards the discipline of these churches; yea, some Brownists, insinuating themselves among them whileas their ministers were away, did move divers towards their conceits. The most of thir good people flying over to us, were heartily embraced of us all. Their private meetings were overlooked. Some of their conceits, though they were spreading, we let alone, till the Lairds of Leckie, one who had suffered much by the bishops, was marked, using his Irish form of private exercises in Stirling, and in his prayers, some expression which were prejudicial to Mr Harry Guthrie, minister of the said town, and other ministers of the land, who did not affect their ways. At once Mr Harry, with the brethren of that presbytery, and magistrates of that town, did begin with vehemency, and some violence, to suppress these private meetings; and to point out in very black letters all the singularities they knew or heard of in Leckie, or these who affected their ways. They, on the other side, failed not to render to Mr Harry and the brethren the like. The last assembly of Edinburgh were perplexed with this matter. Mr Harry made very loud complaints of their novations, both in word and writ. Sundry being conscious what in divers parts of the country was broaching, was in some fear. Divers of our chief ministers tendering very much the credit of these very pious people, were loth that anything concerning them should come in publick. We had sundry private meetings with the chief that were thought to incline that way. Mr Henderson vented himself at many occasions, passionately opposite to these conceits. We found among ourselves great harmony of judgement; yea, Leckie declaring his mind in a writ, was found to differ nothing considerable from us. Once we agreed for the framing of an act for the preveening of such questions. Both sides laid it on me to form it. All were pleased with the draught, only one not liking my conclusion of precise discharging of all novations till in a general assembly they were allowed, persuaded to leave off making of an act, lest our adversaries should triumph in our so hasty disputations, if not divisions; and did assure, by quiet denting, to smother all farther reasoning of such purposes: only we concluded, for satisfaction of all, that Mr Harry should preach for advancement of religious exercises in every family, and Mr Robert Blair, Mr John Maclellan, Mr John Livingston, against night meetings, and other abuses which were complained of. Mr Blair, in his sermon, did not so much cry down these meetings as was expected, wherefore Mr Guthrie refused to preach at all. Some citizens of Edinburgh declared themselves not well satisfied with Mr Henderson’s zeal against their practice. One Livingston, a trafficker with the English who were affected to our reformation, but withal to the discipline of New England, in his letters to his friends abroad, did write very despitefully of Mr Henderson. This being intercepted, did grieve, not only the man himself, but us all, of all ranks, who had found him the powerful instrument of God, fitted expressly much above all other, to be a blessing to our church, in this most dangerous season. For preveening of all farther inconvenience, it was thought meet to press, in all the kingdom, religious exercises in families, according to a draught which Mr Henderson, with the unanimous consent of all, gave out in print. This family worship was expected a sufficient remedy against the feared evils of other private meetings. But when it was not found so, these that would have kept on foot amongst us some of the Irish novations, foreseeing their severe condemnation by the ensuing general assembly, thought good to flee from that discreditable stroke, and drew together in Edinburgh, in time of the parliament, to a privy conference. On the one side, Mr Henderson and Mr Eleazar Borthwick; on the other, Mr Blair and Mr Dickson; these four agreed on a paper of caveats, limiting these private meetings; which being opened to the rest of the brethren there conveened, did please all. The report of this gladed all the land, hoping that these disputations had been at a point. I heard no more of them till the synod, at the beginning whereof, as the custom is, a list being given up for preaching in the town, Mr Guthrie was one. He finding himself, as he avowed, indisposed in body, and unable without more books and leisure than there he could have, and unwilling, since the provost of the town required he should be heard, having, as he heard, a mind to get him transported to that town, refused peremptorily to preach at all, and that with some words of headiness more than it became to us, in the face of an assembly; those who bare him at small good will, finding him in this snare, whether to punish him for bygone businesses, or to dash him for attempting in that assembly any farther matter about Leckie’s meetings, which they suspected was his main errand to that place, urged straitly the publick censure of his presumption. When he was removed, all those who had relation to the Irish business, lighted so sharply upon him, that many did think their censure was not so much for his present behaviour, as for some bygone quarrels. He took the moderator’s reproof submissively enough; but whether on that irritation, or preceding resolution, he set himself with all earnestness to have these matters concluded in the assembly, which some of us were afraid so much as publickly to name. Privately he had solicited the whole northern ministers and elders, putting them in a great vehemency against all these things he complained of. It was one of my overtures for ordering the house at the beginning of the assembly, that no motion should come in publick, till first it was considered in private by the committee appointed for things of that nature whereof it was, unless the committee refused to receive it. Whereby Mr Harry his first motion in publick, though he had alledged it had been proponed by him to the committee of overtures and not received, was remitted again to the committee. By this means he was holden off some days; but by no means could be gotten diverted from proponing these questions, which we were afraid should trouble us all. Account was taken of all the commissioners of the kingdom, in the face of the assembly, of settling of family exercise in ilk house of their presbytery; it was avowed to be everywhere pretty well advanced; but this was not water for the fire in hand. It was the advice of the committee, to propone Mr Henderson’s paper before Mr Harry was heard. This advice, in my mind, was wholesome; for likely all would have applauded to that paper, and no more needed for the settling of these questions; but some, whether because they were loth, though privily they assented to that paper, that yet it should go on in a publick act, or being varied with a clean contrair spait, were wilful to have Mr Harry to vent himself in publick, to the uttermost of his passions, would not let the committee determine any thing in that affair. Mr Harry being permitted at last to speak in the assembly, a long discourse proclaimed what he was able to say of Leckie, and those meetings. Truly he uttered many things very odious, if true. Mr James Simpson of Bathgate shewed also many scandalous things of that sort of people. A commissioner from Galloway declared a number of uncouth passages, reflecting on Mr Samuel Rutherford, Mr John Livingstone, and Mr Maclellan. Presently all went to a heat and confused din; the whole north, especially the Earl of Seaforth, a well-spoken man, but whose honesty in our cause ever has been much suspected, passionately siding with Mr Harry; some others freting to hear pious people so shamefully, as they thought, calumniated. In the midst of this clamour, I took leave, sharply to regret that we did rush in a greater evil than any was complained of: the confused misorder of a general assembly was the spoiling of the only remedy of that and all other diseases; but no possibility of order and silence. The moderator had neither weight in his discourse, nor dexterity in guiding. We missed much Mr Henderson, or some of our respected nobles. At last the confusion ended in a committee for the preparing of overtures to remeid these evils. The committee was for the most part of men at Mr Harry’s devotion. After much jangling and repetition, with many evils, of odious, whether true or fabulous, narrations, sundry of us inclined to have that forenamed paper passed in an act. But my Lord Seaforth, and Mr Harry, by no means could hear of that motion. They told ever, that caveats brought in the bishops; that this paper, though never so full of limitations, would be at least introductive of the thing limited. Mr Rutherford all the while was dumb; only, in the midst of this jangling, he cast in a syllogism, and required them all to answer it. “What scripture does warrant, an assembly may not discharge; but privy meetings for exercises of religion, scripture warrants, James v. 16. Confess your faults one to another, and pray one for another; Mal. iii. 16. Then they that feared the Lord, spake often one to another, &c.: Ergo, thir things could not be done in publick meetings,” A number greedily haunsht at the argument, Mr Andrew Ramsay, Mr J. Adamson, and others; but came not near the matter, let be to answer formally. Mr Harry and Seaforth would not have Mr Samuel to trouble us with his logick syllogisms. The truth is, as I conceive, Mr Harry intended to have all meetings private simpliciter abolished; also Mr Rutherford I know, in a treatise, defended the lawfulness of those meetings in greater numbers, and for moe purposes than yet we have heard practised: also Mr Dickson had written, and practised, and countenanced some things in these meetings, that now both of them finding the inconveniences, and seeing the great opposition they got from many good men, and especially by Mr Henderson, were content to pass from, at least to be silent of. We closed that night with this overture, That five of our number should draw up every one of us our conception, by way of act, to present to-morrow to the committee, Mr David, Mr Harry, Mr David Lindsay, Mr Alexander Peter, and I. In my act I strove, so cunningly as I could, to canvass Mr Henderson’s paper shortly, with some of my own conceptions. I communicated it to the chief opposers of Mr Harry, Mr David Dickson, Mr Samuel Rutherford, William Rig, and others, and got them at last to acquiesce. When we came to the committee, all the five Acts were read: the question came betwixt mine and Harry’s. Mine was liked by all; only Mr Harry disliked it, and conceived that under every word a dangerous serpent did lie. There was no remeid: his contentment was the contentment of the body of the assembly. Since he misliked my draught, I set myself to persuade that his draught might be accepted; for truly it had nothing that was controverted. It consisted of three articles. The 2d article was, That read prayers was not unlawful. Mr Dick did enlarge, that it should be lawful to read prayers both in private and publick. The 3d article was, That it should not be permitted to any to expone scripture to people, but only ministers, and expectants approven by Presbyteries. No man did contradict the 1st article, which was, That family-worship should be declared to be of persons of one family, not of divers. Here was all the question. I did declare publickly, oft without contradiction, that the meetings whereof he complained were not family-meetings, but another kind specially differing from the other: so that his article of family-meetings would never touch any abuse of these meetings, were they never so many and foul. Yet because this was Mr Harry’s own draught, and he alledged that the people with whom he had to do, did take their conventicles only for family exercises, he required no more than the declaration of the assembly, that family-meetings extended no farther than to persons of the same family. This, though no man could refuse, yet these that liked nothing that came from him, did question much more than they needed, and very violently urged to have, in that article, limitations which in my judgement were very needless, and did farther Mr Harry’s design more than his own words. Always Mr Harry was made content to accept of one exception, which was the practice of people’s flocking to their minister’s family-exercise; but of any moe exceptions he would not hear, and more they pressed upon an argument that did much amaze my mind, that except they got another conceit, they had a written protestation ready against that act of the synod; the thing that the devil was seeking, and would have been sweet pastime to that town of Aberdeen, and our small favourers in the north, who were greedily gazing on the event of that broil. Always at last the prayers of the land for God’s blessing to that assembly prevailed, and in a moment God made the minds of these who differed to agree, to the great joy of all when they heard it. There was but five of us then in private, Mr Harry, Mr David, as parties, Belhelvie for Mr Harry, the moderator, and I, betwixt them. Mr David at last acquiesced to my request, to let Mr Harry’s article pass as it stood; and Mr Harry, after once and again I had inculcate to him, that all his act was but a blephum if you put not in that clause you see it has against novations, was at last content to put it in; so with great difficulty, the act being agreed upon in private, and in the committee, when it came to be voted in the assembly it had no contrair voice. All of us did think that then the storm was close over and gone; yet when least we expected, it does blow up again as boisterously as ever. Some that were grieved and fretted that their purpose should have got so much way, desiring to have some order of him, did give in a writ, requiring, since so many vile abuses were in the assembly alledged to have been committed by Leckie; and others, in divers parts of the country, it were expedient that a committee were ordained for the trial and severe punishment of all these misorders; and that this committee should sit in Edinburgh, and consist of those whom the assembly had appointed commissioners for the parliament, with so many other as the assembly thought meet to join with them. This bill was read near the end of the synod by Mr James Bonner, moderator of the bills, as newly given to him, by whom he knew not. Upon the hearing of it, at once there arose such an heat and universal clamour, that it was marvellous. Mr John Maclellan was found the ingiver of it; while he began to be hissed at, Mr Andrew Cant, and Mr D. Dickson did speak for the reasonableness of it, and some few other ministers and gentlemen who had been on the council of it; but they were so overwhelmed with the multitude of criers, Away with it, Away with it, that they were forced to be silent and let it go. I much grieved to see the tumultuous disorder of our assembly; and had I been on Mr David’s council, I would have dissuaded him to my power from such a motion, which, if it had been assented to, was like to have fired our church more than any other brand that Satan at this time, in all his wit, could have invented: so, by God’s goodness, water was cast on that fire for the time: the embers yet seem to smoke; but we hope God will see to the peace of our church, which is but a brand newly taken out of the fire, or rather yet in the midst of the flame of war and great danger.

11. Laud’s Service Book, and the English Liturgy.256

In addition to the objections which the Scots had to various parts of the English Liturgy, they complained of the following alterations made on it in Laud’s Service Book, as savouring of Popery:—

1. In the order of the administration of the Lord’s Supper, instead of the Rubrick in the English Liturgy—“The table, at the Communion time, having a fair white linen cloth upon it, shall stand in the body of the church, or in the chancel, where morning and evening prayer are appointed to be said”—Laud’s Service Book has the following:—“The holy table having, at the communion time, a carpet, and a fair white linen cloth upon it, with other decent furniture, meet for the high mysteries there to be celebrated, shall stand at the uppermost part of the chancell or church, where the Presbyter, standing at the north side or end thereof, shall say,” &c.

2. Having thus removed the Priest, as far as possible, out of the hearing of the people, (in conformity with the Romish rites,) the Service Book, in a second Rubrick, immediately before the consecration, orders him to turn his back to the people, which he must have done according to the following direction:—“Then the Presbyter, standing up, shall say the prayer of consecration, as follloweth, but then, during the time of consecration, he shall stand at such a part of the holy table, where he may, with the more ease and decency use both his hands.”

3. They objected to the phrase consecration, which, though it appears in the modern editions of the English Liturgy, had no place in the edition used at that time in England; but their chief objection to the prayer of consecration, in Laud’s book, was the following sentence, which never was allowed a place in the English Liturgy:—“We most humbly beseech thee, and of thy almighty goodness vouchsafe so to blesse and sanctifie, with thy word and holy spirit, these thy gifts and creatures of bread and wine, that they may be unto us the body and blood of thy most dearly beloved Son.”

4. After the prayer of consecration, there follows, in Laud’s book, the prayer of oblation, which two prayers the Popish writers call the heart and the head of the mass, and both of which were carefully removed by the English Reformers, the former being altered, and the latter rendered innocent, by being placed as a thanksgiving after receiving the communion. In the Service Book, the oblation is replaced, under the title of a “Memoriall or Prayer of Oblation,” beginning with, “We, thy humble servants do celebrate and make here before thy divine Majestie, with these thy holy gifts, the memoriall which thy Son hath willed us to make, and humbly beseeching thee, that whosoever shall be partakers of the holy communion, may worthilie receive the most precious bodie and blood of thy Son, Jesus Christ, and be fulfilled with thy grace and heavenly benediction, and made one bodie with him, that he may dwell in them and they in him.” After this, the Lord’s prayer, which, in the English Liturgy, is not introduced till after the communion has been received, is brought in with the presumptuous preface of the missal, Audemus dicere—“We are bold to say.”

5. What was formerly called “the holy table,” and, in the English Liturgy, “the Lord’s table,” is now, after the consecration, in the Service Book, termed “God’s board.” “Then shall the Presbyter, kneeling down at God’s board, say,” &c.

6. In delivering the bread, the Minister is required, by the English Liturgy, to say—“The body of our Lord Jesus Christ, which was given for thee, preserve thy body and soul unto everlasting life. Take and eat this in remembrance that Christ died for thee, and feed on him in thy heart, by faith with thanksgiving.” This last sentence, added by the English Reformers to qualify and explain the former, is wholly omitted in Laud’s book, which gives us merely the words of the missal—“The body of our Lord Jesus Christ, which was given for thee, preserve thy body and soul unto everlasting life.” In like manner, when delivering the cup, the words “Drink this in remembrance that Christ’s blood was shed for thee, and be thankful,” are expunged from the Service Book, as savouring too much of Protestantism; and the Priest is simply required to “say this benediction—The blood of our Lord Jesus Christ, which was shed for thee, preserve thy body and soul unto everlasting life. Here the party receiving shall say, Amen.”

7. The fair linen cloth, with which the elements are covered, after communicating, is called, in Laud’s book, the “corporall.”

8. Besides this, in the order for the communion, in Laud’s Liturgy, the Offertory, which, it would appear, was almost wholly expunged, name and thing, from the ancient copies of the English Liturgy, as having been the Popish sacrifice for the quick and the dead; is introduced in nearly all its former glory. Passages of Scripture, omitted in the English book as identifying it with Jewish oblations, are restored; and it was strongly suspected, from the Commentaries of Couzins, who openly defended the practice, that prayers for the dead, and for the honour of the saints, were insinuated under such expressions as, “We also bless thy holy name for all those thy servants, who, having finished their course in faith, do now rest from their labours—all thy saints, who have been choice vessels of thy grace, and the lights of the world in their several generations—most humbly beseeching that, at the day of the general resurrection, we, and all they which are of the mystical body of thy Son, may be set on his right hand,” &c, nothing like which is to be found in the corresponding prayer in the English Liturgy.

Various other objectionable points, in the Service Book of 1637, are noticed by Robert Baillie in his treatise “Ladensium Autokatakrisis, the Canterburians Self-Conviction,” published without his name in 1640. But the same writer has treated the subject at greater length, and in a more learned and elaborate publication, entitled, “A Parallel or brief Comparison betwixt our Scottish Booke and the Missal, the Breviarie, and other Popish ritualls this day in use at Rome, according to the Canons of Trent;” included in his MS. letters and journals, which are now being printed by the Bannatyne Club. It is needless to add, that the suspicions of the Covenanters, as to the intentions of Laud and his Clergy, in the construction of the Service Book, to bring the Church of England, as well that of Scotland, into closer conformity with the Church of Rome, were greatly strengthened by the publications and proceedings of the party in England, who wen carrying matters such a length as to disgust and alarm the rational and sober portion of the English Clergy. See, for example, Laud’s Consecration of St Catherine Creed Church, which made a great noise at the time—Rushworth, vol. ii, p. 76. See also Bennet’s Memorial of the Reformation p. 165, and Neale’s History of the Puritans.