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Records of the Kirk of Scotland

Miscellaneous Historical Documents, RELATIVE TO THE ECCLESIASTICAL AND POLITICAL EVENTS IN SCOTLAND—1646.

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1. Excerpts from Principal Baillie’s Account of the Westminster Assembly, continued from page 439. A Publick Letter. January 20, 1646.

The hearts of the divines here who are wise, of the assembly, city, and elsewhere, are set only on the point of government. We are going on in the assembly with the Confession, and could, if need were, shortly end it. We are preparing for the Catechism; but we think all is for little purpose till the government be set up. The assembly has delivered their full sense of all its parts to the parliament half a year ago. The Independent party, albeit their number in the parliament be very small, yet being prime men, active and diligent, and making it their great work to retard all till they be first secured of a toleration of their separate congregations; and the body of the lawyers, who are another strong party in the House, believing all church-government to be a part of the civil and parliamentary power, which nature and scripture has placed in them, and to be derived from them to the ministers only so far as they think expedient; a third party of worldly profane men, who are extremely affrighted to come under the yoke of ecclesiastick discipline; these three kinds making up two parts at least of the parliament, there is no hopes that ever they will settle the government according to our mind, if they were left to themselves.

The assembly has plied them with petition upon petition, the city also, both ministers and magistrates; but all in vain. They know that schisms and heresies daily increase in all the corners of the land for want of discipline; yet the most of them care for none of these things. Had our army been but one 15,000 men in England, our advice would have been followed quickly in all things; but our lamentable posture at home, and our weakness here, make our desires contemptible. Had the King been of any considerable strength, fear would have made them careful to do duty; but their great success, the King’s extreme weakness, and our miseries, make them follow their own natural humours, to the grief of sundry gracious men of their own number. In this case our last refuge is to God, and under him to the city. We have gotten it, thanks to God, to this point, that the mayor, aldermen, common council, and most of the considerable men, are grieved for the increase of sects and heresies, and want of government. They have, yesterday, had a publick fast for it, and renewed solemnly their covenant by oath and subscription; and this day have given in a strong petition for settling of church-government, and suppressing of all sects, without any toleration. No doubt, if they be constant, they will obtain all their desires; for all know here that the parliament cannot subsist without London: so whatsoever they desire in earnest, and constantly, it must be granted. Wherefore, albeit they gave them a baffling answer to their former petition a month ago; yet considering the address of this in all its progress, they have thanked them for it, and promised a good answer speedily. The Independents, and all sects, are wakened much upon it, and all will stir; which way we do not know yet.

* * * *

Upon the city’s petition for government, the House of Commons have gone on to vote a committee in every shire to cognosce on sundry ecclesiastick causes, which will spoil all our church-government. This night our subcommittee has voted so much toleration for the Independents, that if to-morrow the grand committee pass it, as it is too like to do, this church, by law, will be given over to confusion, notwithstanding all we can do to the contrary. But that which vexes us most of all, is a report that is whispered, of the King’s purpose to go to our army.

* * * * To Scotland. To Mr David Dickson. March 17, 1646.

In the assembly we are fallen on a fashious proposition, that has kept us divers days, and will do so divers more, coming upon the article of the church and the church-notes to oppose the Erastian heresy, which in this land is very strong, especially among the lawyers, unhappy members of this parliament. We find it necessary to say, “That Christ in the New Testament had institute a church-government distinct from the civil, to be exercised by the officers of the church, without commission from the magistrate.” None in the assembly has any doubt of this truth but one Colman, a professed Erastian; a man reasonably learned, but stupid and inconsiderate, half a pleasant, and of small estimation. But the lawyers in the parliament, making it their work to spoil our presbytery, not so much upon conscience, as upon fear that the presbytery spoil their market, and take up the most of the country-pleas without law, did blow up the poor man with much vanity; so he is become their champion, to bring out, in the best way he can, Erastian arguments against the proposition, for the contentment of the parliament. We give him a free and fair hearing; albeit we fear, when we have answered all he can bring, and have confirmed with undeniable proofs our position, the Houses, when it comes to them, shall scrape it out of the Confession; for this point is their idol. The most of them are incredibly zealous for it. The Pope and King were never more earnest for the headship of the church than the plurality of this parliament. However they are like for a time by violence to carry it, yet almost all the ministry are zealous for the prerogative of Christ against them. We are at this instant yoked in a great and dangerous combat for this very thing. We have been often on the brink to set up our government; but Satan to this day hindered us. The ministers and elders are not willing to set up and begin any action, till they may have a law for some power to purpose; all former ordinances have been so intolerably defective, that they could not be accepted. The Erastian and Independent party joining together in the Houses to keep off the government so long as they were able, and when it was extorted, to make it so lame and corrupt as they were able; yet at last yesterday an ordinance came forth to supply the defects of all the former, that so, without further delay, we might go to work.

* * * *

The Independents have the least zeal to the truth of God of any men we know. Blasphemous heresies are now spread here more than ever in any part of the world; yet they are not only silent, but are patrons and pleaders for liberty almost to them all. We and they have spent many sheets of paper upon the toleration of their separate churches. At the last meeting we concluded to stop our paper-debates, and on Thursday next to begin our verbal disputation against the lawfulness of their desired separation. When we have ended, the Houses will begin to consider this matter. The most there, and in the army, will be for too great a liberty; but the assembly, the city, and the body of all the ministry in the kingdom, are passionately opposite to such an evident breach of our covenant.

* * * * A Postscript. March 31, 1836.

For the time our Commissioners can think on no private thing; for every day they attend, five or six hours together, a solemn debate, with a number of the chief of both Houses of parliament, about the propositions of peace to be sent to the King. A little time will shew much. We are in great doubts. The leaders of the people seem to be inclined to have no shadow of a king; to have liberty for all religions; to have but a lame Erastian presbytery; to be so injurious to us, as to chase us home with the sword. These things to you three alone. The Prince is landed in France, which will be a sentence of foreign war. This day the House of Commons have appointed a committee to secure the King’s person, if he should come to London. Our great hope on Earth, the city of London, has played nipshot: they are speaking of dissolving the assembly.

* * * * To Mr William Spang. April 3, 1646.

The last letter of the King being more taking than the former, offering to be advised by the parliament, if his followers may be secured of their estates, has drawn an answer yesternight, which his five or six former were not able to do. The answer is, That they conceive it not for his good, nor the good of his people, to come hither, till first the propositions be granted which they are preparing to send. In the meantime the city-guards are multiplied, and a committee appointed to secure his person, and seize on his followers, if he should come hither.

* * * *

April 23, 1646.—Matters here are in a very ambiguous posture. Exeter is capitulating, if not already rendered. The Prince is yet in Scilly. The Houses have voted 10,000 foot and 2,000 of horse to be raised in the north. Sir Thomas Fairfax’s 21,000 men are voted to continue other four months. They are speaking of other 10,000 for the west: 40,000 men are a great army when there is not one man in the fields against them. The most think they intend to force us to what they will. The common word is, that they will have the King prisoner.

* * * *

They make the word to go, that the King resolves to go to the Scots army, knowing their compassionate hearts, and love to the King, if he would do his duty. They have belaid all the ways, that they may catch him if he should essay to go any where out of Oxford, till Cromwell come and take him up. No appearance of settling religion or the kingdom, yet God may do both quickly. We are in great grief and perplexity; we pity it that a very few persons should be enabled to keep all in a dangerous confusion, when all might be so easily settled.

* * * * For Scotland. April 24, 1646.

The Houses put out an ordinance for the erecting of presbyteries; but so defective, that while it was in doing, the city drew up a petition against it; which the Houses voted a breach of their privileges. While we were in great hopes that the city would for all that stand to their petition, that we should learn to trust in no flesh, they shamefully succumbed: by a few fair words from the Houses, they were made as mute as fish. Yet the assembly were bold to petition the Houses against that ordinance; for which also they are voted breakers of their privileges. The assembly yet say, they will be stouter than the city, and mind not, by a few, whether fair or foul, words, to acknowledge any fault where none was. And we also, for our exoneration, do give in a fair remonstrance against that ordinance; whereunto as yet we have got no answer, and scarce expect any good one. But the eyes of all are most on the propositions of peace. Our state-commissioners had many and long debates, both by word and writ, with a committee of the Houses, upon the alterations of the former propositions, whereupon both kingdoms had agreed long ago. It came at last to this, that however by treaty they were obliged not to make peace without us, yet they might send what propositions they pleased for their own kingdom; and that, for religion, they would send no particular at all, but only require the King’s consent for a power to the parliament here to establish religion in England and Ireland as they thought fit; also they required him to consent, that for time coming the power of the militia should be in the Houses allenarly, and no part of it in the crown. To neither of these we would consent.

* * * *

All the Royalists in Scotland could not have pleaded so much for the crown and the King’s just power, as the Chancellor and Wariston did for many days together. All will be presently printed either here or there. Sir Thomas Fairfax’s army will now be near Oxford. They would have made us believe, that the King had resolved to have broke through to our army for protection from prison; but I suspect the chief spreaders of these reports know well enough how they keep him fettered in Oxford with 4000 or 5000 horse, beside their daily treaties with Ashburnam, and these who have absolute power over him, to keep him still till they deliver him to Sir Thomas Fairfax, and to be disposed upon as Cromwell and his friends think it fittest for their affairs.

* * * *

You see how things stand here. We are on the brink either of a happy peace, or of a more unhappy war than yet we have felt. The madness of these unnatural men, who continue to let out the blood of their country, when it had most need of strength, is inexcusable. Scotland, for ever, must curse the memory, not only of these wicked murderers, but also of all these unhappy self-seeking fools who have or do contribute any thing to our divisions and heart-burnings.

* * * * For Mr Henderson, being at Newcastle with the King.

You will have it from many hands, and I cannot but advertise you also, that the prevalent party desires nothing so much as the King’s refusing of any one of the propositions. It is the sense of all I meet with, that if the King should but delay to grant the propositions, this people will declare against him, and reject him for ever from being King. The Prince his going to France does much imbitter them, and further that which is the design of many, to abolish monarchy, and settle themselves in a new kind of popular government. If the King will presently pass all the propositions, I find the most very willing that he should return, and be received with so much power and honour, as may in a little time bring him to all his just and pious desires. He deceives himself exceedingly, if he expect any divisions here in haste. All will agree, if he remain obstinate, to ruin him and his family, and all who adhere to them. While this fear be secured, by appearance this people will be one. Divers, from whom least I expected it, are for the putting away of the whole royal race. The natural respect I have to all great families, and the great love and reverence that I ever carried to the King’s person, makes me grieve and fear much at this time. When I look upon the disposition of all men I know, I see nothing but ruin for poor Scotland, except the God of heaven help you there to save that poor prince from destroying of himself and his posterity.

* * * * For Mr Spang. May 15, 1646. From London.

The other week, by appearance by a secret instruction, our letters at the city-guards were taken, and broken up, and read in the House of Commons. One of John Cheesly’s has caused much noise. For ourselves we are all well; neither do we fear any hard usage for any thing that can fall out. There is no appearance of any such wrong; but there was great appearance of surrounding our army at Newark, with all the forces they had, at least with 26,000 well-armed men, to take the King from us to prison, or to cut us off. This made us, after the capitulation for Newark, to retire with speed. We are now out of their danger in haste. The faction’s great design is to continue the war; a peace is their quick and evident ruin. The King’s being with us makes them mad; but all good people are very joyful of it.

* * * *

The good party has now the plurality in the House of Lords; many in the House of Commons are falling off our unfriends. It is hoped the city may yet remonstrate against the sects, and that to purpose shortly; but our great perplexity is for the King’s disposition. How far he will be persuaded to yield, we do not yet know. I hope Mr Henderson is with him this night at Newcastle.

* * * * For Mr Henderson. May 19, 1646.

There is much talk here by all sorts of people of the King’s obstinacy; that he is the longer the worse, and refuses all reason. The faction rejoices herein. This disposition contributes exceedingly to their wicked design. All our friends are very sorry for it. Except God help you, that you have occasion to let us know shortly there is a great change, we will not know whither to turn us. Our perplexity for him and ourselves for the present is very great. If he would do his duty, in spite of all knaves, all would in a moment go right; but if God have hardened him, so far as I can perceive, this people will strive to have him in their power, and make an example of him. I abhor to think of it, what they speak of execution.

* * * * For Glasgow. July 14, 1646.

On Sunday, in all congregations of the city, the elders are to be chosen. So the next week, church-sessions in every parish, and twelve presbyteries within the city, and a provincial synod are to be set up, and quickly, without any impediment that we apprehend. The like is to be done over all the land. They go to this work unanimously and chearfully at last, I mean all but the sectaries. That it may the better succeed, there is on Thursday next a general fast over the city, which both the assembly and parliament do countenance. The work of the assembly, these bygone weeks, has been to answer some very captious questions of the parliament, about the clear scriptural warrant for all the punctilio’s of the government. It was thought it would be impossible to us to answer, and that in our answers there should be no unanimity; yet, by God’s grace, we shall deceive them who were waiting for our halting. The committee has prepared very solid and satisfactory answers already, almost to all the questions, wherein there is like to be an unanimity absolute in all things material, even with the Independents. But because of the assembly’s way, and the Independents miserable unamendable design to keep all things from any conclusion, it is like we shall not be able to perfect our answers for some time; therefore I have put some of my good friends, leading men in the House of Commons, to move the assembly to lay aside our questions for a time, and labour about that which is most necessary, and all are crying for the perfecting of the Confession of Faith and Catechism. If this motion take, I hope we shall end shortly our Confession, for there are but a few articles now to go through. It will be a very gracious and satisfactory Confession when you see it. We made, long ago, a pretty progress in the Catechism; but falling on rubs and long debates, it was laid aside till the Confession was ended, with resolution to have no matter in it but what was expressed in the Confession, which should not be debated over again in the Catechism. If these two pieces, and the Catechism, were out of our hands, our long work were at an end. All the corrections of Mr Rous’s psalms and advices which come up from thence, were very friendly received, and almost all of them followed. It is like the assembly and parliament here will, ere long, authorise the use of that oft corrected Psalter. Whether you think meet to make use of it or not, it shall be absolutely in your own power.

* * * * For Mr William Spang. August 7, 1646.

We were lately in some good hopes of an happy end of our long troubles, but now we are very near desperate of that. After all possible endeavours by all unanimously, Scots, English, French, so far as yet we know, the King refuses the propositions. We expect on Monday the Chancellor and Argyle, with the English commissioners. After their report to the Houses, we fear sad votes. It will be our endeavour to keep them from sudden conclusions. They take very long time to the smallest affairs: I fear they be too quick in deposing the King, and setting a day to the Prince. We are at a great nonplus, in very great grief and perplexity. We know not what either to say or do. There is before us a thick cloud of confusion. Many of the King’s greatest friends think his obstinacy judicial, as if, in God’s justice, he were destroying himself. I fear he will down with him all his posterity, and monarchy. Also in this isle we have very small hopes of doing any more with him, and many thousands more of his best subjects. This is the great joy of the prevalent party, the thing they panted for with all earnestness. Our griefs and fears are great, and for the time we are in a great stupidity and astonishment. It will be our endeavour to keep the nations together, albeit we scarce see the possibility of it. Mr Henderson is dying most of heartbreak at Newcastle.

* * * * For Mr Henderson. August 13, 1646.

It seems the most here are inclined to declare against the King, and that without much regret. I know no remeid, but a quick message from him to grant all. I wish our meeting at Edinburgh would yet send to him for that effect; but I fear it be too late.

* * * *

In the assembly we were like to have stuck many months on the questions; and the Independents were in a way to get all their differences debated over again. I dealt so with Mr Rous and Mr Tate, that they brought us an order from the House to lay aside the questions till the Confession and Catechism were ended. Many took it for a trick of the Independents and Erastians for our hurt; but I knew it was nothing less. We are now near an end of our Confession. We stick on the article of synods, upon the proposition of their coercive power, or their power to excommunicate. If this were over, we apprehend no more long debates on the Confession. The Committee for the Catechism has well near ended their work.

* * * * For Mr Robert Blair. August 18, 1646.

With much diligence, and art, and great perplexities, we strive every day to keep the House of Commons from falling on the King’s answer. We know not what hour they will close their doors, and declare the King fallen from his throne; which if they should once do, we put no doubt but all England would concur; and if any should mutter against it, they would be quickly suppressed. Do not expect, that ever any more messages will come to you [meaning the King] from this. If within a very few days you send not hither a simple and absolute grant of all the propositions, without any if, or and, you will quickly obtain your desire. A martyrdom, a perpetual close prison at least, will be your portion; and that without the pity of many. If yet you would do what within a few weeks you will on your knees beg to be permitted to do, but in vain, you might save all.

* * * * For Mr David Dickson. August 18, 1646.

The King’s unhappy refusal of the propositions has put us here in a great deal of confusion and perplexity. The sectaries do exceedingly rejoice; the rest are in great sadness. The great danger was, that the House of Commons presently without any more, should declare against the King. Our great care was to prevent that great mischief; for if they once had passed a vote to demand the King, to remove our army, to send their army northward, there was no remeid. Therefore we made ready a paper before their commissioners returned, and presented it at the very back of their commissioners report, of our willingness to disband our army, and give up the garrisons upon reasonable satisfaction; and our desire to take, by common advice, a course for settling of the kingdoms. The noise of our very good carriage at Newcastle, the great equity of our paper, our private dealing with our friends in the Houses, made our motions taken: so we have got them to consider first the matter of our army before they came to the King’s answer. We hope to keep on this for some days, till the King have a little more time to be better advised. And such diligence has been used, that we hear he is coming near us.

* * * *

Their first offer to us was of £100,000 Sterling for the disbanding of our army. We, this day, gave them in a paper wherein we were peremptor for more than double that sum for the present, besides the huge sums which we crave to be paid afterward. They have appointed a committee to confer with us; we are in some hopes of agreement.

* * * * For Glasgow. To Mr Robert Ramsay. London, August 18, 1646.

We are here, by the King’s madness, in a terrible plunge. The powerful faction desires nothing so much as any colour to cast the King and all his race away, to have a quarrel with us; this they will get if the King stick but for a few days many of the propositions. Many here will regret it; but none will oppose. With great difficulty we drive over a little time, and to our utmost labours with the King. He never did any good turn in due time; our people, I fear, be a snare to him. Divisions are like to increase, and the best to be borne down most. Worse evils hang above the head of poor Scotland than yet we have suffered, except the Lord prevent, and such as I cannot see their end. Blasphemous heresies rage here every where, without any controul, to this day. Warnings are clear and zealous; but a few that make it their work to patronise and advance a horrible liberty, mars all. This nation also is in a temper to fall in a worse war than the former. God help us, we had need to pray. Never people nearer to a bottomless pit of horrible evils.

* * * * To Mr David Dickson, September 22, 1646.

Reverend and Dear Brother,

—— We have ended the Confession of Faith for the matter, and have perfected the most half of its nineteen chapters. The other seventeen, I hope, in a ten or twelve days will be perfected, and so all be sent up to the Houses. It will be, I hope, a very sweet and orthodox piece, much better than any Confession yet extant, if the House of Commons mangle it not to us. We are now upon the Catechism. We hope that also shall be a very good and plain piece. We are now at work, thanks to God, in earnest much more than ever. If the race hold, I trust this also in a month shall be over, and then Mr Rutherford and I will supplicate the commission for a demission. Mr Gillespie will be abundance to attend the queries. It will be a great question when you shall think meet to call a general assembly. We yet know not what to advise. It will be necessary to have the Confession and Catechism approven in a general assembly, as the Directory was; but we fear the condition of your affairs at this time, will scarce permit you to hazard to call one. Always be thinking on this; for it will be a great deliberandum shortly. To-morrow, the House of Commons debate the ordinance against heresies and blasphemies; we are very solicitous for it. The orthodox and heterodox party will yoke about it with all their strength, the Lord be among them; for the right or wrong carrying of that business is of a huge consequence, and nothing beyond it but another question which this day is handled, How to dispose of the King’s person? Great need had you there, as in my last I warned you, to see to the election of commissioners to the parliament, both in the burghs and shires. If that choice fall wrong, Scotland is in hazard to be ruined.

* * * * For Mr Spang. October 2, 1646.

They have passed a vote of disposing the King’s person as their two Houses shall think fit, without any reference to us. We press, by many unanswerable reasons, our joint interest. They deny it. It is like we may join in advising, and get the question of power laid aside; but when we come to advise, we know not what to say. We expect one of these days William Murray with the King’s last answers. We are certain they will not satisfy. Their course thereafter with the King will be more summar than we readily can join in peace. We see an inundation of evils; except the great God arise we are undone. These things were the subject of yesterday’s full debate betwixt the two Houses and our commissioners. We expected £200,000 to have been put in our army’s hand within a fortnight, and the sectarian army disbanded, and that party humbled, government presently set up, the ordinance against sects and heresies that now is in debate to pass, and be execute; but the King’s obstinacy is like to mar all. And having done all we can, we know not what to do with him next. The good Chancellor is distempered with grief, and I with him also, and others of us; God help us. When we get better news ye shall get part; for the time I am not well neither in body or mind.

For Mr George Young. October 13, 1646.

The unreasonable vote of disposing of the King’s person as their two Houses of Parliament think meet, without the least reference to Scotland, they still adhere to. In three solemn meetings, the Chancellor, Wariston, and Lauderdale, did so out-reason them, that all the hundreds of hearers did grope their insolent absurdities; but for no other purpose, than to draw from them another very unexpected vote, of keeping up the army for six months more. The keys, the sword, and money, and preferments, in the hands of the sectaries. With much ado have we kept the report of these three conferences from the Houses, to be made in four or five sheets, on Thursday, by ourselves. The King’s answer cannot be here till Monday. In the meantime they are so peremptor, that they may pass a vote, declaring the King, for no scant of faults, incapable to govern while he lives. If this nail be once rooved, we with our teeth will never get it drawn. If we get it delayed a few days, till the answer come, it is well; but when that much-expected answer comes, if it be not satisfactory, as we are extremely afraid for it, then, by all appearance, this people, without more delay, will strike the fatal stroke; the consequences whereof I am oft troubled to think upon. If the answer were satisfactory, as some hope there is that at least in time it may be so, if the patience of this people, by all diligence we can use, may be kept but for a few weeks unbroken, all would go well.

For matters of religion, albeit for the time in an extreme ill posture, yet are in a case of thriving, if the accommodating of the King did permit men but to draw up their fainting spirits. The fear of that miscarriage lets no man mind any thing else. London and Lancashire goes on with the presbyteries and sessions but languidly. Sundry other shires are making to; but all the errors of the world are raging over all the kingdom. God save Scotland from that pest! In the ordinance against that evil there is some little progress made. To-morrow, by God’s help, we expect a farther. Our assembly for one twenty days posted hard; but since have got into its old pace. The first half, and more, of the Confession, we sent up to the House. The end of these who called for it, was the shuffling out the ordinance against errors; yet our friends have carried to go on with that. But others have carried the putting of scriptures to the margin of the Confession, which may prove a very long business, if not dextrously managed. It will be yet a fortnight before the other half of it be ready; for sundry necessar, but scabrous propositions, were added in the review. We have passed near a quarter of the Catechism; but we will not in earnest win to it till Confession be off our hand. I am near ready to speak a word with the Anabaptists. I dare say, too much ease has not been hitherto in me or my colleague’s disease.

* * * * To Mr David Dickson. October 27, 1646.

The peace of the kingdoms is still in a great uncertainty. We fear every other day, that the Houses impatience of the King’s infinite delays break off in a fury against him, and then that he be brought to consent to all but to no purpose, unless to engage our poor kingdom in his quarrel, for the joining of our ruin to his own. It is also whispered, that he is coming off to grant all things but the covenant, and church-government, and that it is like the parliament here will close with him in these terms, without much regard to our complaints and miscontentment this way.

* * * * To ——. [This letter is, I suppose, for Mr Robert Blair.] November 3, 1646.

I hear that not only the chief of the sectarian party, but some others, seem in private to give their readiness to welcome the King, if the other propositions be granted, though the covenant be shifted. The sectarian party, and divers others who profess most to oppose them, seem to be in a way near a disposition to admit, unanimously enough, of a charge against the King’s person, which they say is in readiness, and that the great stop to this, all fear from the Scots and the city will be removed. If they find that the King in his answer give not quick and full satisfaction in the covenant, I really believe the King is greatly abused if he dream that either the Scots or the city will make any considerable opposition to any course the parliament shall be pleased to take with his person, if there be any more hesitations in establishing that covenant.

It is to me marvellous, that no experience, how dear, or frequent soever, will learn his Majesty that one point of prudence, to do in time for his great advantage, what he must and will do ere long, without any thanks, and that with a great addition. The covenant now will do all his business. Will he scruple it till the ordinance pass, the next debate will be about his negative voice in the parliament; and very readily that shall be put in an ordinance; and without it also there shall be no admittance of him, or any of his, to the throne.

To many here it seems a great measure of imprudence, and (as some call it) induration and dementation, to be content that the parliament here should run out into the greatest extremities, and to hope that those shall be the readiest means to obtain to the King all his desires; for I verily think that if the parliament shall once go on to the hardest courses with the King, upon his refusal to pass the covenant, and to do these duties which the most of the good men in both kingdoms are persuaded he ought in reason, he will never get, either here or in Scotland, any considerable force for his defence.

* * * *

This people’s patient waiting for the King’s last answer, is very near a final period: and all are afraid that one of these days the House of Commons doors be closed, and some high vote pass that never shall be recalled.

* * * *

Again, I tell you, from all I converse with, the covenant is his safety; nothing less will do it; and this will do it, by God’s help abundantly.

* * * * To Mr George Young. December 1, 1646.

The £200,000 was all told on Friday last. All this day our commissioners have been agreeing upon the way of its receiving, and the going of our army. Great haste will be used upon all hands, no stop is expected. We have had sore labour these weeks bygone, to put on many things in the Houses, assembly, and city, much ado to get the great sum; but when once it was on a way, it ran faster than it could be received. It was my dear friend Dr Burgess’s singular invention, that all who contribute to this sum, would have as much of his old debt, with all the annualrents counted to him, and for all make a good pennyworth of the bishops lands; so the bargain being exceeding advantageous, the strife was, who should come in with his money soonest. By this means we got the bishops lands on our back, without any grudge, and in a way that no skill will get them back again.

* * * *

The body of this people would gladly embrace the King and peace; but if one month longer he go on to dally, they will reject him for ever; and if he then run to us, to draw a perpetual war upon our backs, he cannot be very wellcome. Our commissioners here, twice every week, write such long, free, and true scrolls, as will absolve them from any guilt, if persons obstinate in madness will needs destroy themselves. I think all here shall either come home with me, or at my back. A base scurvy pamphlet came out against our papers, which by order of parliament this day was publickly burnt; yet the House of Commons answer to us was sent us this day also, little better than that which they burnt.

* * * * For Mr James Robertson of Bedlay. December 8, 1646.

Some few of the most active men of the House of Commons and army are for too general a liberty for all consciences; but the most of both Houses are right and sound, and the body of the city are zealous against all errors and confusions, as the world will see in their new petition yet before this week end. Generally the ministers over all the kingdom are orthodox; and the sectaries except a very few, are but heady, illiterate persons. If peace were settled, and the army down, all here think that the noise of heresies, which now is very loud, would evanish. This night I count us as good us agreed for the sending down of our money, and the return of our army. I think, on Monday, and not sooner, it will go. We receive at Northallerton, £100,000, and the other beyond the Tine, when Newcastle is delivered.

* * * * To my Lord——. [This, I suppose, is to the Earl of Loudon, Chancellor of Scotland.] December 25, 1646.

If it please God the King come hither, who shall be his ministers? By all means it must be provided, that he be not permitted to have any service either from Episcopal men or sectaries. There will be difficulty to get these eschewed. If the King have his choice, without rules from his parliament, he will take no other than Episcopal men. If some have the power either of nomination or effectual recommendation, without doubt the prime sectaries shall be planted about him. For the preventing of this, were it not meet, while the King is with us, to be thinking what ministers we could wish to wait on his family and children? In the mean time, while the King is on his journey, and while he is a-settling here, were it not meet to move his Majesty to require Mr Blair to attend him; and if it may be, to have the spiritual care of the children?

* * * * To Mr William Spang.

The treaty for our army, and so the committee of both kingdoms, being ended, and the next deliberation about the King, being of that importance, that our commissioners think meet to remit it to the parliament of England, the Chancellor and Lauderdale purpose to go home the next week, and I, God willing, with them. Our assembly, with much ado, at last have wrestled through the Confession, and the whole is now printed. The House of Commons require to put Scripture to it before they take it to consideration; and what time that will take up, who knows? We have passed a quarter of the Catechism, and thought to have made short work with the rest; but they are fallen into such mislikes, and endless janglings, about the method and the matter, that all think it will be a long work. The increase of all heresies here is very great.

* * * *

At last his [the King’s] answer is come to us, and this day was communicate to both Houses. It is but a mere general, that he desires to come here to be heard, for the loosing of his scruples. The Houses have voted his coming to Holmby house near Northampton, in quality little better than a prisoner; which he will never agree to. It will be endeavoured that the two parliaments may agree in some course of his restraint, if he continue in his unhappy courses. His warrant the other day was produced for stealing away the Duke of York to France. If either he could be moved to agree with his parliament, or they to agree among themselves in any course for him, it seems we might have here, both in church and state, all our desires; but neither of these being likely, our dangers both in church and state are very great and imminent.

[See continuation of the Account of the Westminster Assembly, appended to the Acts of 1647.]

Note of Proceedings in the Convention of Estates relative to the Church, betwixt the Assemblies of 1646 and 1647.

Nov. 14. Letter from the Parliament to the King, desiring a Settlement of Religion, and a happy and well-grounded Peace in all his Majesties Dominions, according to the Oath and Covenant, p. 231.

1647.

Jan. 16. Declaration of the Kingdom of Scotland concerning the King’s Majesty’s Person, p. 239. Desires of the Kingdom of Scotland, p. 240. A Letter from the Parliament of Scotland to the Parliament of England, p. 241.

Jan. 23. Ordinance anent the answering of the King’s Majestie’s Letter, direct to the Earl of Crawford. Ib.

Feb. 11. Answer of the Parliament to the Remonstrance of the Church, p. 247.

Feb. 12. Act for Transporting of the Kirk of Dunscore, p. 249.

March 12. Act Erecting the Kirk of Glencorse, p. 264. Act Erecting the New Kirk of Glenluce. Ib. Act Erecting the West Kirk of Calder. Ib. Act for Transporting the Kirks of Logie-Montrose, and Peant. Ib.

March 18. Act against Excommunicate Persons, ordaining that, after the lapse of forty days, they shall be put to the Horn, and Letters of Intercommuning and Caption issued against all who refuse the Covenant, &c., p. 267. Act Discharging Observation of Superstitious Days, p. 268. Answers of Parliament to the Overture given in to the Parliament by the Commissioners of the Assembly. Ib.

March 19. Instructions from Parliament to their Commissioners in London, p. 268.

March 20. Act and Commission to the Committee of Estates. Ib.

March 23. Act Lord Huntlie upon the Production of the Articles of Treaty betwixt the Kingdoms of Scotland and England, p. 272.

March 24. Act Renewing the Commission for Plantation of Kirks and Valuation of Teinds. Ib.

March 26. Act concerning the Education of Children under Popish Parents and Tutors, p. 276.

March 27. Commission for Visiting the University of Aberdeen, p. 288.

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