Front matter (continued 6)

2. Definition of the term "Jew". The peaceful settlement of the Jewish question requires the previous determining as to who is to be considered a Jew in the occupied Eastern provinces. In reference to the solving of the European Jewish question and to the strong influence which Jewry had upon the remaining Russian population until the invasion of German troops, and which it still exercises at present, it appears necessary from a political, as well as from a popular point of view, for the purpose of avoiding a later regaining of strength of the Jews, to grasp the term "Jew" in the most far-reaching sense.

Therefore, he is a Jew, who belongs to the Jewish religion, or has been recognized as Jewish by other circumstances; he who has a parent who is a Jew in accordance with the above sentence is also a Jew.

3. Comprehension, mark of recognition, suspension of the rights of freedom and segregation. The first main goal of the German measures must be strict segregation of Jewry from the rest of the population. In the execution of this, first of all is the seizing of the Jewish populace by the introduction of a registration order and similar appropriate measures. Soviet Jewry has, constantly, attempted, since the Bolshevistic Revolution, to disguise itself in order to unobtrusively move into leading positions, especially in the grain regions of the USSR. For this purpose many Jews have dropped their Jewish names and have taken Russian family names and Russian surnames. It is to be decreed, that the person who must register must report all changes of name by Jews during his lifetime, or as far as he knows during the time of his forefathers, to his superior and to make them retrogressive. The same goes for previous departure from the religious congregation and acceptance of other faiths (other manifold). The erasure of the Jewish deception will be easier in the Reich commissariat Eastland and Ukraine, where the larger part of the Jews have been living for generations than in the other Reichs commissariats. The Soviet archive material, in so far as it is preserved, is to be brought to use for this.

Then immediately, the wearing of the recognition sign consisting of a yellow Jewish star is to be brought about and all rights of freedom for Jews are to be withdrawn. They are to be placed in Ghettos and at the same time are to be separated according to sexes. The presence of many more or less closed Jewish settlements in White Ruthenia and in the Ukraine makes this mission easier. Moreover, places are to be chosen which make possible the full use of the Jewish manpower in case labor needs are present. These Ghettos can be placed under the supervision of a Jewish self-government with Jewish officials. The guarding of the boundaries between the Ghettos and the outer world is, however, the duty of the police.

Also in the cases in which a Ghetto could not yet be established, care is to be taken through strict prohibitions and similar suitable measures that a further intermingling of blood of the Jews and the rest of the populace does not continue.

4. Removal of the Jewish influence in political, economical, cultural and social fields. Relative with the measures to segregate the Jews physically from the rest of the populace, everything necessary is to be used in order to eliminate every influence of the Jewry upon the Russian people. This is to happen immediately in political and cultural fields, whereas in all other cases consideration is to be taken that the common interests are not impaired. This is especially true for the economic missions which are important due to the demands of the war and those which concern the national economy.

An entire reconversion of Jewish professional life must be brought about insofar as it does not deal with manual laborers. The group of State employees in the Russian government along with the strongest Jewish professional groups shall vanish entirely. Likewise, similar professional groups are to be divorced from the public life, whereby, however, the tempo of these measures must correspond with the general economical and social need.

The entire Jewish property is to be seized and confiscated with exception of that which is necessary for a bare existence. As far as the economical situation permits, the power of disposal of their property is to be taken from the Jews as soon as possible through orders and other measures given by the commissariat, so that the moving of property will quickly cease.

Any cultural activity will be completely forbidden to the Jew. This includes the outlawing of the Jewish press, the Jewish theatres and schools.

The slaughtering of animals according to Jewish rites is also to be prohibited.

5. Forced Labor. The present manpower shortage in the occupied eastern territories as well as ideological-political considerations make the demand appear of basic significance to introduce forced labor commitment in the strictest form. This will have to take place move by move by the elimination of the Jews from their professional life although they are to be permitted to work in their own occupations if they fall within the scope of the labor commitment. Moreover, the Jewish manpower is to be used for heavy manual labor.

The standing rule for the Jewish labor employment is the complete and unyielding use of Jewish manpower regardless of age in the reconstruction of the occupied eastern territories. The missions, which are to be given to the Jews in their labor employment, are especially the highway, railroad and canal construction, as far as the ameliorations, etc. are considered. Also, it seems that agricultural employment above all, will be brought about under strict supervision. Nothing is to be done against the employment of the Jews in cutting of wood, production of straw shoes, brooms and brushes within the Ghettos.

In the employment of the Jews, care is to be taken that Jewish labor is only so used in those productions which will later suffer no noticeable interruption in case of a rapid withdrawal of these labor forces, and which excludes a specialization of Jewish workers. It is to be avoided in every case that Jewish workers become indispensable in essential production.

6. Violations. Violations against German measures, especially against the forced labor regulations, are to be punishable by death to the Jews. All violations are to be dealt with by courts-martial.

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 228-PS

Circular No. 163/43

(Not for Publication)

Subject: Treatment of PWs

Individual Gau-administrations often refer in reports to a too indulgent treatment of PWs on the part of the guard personnel. In many places, according to these reports, the guarding authorities have even developed into protectors and caretakers of the PWs.

I informed the Supreme Command of the Armed Forces of these reports with the comment that the productive German population absolutely cannot understand it, if, in a time in which the German people is fighting for existence or non-existence, PWs—hence our enemies—are leading a better life than the German working-man, and that it is an urgent duty of every German who has to do with PWs, to bring about a complete utilization of their manpower.

The Chief of PW affairs in the Supreme Command of the Armed Forces has now given out the unequivocal order, attached hereto in copy form, to the commanders of PWs in the military districts. I request that this order be brought orally to the attention of all party office holders in an appropriate manner.

In case that in the future complaints about unsuitable treatment of PWs still come to light, they are to be immediately communicated to the commanders of the PWs with a reference to the attached order.

Fuehrer—HQ, 25 November 1943 (Signed): M. Bormann Distribution: Distribution A and B File reference: Treatment—PWs—Guard personnel.

Chief of PW affairs in the Supreme Command of the Armed Forces Az. 2f24, 74f Kriegsgef. Allg. (Ia) No. 11082143 Berlin, Badenschestr. 51, 26 October 1943

To: the Commanders of PWs in the Military Districts I to XIII, XVII, XVIII, XX, XXI, Government-General with the commanders of the Armed Forces in the Ukraine and the East; the PW District Commandant with the Commander of the Armed Forces in Norway.

For information: to the Commanders of PWs in the Operational Areas I to IV

to the PW District Commandants in Italy and Serbia

Subject: Treatment of PWs.

I. The intention of treating non-Soviet PWs strictly according to the Convention of 29 and the Soviet PWs according to the special directions of the Supreme Commander of the Armed Forces, has in many cases led to forms, which are not in harmony with the total war forced upon us.

The PW must according to the convention "be treated humanely and especially be protected against acts of violence, insults, and public curiosity". This does not mean, however, that a similar care must be granted him, as is required for German soldiers.

In the case of the Soviet PWs, insofar as their diet is brought into harmony with the work output expected of them and they have recovered from the unavoidable rigors of the Eastern war, the sharp health supervision originally necessary, in part consisting of continuous weight check-ups is as a rule no longer required. Weight check-ups may only have the aim of determining undernourishment; they are only to be utilized in individual cases.

The aerial terrorism of the enemy forces great parts of the German people into a way of life similar to that prevailing in the operational area. As a result of this, the treatment and conduct of PWs, who enjoy the protection of the convention of 29 and who are, moreover, through the receipt of packages, in many ways better nourished than their countrymen on the enemy side, are regarded critically. Especially, a too mild treatment of Soviet PWs will not be understood anywhere, as it is known what frightful sufferings German soldiers must endure, who have fallen into Soviet hands.

The leaders of the labor detachments and the guard personnel must, moreover, receive unequivocal orders and it must continually be pointed out to them through teaching and instruction that their primary duty consists in keeping the PWs to the full output of their working energy, and in insuring that the lazy be apprehended most rapidly through such measures as are permitted to the entrepreneurs or by the punishments reserved to the military superiors and that intractable elements be recognized and segregated.

Leaders of labor detachments and guard personnel must be conscious of the fact that, in a time when unconditional and extreme effort is demanded from every member of the German nation, inferior production on the part of the PWs, which are traceable to malevolence or carelessness can in no case be tolerated. The great labor battle of the homeland depends upon the work output of every individual and thereby also of every PW.

The thought that PWs through their work primarily fill the wallet of the entrepreneur, and hence must be protected from him is erroneous. Entrepreneurs are now agents of the German people. They have exclusively to deliver things of importance to the war effort usually in a very limited time and for this to utilize completely all manpower at their disposal according to its best occupational suitability. The entrepreneurs know that manpower cannot be replaced and must therefore for this reason too, have the greatest interest in the preservation of this power.

Labor detachment leaders, guard personnel, entrepreneurs and German workers form one front and have a common goal: the attainment of victory! To this end they must, by putting aside all personal wishes, and in closest and most unified cooperation make use of the manpower of the PWs put at their disposal by the Reich. Whoever does not work for this goal or interferes with its attainment is harmful to the nation and injures our comrades at the front.

Hence, the treatment of the PWs employed at labor is to be arranged solely to raise the labor output to the highest possible degree and immediately to take sharp action if the PWs are careless, lazy, or recalcitrant. The PWs are not to be "cared for" but are to be handled in such a manner that the required highest degree of work output be attained. With this, needless to say, goes, besides just treatment of the PWs, the supplying of the PWs with the rations, clothing, etc., due them according to existing directives.

II. The development of the situation and the increasing requirements for PW labor power force us to bring more and more PWs into the Reich. Despite this it cannot be counted upon that the guard forces will be correspondingly increased, also the quality of the guard personnel will not on the average be able to be improved.

In addition the problem becomes more difficult because the PWs erroneously believe that they can discern an advantage to themselves in the situation. Hence they become arrogant in many cases and attempt to escape to a greater extent. These symptoms can only be countered by immediately taking sharp measures against the PWs in case of recalcitrance or escape.

Weaklings, who should express themselves to the effect that in the present situation one must assure oneself of "friends" among the PWs by means of mild treatment, are defeatists and are to be prosecuted on the charge of subversion of national defense.

The PWs must not be in doubt for an instant that weapons will be ruthlessly employed against them, if they give any sort of passive resistance or should try to mutiny.

The commanding officers must take care that this policy concerning the treatment of PWs becomes the common property of all officers, officials, non-commissioned officers and enlisted men subordinated to them. This is not to be attained through written directives and pamphlets alone, but primarily by the spoken word and by a persistent and conscientious education of subordinates in the spirit of these statements.

I request that the local agencies of the National Socialist Party be, in a suitable manner, orally informed of this policy and that it be reported to the Commanders.

I request that no reproduction of this document be made.

[signed] v. Graevenitz Reprinting, even in part, forbidden.

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 232-PS

National Socialist German Workers Party Party Chancellery The Chief of the Party Chancellery Fuehrer Headquarters, 13 Sep 1944 Proclamation

Chancellery Rosenberg, Rec'd No. 2594 K/ 19 Sep 44 Presented to the Reichsleiter on the 20 Sept. Rdsdir. For the Information of:

1. Staff leader [Init.] 2. Central Office 27 Sep 44 [Init.] 3. Administration 27 Sep 44 [Init.] Returned to the Chancellery

Subject: Treatment of Prisoners of War—Tasks of the guard units.

The regulations, valid until now, on the treatment of Prisoners of War, and the tasks of the guard units are no longer justified in view of the demands of the total war effort. Therefore, the Supreme Command (OKW) of the Armed Forces, on my suggestion, issued the regulation, a copy of which is enclosed.

The following is cited for its contents:

1. The understanding exists between the Chief of the Supreme Command of the Armed Forces (OKW) and myself, that the cooperation of the party in the commitment of prisoners of war is inevitable. Therefore, the officers, assigned to the prisoner of war system, have been instructed, to cooperate most closely with the bearers of sovereignty [Hoheitstraeger]; the commandants of the prisoner of war camps have to detail immediately liaison officers to the Kreisleiters.

Thus the opportunity will be afforded the Hoheitstraeger, to alleviate existing difficulties locally, to exercise influence on the behavior of the guard units and to better assimilate the commitment of the prisoners of war to the political and economic demands.

2. The increase of performance [Leistungssteigerung] of the prisoners of war depends decisively on how the guard and auxiliary units understand their task, and what position they take toward the prisoners of war. From this knowledge the necessity is derived, to orient them again and again politically and ideologically, to put the meaning of their mission constantly before their eyes. For that, in all base camps [Stalags] National Socialist leaders from headquarters [hauptamtliche NS-Fuehrungsoffiziere] are being assigned.

I request the Hoheitstraeger to support the commandants of the prisoners of war in the selection of capable officers. Above that, the Hoheitstraeger are to furnish the commandants of the prisoner of war camps with capable speakers for the orientation of the guard and auxiliary units. Collaborators of the offices for national questions [Volkstumfragen] are to be called upon especially for that.

Furthermore, a constant political orientation of the plant owner, who is invested now with special rights toward the prisoners of war and toward the guard units, must take place in cooperation with the German Labor Front (DAF).

/s/ M. Bormann. 1 Enclosure! Distribution: Reichsleiter Gauleiter Verbaendefuehrer Kreisleiter,

Authenticated: [illegible] Cross index file: Prisoners of war—Treatment—Guard units File No. 8810.

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 254-PS

Reichsminister for the occupied Eastern territories. II Pers c—1—Raab Berlin, June 29th 1944.

SECRET

To the Fuehrungsgruppe Pl, Special Unit—"Gotenland"

Concerning: Burning of houses in the Wassilkow district.

Reference: Your letter from May 24th 1944—P 26 a/44 geh—.

Enclosed I am sending you a copy of the point of view of Nachwuchsfuehrer Paul Raab.

I don't see any reasons for taking measures of any kind against Raab.

By order:

Signed: Jennes Certified Schrader Adm employee.

SECRET

Grambusch 7.6.44

Paul Raab, Nachwuchsfuehrer

Copy

To the Reichsminister for the occupied Eastern territories. Berlin W 35, Kurfuerstendamm 134

Concerning: Letter from June 2nd 1944—II—Pers c 1—Raab Diary # 81/44 g

According to a charge by the supreme command of the armed forces I burned down a few houses in the territory of Wassilkow/Ukr. belonging to insubordinate people ordered for work-duty [Arbeitseinsatzpflichtigen]. This accusation is true.

I was committed as district commissioner in the information service in the territory of Wassilkow from May 5th 1942 up to December 28th 1944. Besides many work districts, I was made fully responsible by district commissioner Doehrer to completely fill the district quota of workers to be delivered to Germany. Although the task wasn't agreeable to me, I carried it out conscientiously, with skill, and where it was necessary with sternness. Up until the penetration of the Soviet Armies, this territory delivered more than 31,000 workers to Germany.

During the year of 1942 the conscription of workers was accomplished by way of propaganda. Only very rarely was force necessary. Only in August 1942, measures had to be taken against 2 families in the villages Glewenka and Salisny-Chutter, each of which were to supply one person for labor. Both were requested in June for the first time, but didn't obey although requested repeatedly. They had to be brought up by force, but succeeded twice to escape from the collecting camp, or when being on transport. Before the second arrest, the fathers of both of the men were taken into custody, to be kept as hostages and to be released only when their sons would show up. When, after the second escape, rearrest of both the fathers and boys was ordered, the police patrols ordered to do so, found the houses to be empty.

That time I decided to take measures to show the increasingly rebellious Ukrainian youth that our orders have to be followed. I ordered the burning down of the houses of the fugitives. The result was, that in the future people obeyed willingly, orders concerning labor obligations. However, the measure of burning houses has not become known, for the first time by my actions, but was suggested in a secret letter from the commissioner for the commitment of labor as a forced measure, in case other measures should fail. This hard punishment was accepted by the population with satisfaction, previous to the measures, because both families ridiculed all the other duty anxious families, which sent their children partly voluntarily to the labor commitment.

The year 1943 brought about a new regulation concerning the commitment of labor, by way of regular yearly conscription. Previous to the coming of the conscription, I trained the staff for this task. I had the collecting camp in the territory of Wassilkow fixed to the best of possibilities with clean, light bedrooms, clean sanitary installations, good food, and entertainment. First of all, everything was done away with, which could have caused the Ukrainian to feel that he is being departed by force. A well meaning propaganda was put to work on all workers, right after their arrival into the camp and didn't allow a low feeling to arise. I had reserved for myself the right of exemption on the basis of labor, political, and social reasons; it was handled as big heartedly as the task permitted. Mostly after the start of the first conscription period, the districts of Wassilkow received a local commander in the person of Count Griese. This officer, who caused already great quarrels in the district of Lodwiza and Gadjatsch on account of his arrogant behaviour, also created difficulties in Wassilkow between the armed forces and the civil administration, up to then unknown. First of all he took care of the labor commitment and not only criticized measures taken by me, but received also at any time every complaining Ukrainian, and promised them help against the office of the district commissioner. Up to then I didn't have to take serious measures, because the population was fairly willing. Only a few fugitives had to pay families, and until the money came in, I had secured more or less of their property according to the security of the case. The punished paid their penalties without exception and had their property returned to them. But before they got around to do so, one part complained to the local commander, who didn't by any chance reproach these people, but on the contrary, took care of all the interests of those people, in front of me, and sometimes ordered me with a commanding voice, to nullify my measures. I didn't let it scare me, but carried out the task, for which I was responsible, according to my judgment. But the job was unbearably hard now, since it became known to the population, that the local commander accepts complaints against the district commissioner. After the initial successes, a passive resistance of the population started, which finally forced me to start again on making arrests, confiscations, and transfers to labor camps. After a while a transport of people, obliged to work, overran the police in the railroad station in Wassilkow and escaped. I saw again the necessity for strict measures. A few ring leaders, which of course escaped before they were found in Plissezkoje and in Mitnitza. After repeated attempts to get a hold of them, their houses were burned down. Thereupon, military police were sent to the villages by the local commander and extensive interrogations concerning this affair were made by him. Besides that he hired young Ukrainians as voluntary helpers, which were fugitives from the transient camp. Therefore, every work was made impossible for me, in this sector.

It is not possible for me to give the exact dates of the mentioned happenings above, because after I was last committed in the district of Gaissin, I got into a Soviet ambush in March 1944 near Stanislau. I could only hide my weapons and had to burn my whole baggage including my diary.

In conclusion, I want to point out the following:

1. I had the responsibility within the territory of Wassilkow for the conscripting of the local workers for the Reich. The choice of means, which were used to execute my task, was to be left to me.

2. I worked with the utmost patience and only reverted to stricter punishments, when the success accomplished was in no comparison to the time used.

3. Strict measures, like the burning down of houses, were only used in a few cases. By this means, it was accomplished—at least in 1942—that the recruiting of workers didn't tie down too many police forces, who because of other functions, couldn't be used for that purpose all the time.

4. I was entitled to use such measures by the secret labor-directive for labor commitment staff in the district of Kiew. They, therefor, don't display by any means, any individual actions.

5. The delivery of 31,000 workers to the Reich is definitely important to the war effort. Stern measures are definitely justified in order to prevent a failure of this action.

6. My measures were thought to be just by the biggest part of the population. They only caused displeasure with the Germans, who had only small tasks to perform in the Ukraine, and therefore had too much time for philosophy.

7. My actions against fugitive people obliged to work [Arbeitseinsatz-pflichtige], were always reported to district commissioner Doehrer, in office in Wassilkow, and to the general-commissioner [General kommissar] in Kiew. Both of them know the circumstances and agreed with my measures, because of their success.

Heil Hitler! Signed: Paul Raab.

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 265-PS

SECRET

Shitomir, 30 June 1943

The Commissioner General

Oral report on the situation in the general district Shitomir, by Commissioner General Leyser, delivered at an official conference, with Reichs Minister Rosenberg, in Winniza on 17 June 1943.

Mr. Reichs Minister

The employees of the civil administration in the General District of Shitomir have, aside from their administrative work, been charged with the following special tasks:

Agricultural production and collection

Recruiting of workers for Germany and management of forests and timber.

The above-mentioned tasks became virtually a problem due to the fact that the general district of Shitomir is particularly "blessed" with bands. Regarding the agriculture, it should be primarily interesting to note that, in the year of 1942, altogether 289 establishments were declared as agricultural cooperatives. In 1943 altogether 501 establishments were, respectively will be, proclaimed agricultural cooperatives. The allotment of farm-land amounted in 1942 to 18%, in 1943, so far, to 10.4% and an additional 10% are expected in the fall.

As a consequence of the strong activity of bands, only about 40% of the acreage of the general district remain, at present, for the regular production and collection; approximately 60% are under the control of the bands. These actually supply the population, in part, with seed and have the fields cultivated by their order and naturally have the intention to take possession of the crop in the fall.

In consequence of the activity of the bands we have access to only 36% of the cattle, 41% of the pigs and 28% of the sheep out of the total stock. As we have to supply particularly the front with meat, we are therefore forced to a certain waste of our cattle stocks. Due to the strong drainage on the substance, there can be no more regular breeding. And too, only 42% of the milk total and 51% of the eggs could be salvaged. The spring cultivation has been performed thoroughly. It was amazing, nonetheless, that in spite of the strong drainage of labor forces into the Reich the tilling was executed with a rapidity which could not have been taken for granted. To judge by the present condition and the weather, an average crop can be expected. However, the securing and salvage of the crop gives much reason to worry. It must be avoided under all circumstances, that the bands get hold of considerable parts of the crop, respectively destroy the farm products which have been brought to collecting points. Sufficient protection for the various collecting points is not provided, the previous experiences do not promise favorable results.

The leaders of agriculture deserve particular praise for their self-sacrificing and dangerous work. In many cases they are only able to fulfill their duties by risking their lives daily. They made numerous sacrifices in blood, in particular lately. Nonetheless, they refuse to be prevented from fulfilling their duty. The present situation is best illuminated by the fact that at this time the agricultural leaders can only work at full, or approximately full, capacity in 5 out of 18 local areas. In all the other areas, we have been forced to withdraw the leaders of the strong points, and rally them at the local or district farmers. From there, they are in most cases only able to perform their work under strong protection of the police or army.

The symptoms created by the recruiting of workers are, no doubt, well known to the Reichs Minister through reports and his own observations. Therefore, I shall not report them. It is certain that a recruitment of labor, in the sense of the word, can hardly be spoken of. In most cases, it is nowadays a matter of actual conscription by force. The population has been stirred up to a large extent and views the transports to the Reich as a measure which does in no way differ from the former exile to Siberia, during the Czarist and Bolshevist systems.

In the foreground stands, at the moment, the mobilization of the young classes of 1923 and 1925. To accomplish this, the active propaganda on our part was used to an extent previously unknown. Therefore, it can be stated that the action had been particularly well prepared and consolidated. In spite of that it did not lead to the desired success. It has to be added that, in the course of the action, the desired contingents had been raised by the Chief Plenipotentiary for the mobilization of labor. I could not confine myself therefore to the classes of 1923 and 1925 alone, but also called up the class of 1922. Beyond that, even other sections of the population which originally should have been spared had to be included. With this our propaganda became for the greater part illusory. But as the Chief Plenipotentiary for the mobilization of labor explained to us the gravity of the situation, we had no other device. I consequently have authorized the commissioners of the areas to apply the severest measures in order to achieve the imposed quota. The deterioration of morale in conjunction with this does not necessitate any further proof. It is nevertheless essential, to win the war on this front too! The problem of labor mobilization cannot be handled with gloves.

Up-to-date, almost 170,000 male and female workers have been sent to the Reich from the general district Shitomir. It can be taken for granted that, during the month of June, this number is going to rise to approximately 200,000.

Management of forests and timber is also one of the principal worries. The general district of Shitomir is very rich in woods. As an average, the wooded area amounts to 26% of the total acreage. In the north, large sections of the country are covered 100% with woods. But this great abundance in woods is also the cause of the many bands. About 1,400,000 hectare of wood, that is 80% of the total, are controlled by bands. Like in the agricultural sector, only a relatively small part of the wood remains for use. Our yearly production potential in timber amounts to 1,300,000 cubic meter. Presumably 1,000,000 cubic meter can be cut. The yearly potential in firewood amounts to 900,000 cubic meter. We hope to achieve this. I may point out that the supply of wood for mines, RR ties, construction and heating purposes is especially important. The activity of the bands permits us at present to cut, on a larger scale, only in the more southern scantily wooded regions. Consequently, the old stock of wood there is being consumed rapidly. The final result, if no change in the condition occurs, will be the careless cutting down of woods, which is going to result in extensive waste land. The fact that we are cutting down wood on a larger scale only in the south, brought strong impetus to the timber industry in the region of Winniza. The time can be foreseen when this period of prosperity will end, and the timber industry in the south will succumb. Whether then a removal of the timber industry into the northern part will be possible depends on the circumstances which at present cannot completely be foreseen.

Regarding the activity of the bands I would like to refer to the numerous reports laid before the Reichs Minister. There can be said hardly anything else on this subject except that the situation is becoming more unfavorable day by day. The situation can be judged best by the fact that at present only one of the larger roads in the general district, the one leading from Shitomir to Winniza, can be used without convoy. Because the activity of the bands is now also growing daily in the south, it is not sure that we shall not be obliged to introduce, sooner or later, the convoy system here too. All other roads of the country are at present passable in convoy only when rifles or machine pistols are held ready to shoot. The sacrifices brought to date in battle with bandits are very great. In about one year's time, the losses through fighting with them in the general district of Shitomir on the German and allied side, including the natives in German service, amount up to now to 2,568 persons. The number of missing could not be ascertained exactly, because among them are also people who have joined the bands voluntarily or have been recruited forcibly. Their number amounts to an estimated 2,000 persons. Experience shows that these missing persons all die miserably, so the total number of deaths in battle with the bands in the course of the year can be given as about 4,500. Opposing this is the following two demands: (1) Constant transfer of army units into those areas threatened respectively occupied by the bands; (2) Unity of command. The demand to transfer units of the armed forces into the areas controlled by the bands, is supported by special instructions of the OKW [High Command of the Armed Forces] in order to fight the bands. It is regrettable that too frequently the opinion from the respective branches of the armed forces is that this demand cannot be executed on account of technical reasons concerning training. That this objection is always and everywhere true, does not seem credible to me. Frequent violations against the unity of command have been committed. The need for prestige, the quest for power, vanity, etc. have not become extinct as yet. I have to say with regret that so far I found the least understanding for the necessity of our common struggle in the armed forces. At any rate, I have the impression that under the pressure of conditions they arrived at the conclusion, that one cannot take the responsibility anymore to lead an existence alone, but that the collection of all forces alone could only bring us victory.

The struggle which has to be carried on, is hard and full of sacrifices. But it will and must be carried through. Vast psychic forces have been awakened in the members of the civil administration anew daily. The successes, which they were able to achieve so far are impressive particularly with regard to the resistance. May I therefore be permitted at the conclusion of this report to thank all my co-workers for their excellent work. They know that they are practically on the front. I can promise your excellency, that we all shall do our duty now, and in the future, as our Fuehrer has ordered—.

Signed: LEYSER

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 285-PS

The Reichs Commissar for the Sudetenland

Stamped: Rosenberg Chancellory

In Nr 4459 3 Nov 38 Shown to RL 3/11

Reichenberg 31 Oct 1938

Reichsleiter Alfred Rosenberg

Berlin W 35 Margaretenstrasse 17

[Handwritten note]: Copy to Himmler

Dear party member Rosenberg!

Unfortunately it was not possible for me to thank you for your friendly letter of the 15th of this month, because your news was forwarded to Asch. The technical transportation difficulties under which we had to suffer in the first days of the liberation of the Sudetenland have caused the late deliveries.

I thank you very much for your invitation to visit you in Berlin at the next occasion. Thanking you, I accept your invitation. The important tasks before the elections and the supervision of the reconstruction work keep me very busy. As soon as possible I will give you the date of my arrival in Berlin.

For securing the Marxist, Jewish and confessional literature for your educational and instructional work, my co-worker Dr. Suchy is instructed. He will report to your competent deputy.

Heil Hitler! Signed: KONRAD HENLEIN

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 286-PS

15 October 1938 4149/R 1b

To Konrad Henlein Commissioner [Reichskommissar] for the Sudeten-German territory,

Asch, Egerland.

Dear Party Comrade Henlein,

Since the incorporation of Sudeten Germany into the Greater German Reich has finally been executed, I would like to heartily congratulate you on this success in your work.

It is my wish that, in my capacity as Deputy of the Fuehrer for the supervision of the entire education and schooling of the NSDAP, both mentally and ideologically, I shall be able to establish contact between your department and mine as soon as possible. I assume that you will be in Berlin in the not too distant future and would appreciate your information about the date of your visit in order to ask you for the pleasure to be my guest; then we could discuss personally some elementary questions.

However, the following matter has to be taken care of primarily:

It can be assumed that, as a consequence of the retrocession, a larger amount of marxist, Jewish and also of religious literature is due to be confiscated. Such material offers invaluable resources to the library and the scientific research work of the "Hohe Schule" which is in the process of coming into being. Therefore, I am interested particularly in the decisive participation of my department in the screening of material, with the purpose to take over the material particularly of use to my work.

I ask of you to appoint one of your co-workers with whom my representative can get in touch immediately about this particular question.

Heil Hitler.

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 290-PS

II Pers. c—Journal No. 322

To Leadership Staff Politics

Unter den Linden 63

Berlin 12 Nov 1943 Secret [pencilled note illegible]

SECRET

Chief of Leadership staff politics Journal No. P1755/43 g Rel. 15. II 1943 Inclosure

Subject: Encroachment by District Commissioner Government Councillor Fritz Mueller in connection with the national campaign for the utilization of labor.

Reference: Your letter of 22 July 1943—I 1006/43 g.

In connection with my letter of 27 Sep. 1943—II Pers, Journal No. 322—I am sending you enclosed a copy of the teletype of RKU of 29 Oct. 1943—I 7252 Journal No. 637/43 geh, for your information.

According to the explanations of RKU, the conduct of government Councillor Mueller is no cause for disciplinary action against him, I therefore consider the case as closed.

Your files are herewith returned.

By order

1. RKU wants to transfer district Commissioner Mueller for reasons which he will bring later.

Await report.

Signed: Jonnes [Rubber stamp] Ministry for occupied eastern territories

2. Suspend until 10 Jan.

Official Kreis Employees

Copy

SECRET

RKU Rowno 13-929 29 Oct. 1943—1700— Ministry of Eastern affairs Berlin

Subject: Alleged encroachment of district commissioner government councillor Mueller in Kremiancz in connection with the national campaign for the utilization of labor.

Reference: Decree of 27 Sep 1943-II Pers. c Journal No. 322—

For various reasons which I will report later, it is contemplated to replace government councillor Mueller as district commissioner in Kremianez in the near future.

The case on hand is by no means fit to be used for official actions against District Commissioner Mueller. First of all, in my opinion Mueller is not to be considered guilty in this case. It cannot be established, either by the letter from the village Biloserka, which letter caused this investigation, nor by the conduct of district commissioner Mueller, himself, that he was present at the happenings in Biloserka. He therefore cannot be held personally responsible. But even if Mueller had been present at the burning of houses in connection with the national conscription in Biloserka, this should by no means lend to the relief of Mueller from office. It is mentioned specifically in a directive of the Commissioner General in Lusk of 21 Sep 1942, referring to the extreme urgency of the national conscription.

"Estates of those who refuse to work are to be burned, their relatives are to be arrested as hostages and to be brought to forced labor camps." It is obvious that this decree was merely directive in nature and was not a binding order of the individual commissioner to decide according to his own discretion, when the interest of the conscription, such severe measures were to be applied.

I request therefore to consider the case closed.

Reich Commissioner Rowno I 7252 Journal No. 637/43 geh. My order signed: Paltzo to P i 755/439 [in pencil]

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 294-PS

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TOP SECRET

Handwritten: II 1 1161/44/ g

Memorandum

In the East, Germany is carrying on a threefold war: a war for the destruction of Bolshevism, a war for the destruction of the greater Russian Empire, and finally a war for the acquisition of colonial territory for colonizing purposes and economic exploitation.

This threefold mission of the Eastern campaign has brought about the enormous resistance of the Eastern peoples. Were the war being conducted only for the smashing of Bolshevism, then it would have been decided long ago in our favor, for, as all experiences of this war have confirmed, Bolshevism is hated to the utmost by the Eastern peoples, above all by the great mass of peasants. Also the dissolution of the greater Russian Empire into its national components would not have provoked the resistance which we meet now. As the numerous prisoner interrogations and other experiences show the shrewd Russians have a complete understanding that this war will end in territorial losses for them and the non-Russian peoples will break out from the confinement within which Russia has forced them. The reduction of the power of resistance of the Red Army is the major portion of the third goal of our campaign. With the inherent instinct of the Eastern peoples the primitive man soon found out also that for Germany the slogan: "Liberation from Bolshevism" was only a pretext to enslave the Eastern peoples according to her own methods. In order that there exist no doubt at all on the German war aim, however, German publicity refers openly to this intention in increasing measure. The conquered territory is claimed publicly not only for Germany as a colonization area, but even for Germany's embittered enemies, the Dutch, Norwegians, and others. The economic exploitation is proclaimed verbally and in print, and carried out with almost elimination of the demands of the indigenous population, even with the greatest lack of consideration.

The populace has more of an understanding of the measures and duties necessitated by war than the conquered peoples of the West. But the laborer and peasant, who were educated to the highest degree of self-consciousness by Bolshevism, soon perceived that Germany did not regard them as partners of equal rights, but considered them only as the objective of her political and economic aims. That disillusioned them unspeakably, all the more since they had placed colossal hopes on Germany.

The main department for politics of the Reich Ministry for the Occupied Eastern territories claims that it has been quite aware of this situation from the beginning. It was soon apparent that the war could not be decided in a short time by arms alone, because of the vast areas and the enemy's inexhaustible reserves of manpower and material, but that as in all great wars of recent times a spiritual disintegration would have to come and the war would have to be changed at the final conclusion to a civil war, all the more since the German Wehrmacht does not intend to occupy completely the territory of the Soviet Union. The Russian collapse of 1917 and the German break-down of 1918 were actually not brought about by weapons alone, but primarily by political disintegration. What Lenin achieved in Russia, the 14 points of Wilson and the undermining effect of Marxism accomplished in Germany. In the Soviet Union we found on our arrival a population weary of Bolshevism, which waited longingly for new slogans, holding out the prospect of a better future to them. It was Germany's duty to find such slogans, but they remained unuttered. The population greeted us with joy as liberators, and placed themselves at our disposal willingly and freely with body and life. Wherever Ukrainians, Russians, White Ruthenians and members of the Baltic peoples were enlisted in the German Wehrmacht or in the police they have proved themselves and fought excellently almost without exception. The Main Department for Politics tried every means of keeping this vast capital that had fallen into our lap, and of utilizing it for our purposes. To this purpose it was necessary that National Socialism separate itself from Bolshevism with a sharp line of distinction and open to the populace prospects of a new better life. All measures which the Main Department for Politics suggested were directed toward this one goal of preserving this capital. They have been many times attacked as the expression of a weak sentimental humanitarian attitude, of a form of German sentimentalism, and they were in reality only the expression of completely coarse material politics. For nothing else was contemplated than to preserve the mass millions of the Eastern area in the adjustment to us which was encountered with, in order to draw from it the greatest possible use for Germany both militaristically, politically and economically. Should this political policy succeed, the greatest reactions on the enemy troops were to be expected. For years the masses of the S.U. (Soviet Union) were stirred up against the surrounding world by the most efficient propaganda machine that has ever existed. Until 1939 National Socialism had been the target of the most spiteful attacks. Day after day it was hammered into the laborers and peasants that the active masses in Germany were a sacrifice to the most terrible exploitation. With extreme tension workers and peasants looked forward to the German administration. To be sure they had not completely trusted the Bolshevist propaganda, but in spite of that they met the new masters with a certain feeling of doubt.

As we all know, the peoples of the S.U. (Soviet Union) have gone through the hardest times. Consequently, they are of a simplicity inconceivable to us, even in the political sphere. A form of government which was not intent only on plundering and exploitation and which put aside the Bolshevist methods would have kindled the greatest enthusiasm and put at our disposal a mass of millions. And the enthusiasm in the occupied Eastern territories would have had its reaction on the force of resistance of the Red Army. It would have been easily attainable to have the Red Army man say to himself: "I fight for a system that is throughout worse than that which awaits me in the case of a defeat. I will be better off in every respect among the Germans than I have been until now". If the Red Army man had become convinced of his general well-being, the war would have been at an end very soon.

Knowing this the Main Department for Politics believed it to be its primary duty to assist our combat troops with all their power by a propaganda campaign aimed at crippling the power of resistance of the Red Army and to shorten the war in this way. For the attainment of this goal there are, among the measures proposed, two of the utmost importance: The Agrarian Law and Religious Freedom, which is essentially distinct from that of the Bolshevists.

Considering the exceptionally great significance which approaches the agrarian question in the Soviet Union, the Main Department for Politics was demanding even before the beginning of the Eastern campaign, that the Kolchos be dissolved and an individual agrarian economy be introduced again. This proposal was turned down by the Four Year Plan with the remark that organic changes were not to be considered during the war. Not until August of 1st year was an increase of the farmland successfully put through.

Before the realization could be carried out, however, the Four Year Plan had recognized that the impetuous pressure of the whole peasant population for the dissolution of the collective would have to be reckoned with in some way in the interest of production itself. The proposal of the Main Department for Politics for the dissolution of the collective found its defeat in the new agrarian decree. A few months had been sufficient to make clear, not only to all Wehrmacht units down to the youngest lieutenant in the line farthest forward, but also to the units in the home country and the civil administration in the occupied Eastern territories, the need of reform in the Kolchos constitution. The only exceptions in this knowledge were the two Reich Commissars, whose disagreement unfortunately caused a delay of several weeks. The new Agrarian Decree came out shortly before the spring planting and was greatly played up in the territories by the Press and Propaganda Dept. of Main Department I. Its direct success was a hitherto inconceivable piece of work of the populace in the spring planting, which was able to be carried out in spite of unfavorable preliminary conditions. In spite of this no lasting effect on the enemy has appeared so far. Naturally, the enemy propaganda countered our Agrarian Decree with every means. Their main argument was that in this it was only a matter of a promise which had as its purpose a momentary tactical success, that moreover Germany intended to make use of the land later for her own purposes. This argument found support in the very slow execution of the Agrarian Decree, which is to be attributed in part to objective reasons (lack of surveyors, land registration, surveying instruments and so forth).

It has been foreseen that in 1942 in the Ukraine 20% of the general economy was to be changed to agriculture cooperatives. The increasing of the farmland, which forms the main criterion of the general economy and is carried through everywhere immediately, has still not been achieved to the extent of 10% of the general economy, although it was decreed, as has been mentioned, in August 1941. The transformation to agricultural cooperatives has generally begun only a short time ago, and according to the directives of the farmer's leader Koerner is not to reach more than 10% by the end of August of this year. In this state of affairs it is understandable that great sections of the Ukrainian peasantry are under the control of enemy propaganda and have lost belief in the earnestness of our intentions.

The religious freedom was likewise to call forth a great propaganda effect. After months long negotiations, it was eventually decided not to announce the freedom of religion ceremoniously, but to let it come into existence as quietly as possible. The propaganda effect consequently slipped from the picture.

When the Main Department for Politics noticed the hesitation of decision in the church question, it searched for a substitute in another means of propaganda, in the question of returning property rights of the individual. In this the whole world could be clearly shown that National Socialism contrasts distinctly with the Bolshevist expropriation measures and a new property law would be ushered in. The first display of this slogan for propaganda use would have been the immediate raising of the expropriation measures in the Baltic states, which Bolshevism had not yet controlled for a year, and consequently it would have been possible to resume the former property situation without further ado. To the unbounded astonishment of the populace, however, the German administration marched forward to play the role of receiver of the goods stolen by the Bolshevists. The necessity for the restoration of private ownership for the psychological treatment of the populace was referred to by all the General Commissioners in the Baltic states; this population, as everybody knows, ought to be won for German patriotism. Even after the Four Year Plan gave up its old ideas in recognition that a further protraction of the restoration of private ownership would damage even the German economic interests. The fundamental profession of the reinstallation of the pre-Bolshevist property law did not follow, though it was against every political judgment and based only on the unfounded opposition of the Reichs Commissar.

Again a real weapon for the disintegration of the enemy front had been twisted out of our hand, a weapon whose effect may not be undervalued. For the unrecompensed expropriation of private property by the Bolshevists had aroused at the time not only the terror of Russian bourgeois circles including the more prosperous peasants, but also of the entire civilized world. The world, including the laborers and peasants in the Soviet Union who were disillusioned by Bolshevism, awaited now a clear policy in this question on the part of Germany. This silence on the part of Germany obviously made itself of use to the enemy propaganda, which could reliably persuade the Soviet masses that Germany plans no restoration of individual ownership.

The Main Department for Politics furthermore has always emphasized that the Eastern peoples must be told something concrete about their future. The Department refers to the fact that in case we should not oppose the propaganda of Stalin, the peoples would have to succumb to this propaganda, that is to say, they would believe in their own enslavement by Germany. The Main Department for Politics has accordingly often directed the attention of Wehrmacht units to the expediency of having the Slavic Eastern peoples receive calming assurances regarding their future from the authoritative German quarters. As the best means, the establishment of a sort of counter-regime to Stalin with a captured Red general was indicated; or, if the word government should be avoided, then just a rebellious general somewhat after the model of de Gaulle, who should become the point of crystallization for all the Red soldiers who are dissatisfied with Stalin. The correctness of this conception has been confirmed in the time following its inception by countless statements of prisoners of war, who have all stated independently that the silence of Germany regarding the future of Russia allows the worst to be feared. Many would like to desert, but they did not know to whom they should go. Under the banner of a recognized counter-revolutionary leader they would gladly and bravely fight against the Bolshevist regime.

All the suggestions concerning this were rejected in their essentials. Permission for front-line duty was effected only for groups of Turkish and Caucasian peoples and finally after several refusals also for the Estonians. Because of the difficulty of recruiting troops, the unit generally came to the point of impressing civilians and prisoners of war into their ranks, in the first line of rear-echelon services. But even in the foremost line they found employment and fought well. Only in the last few weeks under the pressure of danger from the partisans was the formation of native units allowed and that only for combat with the bandits. But even this measure will remain ineffective as far as propaganda is concerned if a combat unit is not activated and a personality with a resounding name is not put at its head.

The Main Department for Politics was compelled, for the sake of attaining the above-outlined goal, to rescind or at least greatly change measures from German quarters which would strengthen the enemy's power of resistance.

Of primary importance, the treatment of prisoners of war should be named. It is no longer a secret from friend or foe that hundreds of thousands of them literally have died of hunger or cold in our camps. Allegedly there were not enough food supplies on hand for them. It is especially peculiar that the food supplies are deficient only for prisoners of war from the Soviet Unions, while complaints about the treatment of other prisoners of war, Polish, Serbian, French and English, have not become loud. It is obvious that nothing is so suitable for strengthening the power of resistance of the Red Army as the knowledge that in German captivity a slow miserable death is to be met. To be sure the Main Department for Politics has succeeded here by unceasing efforts in bringing about a material improvement of the fate of the prisoners of war. However this improvement is not to be ascribed to political acumen, but to the sudden realization that our labor market must be supplied with laborers at once. We now experienced the grotesque picture of having to recruit millions of laborers from the occupied Eastern territories, after prisoners of war have died of hunger like flies, in order to fill the gaps that have formed within Germany. Now the food question no longer existed. In the prevailing limitless abuse of the Slavic humanity, "recruiting" methods were used which probably have their origin only in the blackest periods of the slave trade. A regular manhunt was inaugurated. Without consideration of health or age the people were shipped to Germany, where it turned out immediately that far more than 100,000 had to be sent back because of serious illnesses and other incapabilities for work. This system in no way considered that these methods would of necessity have their effect on the power of resistance of the Red Army, since these methods were used only in the Soviet Union of course, and in no way remotely resembling this form in enemy countries like Holland or Norway. Actually we have made it quite easy for Soviet propaganda to augment the hate for Germany and the National Socialist system. The Soviet soldier fights more and more bravely in spite of the efforts of our politicians to find another name for this bravery. Valuable German blood must flow more and more, in order to break the resistance of the Red Army. Obviously the Main Department for Politics has struggled unceasingly to place the methods of acquiring workers and their treatment within Germany on a rational foundation. Originally it was thought in all earnestness to demand the utmost efforts at a minimum cost of the biological knowledge has led to an improvement. Now 400,000 female household workers from the Ukraine are to come to Germany, and already the German press announces publicly that these people have no right to free time and may not visit theaters, movies, restaurants, etc. and may leave the house at the most three hours a week apart from exception concerning duty.

In addition there is the treatment of the Ukrainians in the Reichs Commissariat itself. With a presumption unequalled we put aside all political knowledge and to the glad surprise of all the colored world treat the peoples of the occupied Eastern territories as whites of Class 2, who apparently have only the task of serving as slaves for Germany and Europe. Only the most limited education is suitable for them, no solicitude can be given them. Their sustenance interests us only insofar as they are still capable of labor, and in every respect they are given to understand that we regard them as of the most minute value.

In these circumstances the following can be determined:

1. The resistance power of the Red Army and the strength of the partisan movement has mounted in the same degree as the population realized our true enlistment for them. The feats of arms of our noble army have been neutralized exactly as in 1918 by an inadequate political policy. Our political policy has forced both Bolshevists and Russian nationals into a common front against us. The Russian fights today with exceptional bravery and self-sacrifice for nothing more or less than recognition of his human dignity.

2. Our political policy of utilizing the Ukraine as a counter-weight against mighty Russia, against Poland and the Balkans, and as a bridge to the Caucasus, has suffered complete ship-wreck. The 40 million Ukrainians who joyfully greeted us as liberators, are today indifferent to us and already begin to swing into the enemy camp. Should we not succeed in checking this situation in the last moment, then we run the danger from day to day of having a partisan movement in the Ukraine, which not only eliminates the Ukraine as a furnisher of food, but also ties up the reinforcements of the German army, endangers its existence and accordingly involves the danger of a German defeat.

If this danger which threatens the German people is to be prevented in the last moment, then the following is necessary.

1. For the Ukraine an absolutely positive political policy must be carried out in every respect. The Ukraine must not be merely an objective of exploitation to us, but the populace must sincerely feel that Germany is its friend and liberator. The German economic agencies must be responsible for assuring the populace a minimum on which they can exist. A compulsory conscription of labor in the occupied Eastern territories must be restrained immediately. The treatment of Ukrainians and other Eastern peoples within the Reich must be fair and human. In publicity, both oral and written, everything must be avoided that is in any way cognizant of the fact that we regard this territory as an objective of exploitation. The Russian people must be told something concrete about their future, particularly because Germany does not have the intention nor the power to occupy the whole Russian area.

2. The policy of the officials of the Reichs Commissar for the Ukraine is in general the exponent for the above described policy, which has not recognized the role of the Ukraine in world politics, and has succeeded in throwing away the friendship of 40 million people; and which is guilty in this way of strengthening the power of resistance of the Red Army and prolonging the war with all its consequences. These officials see their only mission as the economic exploitation of the country. The longer the war lasts, however, the more political forces must be interposed. Therefore it would be opportune to place at the head of the Reich Commissariat a personality who also possesses sufficient political ability.

If we do not accomplish this change of course at once, then one can say with certainty that the power of resistance of the Red Army and of the whole Russian people will mount still more, and Germany must continue to sacrifice her best blood. Yes, it must be openly stated that the possibility of a German defeat approaches in a tangible proximity, all the more so if the partisan movement for which Stalin is striving with every means, should spread over a greater part of the Ukraine. One should protest that in the South Ukraine such a danger does not exist because of the lack of swamps and forests. The bandit leader Machino needs to be remembered, he who for about 2 years terrorized the Ukraine and knew how to avoid all persecutions. One should also not place his hopes on the economic collapse of the Soviet Union. Certainly the losses in fertile land, raw materials and industrial projects are very significant. On the other hand the Soviet Union still has the Ural territory, fabulously rich in raw materials of all kinds, which for fourteen years has been industrially developed with all power, as well as rich Siberia. Finally we know that the Soviets have systematically carried on an economic policy of hoarding reserves, and we cannot completely tie up the English-American reserves.

However, if we accomplish the proposed change in policy, then it can be believed certain that the decomposition of the Red Army will also succeed. For the power of resistance of the Red Army man is broken the moment that he becomes convinced that Germany brings him a better life than he has led under the Soviets, and that Germany has a small bit of consideration for his national qualities, in other words does not intend to rob him of his soul.

The problem is too serious to be allowed to remain undecided. Here it is a question of the future of the German race, under circumstances concerning even its existence or non-existence. The permanent thesis of the Main Department for Politics has proved itself true, that a quick victory cannot be attained entirely by the aid of arms, but only in conjunction with the application of a great political offensive. That the administration of the occupied Eastern territories is composed almost entirely of personnel not acquainted with Russia is probably one of the reasons why this thesis has not been carried out. The gentlemen slowly grope their way into the problem, for which the majority still require interpreters. Nevertheless it is today already confirmed that wide circles of the lower administrative chiefs in the Ukraine are plainly frightened of the policy commanded by the higher echelon. However, they are not in a position to have their way. So much the more reason one should trust the interpretation of the Main Department for Politics based on the best technical and social knowledge; the Department is even today convinced of a speedy victorious conclusion of the war, insofar as its political directives are followed.

Berlin, 25 October 1942 Signed: BRAEUTIGAM

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 315-PS

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Berlin W 8, Wilhelmstr. 72, 12 March 1943 Reich Ministry for Food and Agriculture Current No... IV/1a - 907

Note

on a meeting held in the Reich Ministry for Public Enlightenment and Propaganda on 10 March 1943

Presiding: State Secretary Gutterer

For the participating agencies see invitation list of 5 March, among others

Oberregierungsrat Hucho (GBA) Reich Council for Agriculture Dr. Hatesaul Referent Schwarz RNSI Oberregierungsrat Dr. Brendler (Ministry for Food)

Subject: Directives for treatment of foreign workers employed in the Reich.

In his introductory remarks, State Secretary Gutterer said that at the suggestion of Reich Minister Dr. Goebbels the Fuehrer has decided that out of political considerations a uniform treatment of the problems concerning foreigners will have to be secured immediately in all agencies and a corresponding education of the German people will have to be instituted.

The consolidation of the new Europe and the increased anti-communist trend which have been played up by the foreign propaganda office demand that in the treatment of foreign workers in the Reich immediately every material which would be an incentive for a hostile attitude on the part of the foreign workers should be eliminated. This is particularly necessary in the treatment of the workers from the East. In this instance the hitherto prevailing treatment of the Eastern workers has led not only to a diminished production, but has most disadvantageously influenced the political orientation of the people in the conquered Eastern territories and has resulted in the well-known difficulties for our troops. In order to facilitate military operations the morale has to be improved by a better treatment of the Eastern workers in the Reich.

In a decree issued 15 February to all district leaders [Gauleiter] and Reich directors [Reichsleiter], Reich Ministry Dr. Goebbels has given corresponding directives to party agencies. In order to instruct all other agencies, managers and trade union members who are concerned with Arbeitseinsatz, the Reich Minister for Enlightenment and Propaganda has planned directives; these directives, issued in a draft (see enclosure), served as a working basis for discussion.

In general the following is to be said about these directives:

The treatment of foreigners which until now was markedly different for subjects of Western and Eastern countries will be put on a uniform basis as much as possible, particularly the living standards of the Eastern workers will be raised. The change introduced herewith in the treatment of the foreigners will mainly affect the hitherto prevailing Security Police measures of the Reichsfuehrer SS and of the Main Security Office. The measures introduced by the management will be less influenced. In general, the decrees which have been issued by the GBA already and which, among others, are dealt with in the note for the managers will be less affected. However, an increased repudiation of mistreatment and beatings will come into effect. Accordingly, a more severe punishment is planned for those supervisors and under officials who commit such offenses. During the meeting considerable doubts were voiced by the representatives of the Main Security Office of the Reich and of the Party Chancellery. The former expounded the necessity for the strict security police measures for the protection of the German population and for the security of the Reich. The representative of the party chancellery particularly pointed out the controversies which already are appearing and which would result for the German population if more freedom were granted to the foreigners.

The Reich Food Ministry is particularly interested in the following points of the directives:

Under Point 5 it is declared that it is desired to accommodate the various nationalities separately in factories and camps. It was pointed out by representatives of the GBA and Reichsnaehrstand that in the future this cannot be carried out fully in agriculture too, because of reasons of the Arbeitseinsatz. However, with the warning that this measure is to be "striven for" in the future, permission has been given to avoid changes in personnel beyond those hitherto exercised and that this principle will be considered by the GBA in cases of new draftees, just as it was done before.

Point 7: In principle, the foreign workers should receive the same food rations. To this, the undersigned remarks that the rations are varied according to nationalities (Eastern workers, Poles, other foreigners) in order to account for the home customs. Also the rations are varied according to the types of work performed (camp rations, agricultural workers who provide their own food and special rations for individual employees of the factory). The rations of the foreign agricultural migrant labor differ insofar that on the basis of state contracts various allowances in kind are given to them for a part of their pay. A uniformity is being striven for. For the above mentioned reasons, however, a complete uniformity on the basis of the German allowances is impossible. The validity of these arguments was recognized and the passage was deleted. Instead, clauses were added to the effect that "full rations, as laid down in the regulations, should be distributed" and that "the rations for those performing heavy and extremely heavy work should be handed out only if the production is accordingly great". Against these additional clauses no opposition was voiced, final decision however was withheld.

Point 8: The demanded new basis for wages of the Eastern workers has been discussed already by the departments. A corresponding draft of the GBA, equalizing the wages of Eastern and Polish workers, will reach the departments in the near future. This new regulation would fulfill an old wish of the Reich Food Ministry to equalize the wages of the Polish and Eastern workers in order to increase production and simplify the pay procedure.

Point 9: Sick and pregnant female workers will not be returned anymore since they usually spread negative propaganda in their country. Erection of dispensaries will meet with less difficulty in the industry than in agriculture. However, they will be required in agriculture too in order to free the farms from the care of foreign workers. For the same reason, collective accommodations are necessary for foreign children who were born in the Reich. Appropriate negotiations are now in progress in the GBA.

On page 7 of the draft, all the above directives for all organizations, agencies and individuals are declared as binding; the agencies will be held responsible for the execution of these directives in an orderly fashion. The latter seems to be an extremely far-reaching demand, since the execution of a great part of these directives does not depend on the wish of the agencies but on the limited possibilities during the 4th year of the war, such as providing adequate clothing, erection of barracks for the sick and for the foreign children born in the Reich.

Also the suggested stricter punishment of infringements against these directives seems to be objectionable. The arrogant and recalcitrant attitude of some of the foreigners frequently forces the managers and their representatives to use sharp measures in order to keep up the production of the foreign workers. Insofar as certain abuses will emerge in this process and these are punished not only as unpolitical criminal actions but as acts of sabotage and in some cases as high treason, the positions of the managers and their representatives will be considerably weakened before the foreigners, and uncertainties will result in regard to the treatment of the foreigners. These will lead to a marked lack of discipline on the part of the foreigners. It would be desirable that the final decision should be against this clause.

State Secretary Gutterer asked for comments on the draft by 16 March at the latest. The Reich peasant leader [Dr. Hatesaul] agreed to deliver to us the comments of the Reichsnaehrstand immediately.

Dead line matter, 15 March 1943!

To the Referat II B 2, II B 3, IV 9 in this building

Herewith I forward above copy of notes on a meeting held 10 March and a copy of the draft with the request for comment. I ask for a prompt reply in view of the deadline set by the Ministry for Enlightenment and Propaganda.

Referat IV I a Signed: DR. BRENDLER certified Signed: ROTZOW

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 318-PS

Main Bureau for Science Chief of the Main Bureau Ha/Sch. 2370 Berlin, the 5th December 1941 To Record Office for Cultural Policy Attention Party Member Dr. Killer! Inter-office Communication

Concerns: National Socialist German Association of University Lecturers

Most Honored Party Member Dr. Killer!

After long negotiations we succeeded in reorganizing and fixing the relations of the National Socialist German Association of University Lecturers to one bureau. All details are in the enclosed photostatic copy.

Heil Hitler! Haertle 1 Enclosure Entrusted with the leadership

Principles concerning relations of the National Socialist German Association of University Lecturers to the Fuehrer's Commissioner for the supervision of the whole intellectual and ideological training and education of the NSDAP as well as to the Chief of the Seminary [Hohe Schule].

1. The Chief of the National Socialist German Association of University Lecturers is bound by orders and directives of Reichsleiter Rosenberg in all questions concerning intellectual and ideological training, research and education.

2. The main task of the National Socialist German Association of University Lecturers is to present the university lecturers a picture of the history, the formation and the tasks of the National Socialist movement, and to coordinate them in accordance with our ideology with the great political aims of the Reich. The training has to correspond with the requirements of the body of university lecturers.

3. Insofar as beyond this general education a supplementary training, through working communities, university camps, etc. is required—these training measures may be carried out with the provision that the tasks mentioned in Art. 6 are not encroached upon.

4. The National Socialist German Association of University Lecturers is obliged to submit to the Reichsleiter all plans for working communities, conferences, camps, etc., with designation of topics and names of the participants, always in time enough that the possibility of his changing them in accordance with his duty as a leader is assured. His objections and directives resulting from this are binding and authoritative for the National Socialist German Association of University Lecturers. This applies accordingly to the work of the Association done abroad also.

5. Publications will be limited to the above mentioned tasks and are to be submitted to the Main Bureau for Science 14 days before publication. All publications have to bear a remark that the scientific responsibility for the individual contributions lies exclusively upon the author,—in order to avoid the impression of an official party opinion. Reichsleiter Rosenberg will make the decision as to whether the publications of the National Socialist German University Lecturers Association are to be published by the Hoheneichen press.

6. When Reichsleiter Rosenberg plans for his mission, especially for the seminary [Hohe Schule], the collection of professional groups in the different fields of science, or the organization of scientific meetings of university lecturers—the organizational measures will be carried out by the National Socialist German Association of University Lecturers.

7. Judgments and opinions of the National Socialist German Association of University Lecturers concerning the appointments, assignments and transfers of university lecturers are to be submitted to the Main Bureau for Science and, at the same time, to the party chancery.

8. The appointment of the educational director of the National Socialist German Association of University Lecturers will take place with the approval of Reichsleiter Rosenberg. He will be called into the Reich working community as a member for the education of the whole NS movement.

Munich, the 2nd December 1941

Rosenberg Fuehrer's Commissioner for the supervising of the whole intellectual and ideological training and education of the NSDAP and Chief of the Seminary [Hohe Schule] [Signature illegible] Chief of the Party Chancellery

[Signature illegible] Chief of the National Socialist German Association of University Lecturers.

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 327-PS

DRMfdbO. II 1 c 1183/44g. Copies for the Political Main Staff Str. 19/10 Q 19/x: 20/10 Dr. Wetzelz.k W 21/10 P₁ P₂ with request for acknowledgment, Dr. Kinkelein n.r. Z.d. A. Str. 31/10 Pencilled Notes Berlin, 17 October 1944

Copy

SECRET

To: The Chief of the Party Chancellery Reich Leader Martin Bormann

Berlin W 8 Wilhelmstr. 63/64

[Stamp] Political Main Staff Journal No. P1011 a/44g Received 18 Oct. 1944 encl.

Subject: Actions against civilians in rear echelons.

Your circular No. 309/44 of 9 Oct. 1944.

Dear Party comrade Bormann:—

In order to prevent difficulties and delay—which is of course not desired by you—in the liquidation of the companies under my supervision, I have today dispatched the following telegram to the Gau Leaders because of the particular urgency:

In order not to delay the liquidation of companies under my supervision, I beg to point out that the companies concerned are not private firms but business enterprises of the Reich so that also actions with regard to them just as with regard to government offices are reserved to the highest authorities of the Reich. I supervise the following companies:

(a) Zentralhandelsgesselschaft Ost fuer landwirtschaftlichen Absatz und Bedarf m.b.H. (ZO). (Central Trading Company East for Agricultural Marketing and Requirements Limited)

(b) Landbewirtschaftungsgessellschaft Ostlund und Ukraine (Agricultural Development Company Eastern Territories and Ukraine)

(c) Beschaffungsgessellschaft Ost m.b.H. (Supply Company East Limited)

(d) Pharm.—Ost G.m.b.H. (Pharmaceutics—East Company Limited)

The following banks under my supervision are also not private firms:

(e) Zentralnotenbank Ukraine (Central Exchange Bank Ukraine)

(f) Notenbank Ostland (Exchange Bank Eastern Territories)

(g) Zentralwirtschaftsbank Ukraine (Central Commercial Bank Ukraine)

(h) Verband der Wirtschaftsbanken in der Ukraine. (Association of Commercial Banks in the Ukraine)

(i) Gemeinschaftsbank Ostland und Weissruthenien. (Cooperative Bank Eastern Territories and White Ruthenia)

The liquidation of these companies and banks has been discussed with the Reich Plenipotentiary for total war effort and will be brought to a close not later than by the end of this year. Assets suitable for restitution of the companies have already been earmarked for the armed forces and war economy. Therefore, any intervention with regard to stocks and personnel does not only impede the liquidation of business which is inevitably necessary but also delays the supply of goods to the armed forces and war industry. For this reason I beg, to refrain from any intervention.

The Chief of the Party Chancellory has a copy hereof.

Enclosed I am sending you a copy of my letter of today to the Reich Plenipotentiary for total war effort from which you will note that the liquidation of the companies under my supervision has been agreed upon with the Reich Plenipotentiary and will be concluded at a relatively close date considering the vast operations which are indispensable for the liquidation in the interest of an orderly war economy. Restored property not yet surrendered has already been earmarked for the armed forces and war economy, so that any delay of the liquidation or perhaps even independent confiscation of the property by the Gau Leaders would impair or destroy an organized plan, something that should not be done without a compelling reason in the interest of war economy. In order to give you an idea of the past and present problems of these companies, I am attaching enclosed a corresponding survey.

I beg you to acknowledge receipt of the telegram to the Gau Leaders.

Finally, I want to point out also that in my mind it is not correct to simply order the Gau Leaders under the heading "actions against civilians in rear echelons" to press the speeding up of the liquidation of offices and establishments which have been brought back from the occupied territories. Without doubt cases have occurred where such pressure was warranted by all means. On the other hand, it has been proven that, for instance, thousands of decent men and women as well as firms, who have done their duty under the most difficult conditions there, have been brought back from the occupied territories and have recognized the need of the hour immediately, but can simply not complete their work still necessary for the liquidation at present from one day to the other. As far as the Eastern territories are concerned, the above applies to the majority of the people assigned, so that I am obliged to regret that you also associate these people with the most ill-reputed term of rear-echelon.

Heil Hitler Yours Signed: A Rosenberg

SECRET

(1). Zentralhandelsgessellschaft Ost fuer landwirtschaftlichen Absatz und Bodarf m.b.H. (Z.O.). (Central Trading Company East for Agricultural Marketing and Requirements Limited).

The following has been the mission of the Z.O. as a monopoly company for the Eastern Territories:

(a) Collection of all agricultural products as well as commercial marketing and transportation thereof. (Delivery to armed forces and the Reich),

(b) Trusteeship of enterprises dealing with food supplies,

(c) Providing enterprises dealing with food supplies with special equipment, supplying the agriculture with means of production and the rural population with commodities (premium goods).

The following is the present mission of the Z.O.:

(aa) Winding up of transactions relative to commodities and finances, particularly utilization of evacuated goods brought back from the Eastern Territories and goods which did not come into use there any more,

(bb) Collection of goods brought back from the agriculture and food industry of other occupied territories (General Government West),

(cc) Remaining current business,

(a) Fulfillment of the original assignments in the remainder of the Eastern Territories,

(b) Inter-territorial exchange of machines for the agriculture as well as for the dairy industry and inter-territorial exchange of seeds according to directives of the Plenipotentiary for the Four Year Plan—business section food.

The actual significance of the Z.O. and the volume of its transactions can be seen from the following:

(1) 30 offices with 200 agencies were subordinated to each main office for the Eastern Territories, the Central District and the Ukraine.

(2) 11 subsidiary companies of the food industry with 130 branches were founded in the Ukraine.

(3) The Z.O. including its subsidiary companies employed at the peak of its business during the summer of 1943 about 7,000 German party members of the Reich and in addition has set up about 250 German firms of the Reich.

(4) The total turn-over of the Z.O. amounted to about 5.6 milliard Reichsmark, from its foundation until the 31st of March 1944.

(5) During this period, the Z.O. together with its subsidiaries has collected:

Grain 9,200,000 tons Meat and meat products 622,000 tons Linseed 950,000 tons Butter 208,000 tons Sugar 400,000 tons Fodder 2,500,000 tons Potatoes 3,200,000 tons Seeds 141,000 tons Other agricultural products 1,200,000 tons Eggs 1,075 million eggs

The following was required for transportation:

1,418,000 railroad box cars and 472,000 tons of boat shipping space.

(6) A total of 32,900 box cars of evacuated goods has been brought back by the Z.O. of which

22,400 are grain, linseed and other seeds, etc., 9,000 are agricultural machines, other machines, etc., and 1,500 are goods for supply and consumption.

While the utilization of the evacuated agricultural products has been completed in the main part in spite of all difficulties by means of transfer to the Reich Agencies, it has not been possible to effect the utilization of the remaining goods (machines, furniture, supply goods etc.) in the same time and with as little friction. The utilization of these goods is being effected with the cooperation of the Commissioner for utilization of goods, Dr. Kemna, for the Reich Minister of Economy and the Reich Minister for Armament and War Production. Moreover, part of these goods which are composed of thousands of types of different goods must first be overhauled and repaired.

The number of personnel of the Z.O. and its subsidiary companies has already been reduced from 7,000 to 681 employees, exclusive of 50 workers who are still working in the Eastern Territories.

(2). Landbewirtschaftungsgessellschaft Ukraine. (Agricultural Development Company, Ukraine)

The Landbewirtschaftungsgessellschaft Ukraine (LBGU) had the following missions (Figures according to status of 1st July 1943):

(a) Supervisory management of almost 31,000 collective farms and agricultural cooperatives [former Kolhoze] with 1.7 million farms, of almost 540,000 individual farms with an area used for cultivation of maximum 38 million hektars (93.9 million acres)—24.5 million hectars (60.5 million acres) during summer 1943—,

(b) Managing trusteeship of 1875 state-owned estates with an area used for agriculture of 2.8 million hectars (6.9 million acres),

(c) Managing trusteeship of 72 breeding stations with an area of 124,000 hectars (306,400 acres), seed reproducing areas of 424,000 hectars (1,047,700 acres),

Trustee management of 17 offices for distribution of seeds of 270 seed distribution points and of 619 seed depots with a seed capacity of 192,000 tons.

(d) Managing trusteeship of 900 machine and tractor stations (MTS) with 49,600 tractors.

The LBGU maintained 1 central business office, 6 district offices (with 5 branch offices), 114 regional offices, 431 county offices, 2,870 base offices and 400 supervisory bodies.

The LBGU has already completed the liquidation of the following affairs:

(1) Management of the general enterprises (see above under a),

(2) Management of the state-owned estates (see above under b),

(3) Sheep-breeders association Ukraine,

(4) Financial liquidation (balance-sheet of liquidation as of 1st July 1944 will be completed on 20th Oct. 1944).

At present the LBGU still attends to the following matters:

(aa) Utilization of still remaining 5,400 tons of highly valuable, evacuated seeds (a total of 98,000 tons have been brought back), most of which will be transferred to the Landbau-Gesellschaft m.b.H. (Land Development Company Limited) founded recently by the Commissioner for the Four Year Plan,—termination by the end of this year—,

(bb) Utilization of the rolling stock, parts of equipment and similar matters confiscated by the armed forces.

(cc) Realization of the MTS evacuation depots and work shops. The personnel used in connection with this (90 civilians, 34 military personnel) occupied mainly with new problems regarding the employment of agricultural machines and the repair thereof. The transfer of these machines to the above mentioned Landbau-Gesellschaft has been projected in the near future.

The number of personnel employed by the LBGU has been reduced from 4,500 German and Dutch workers as of 30 June 1943 to 410 as of 1st Oct. 1944.

Of these latter 248 were made available for other important war jobs, especially in the general government, by way of orders and leaves from present jobs. 28 employees are assigned to supervise 50,000 Ukrainian workers in key-positions and skilled laborers of the LBGU. Another 90, as mentioned, are employed for the problems of utilizing agricultural machines and for the repair thereof (see above cc). Consequently, only 44 persons are employed to wind up the remaining affairs.

(3). Beschaffungsgesellschaft Ost m.b.H. (BGO). (Supply Company East Limited)

The BGO has been founded with the purpose to procure machines and other investment goods for the economy of the Eastern Territories as well as to perform special assignments.

Today, it has the following assignments:

(a) Winding-up of concluded business-contracts (50 mill. Reichsmark of a total procurement in the value of 115 mill. Reichsmark), according to which deliveries will be made within the next 9 months;

(b) Procurement of machine tools and wood-working machines by order of the Reich Minister for Armament and War production.

(c) Collection and utilization of economic assets evacuated from the Eastern Territories and the General Government whereby the BGO acts as an executive company for Dr. Kemna, the Commissioner for the utilization of goods for the Reich Minister for Economy and the Reich Minister for Armament and War-production (see Annex (1) and (2)).

(d) Liquidation of the Steine und Erden Ost G.m.b.H. (Stone and Soil East Company Limited).

To (a): According to orders by the Reich Minister for Armament and War production the machines which are being delivered in agreement with current business contracts are being transferred particularly to German industries damaged by bombing. The other deliveries are being disposed of in accordance with orders of the OKH/Chief H Ruest u.BdH. (Supreme Command Army) as well as of the economic administrative agencies and of the Planning Commissioners.

To (b): This procurement is also done for the German industry.

To (c): The execution of these assignments is in full swing, and the work connected with it is steadily increasing. So far the BGO has collected about 1,000 carloads of evacuated goods. One part of these is directed by the B.G.O. to agencies charged with their utilization which operate under its management. Another part—particularly machines and investment goods—are stored in own depots, repaired, catalogued and catalogue submitted to the Office of Armament Supplies as well as to Special Agencies [Sonderringe—Committees set up by Speer to organize the production of component parts of the armament industry] and apportioned according to their directions to the Armament Industry.

The number of personnel employed at present by the BGO is 118 employees of whom 55 are male employees.

(4). Pharm-Ost G.m.b.H. (Pharmaceutics—East Company Limited).

The company had the assignment to supply the Eastern Territories with medicines and other drugs within the range of human and veterinary medicines as well as with all equipment for medical and veterinary requirements, hospital requirements, etc.

Apart from supplying the remainder of the Eastern Territories, the company's main assignment at present is essentially to direct the evacuated goods to other consumers, the armed forces in particular, its stocks and those goods which are to be delivered according to business contracts already concluded, while observing the necessary financial liquidation procedure.

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 342-PS

Reichs Commissioner for the East [Ostland] Sect. II h

Directions concerning the Treatment of Jewish Property in the Reich Commissariat Ostland of 13 October 1941

Par. 1

The total, movable and immovable properties of the Jewish population in the territories governed by the Reich's Commissioner for Eastern areas are placed under confiscation by the administration for the commission and the seizure according to the following regulations.

Par. 2

Property is defined as movable and immovable objects along with all accessories, claims, commissions, rights and interests of all types.

Par. 3

1. The confiscation will be carried out by the Reich's commissioner for the East or those officers who have been authorized by him. It can be carried out by directives to individual persons or in general by a proclamation and can be limited to individual objects of wealth.

2. The following shall be excluded from confiscation:

a. That part of the household furniture which will take care of the base essentials of life.

b. Cash, bank and savings credit, as well as bonds, up to a total value of one hundred Reichsmarks.

Par. 4

1. With the confiscation the previous owner loses all rights to dispose of the confiscated property.

2. Whoever has confiscated property in possession or custody, will administer it until further notice. The changing or disposal of the property or of its profits will only be allowed inside the bounds of orderly management. All other measures taken beyond this will need the approval of the Reichs commissioner for the East or those agencies authorized by him.

Par. 5

1. The property that is placed under confiscation can be brought under the administration of the commission, so far as it is necessary for orderly management.

2. The assuming of control by the administrative commission will at the same time be looked upon as confiscation.

3. The Reichs commission for the East will issue directives about the arrangement and management of this administration.

Par. 6

1. Confiscated property can be called in by the Reichs commissioner for the East or by the agencies authorized by him.

2. The disposal of the confiscated property will be left to the authorized agencies.

3. These agencies will decide with finality, using administrative means, on the debts which belong to the confiscated property. The responsibility will be limited to the sales value of the confiscated property.

Par. 7

Bids for the purchase of the property which comes under confiscation can be publicly advertised.

Par. 8

The responsible authorities can demand information from everyone to carry out their task.

Par. 9

1. The following will be punished with a prison sentence and monetary fine or one of those punishments.

a. Those who will undertake to withdraw an object of value from the offices of the civil authorities or those installed with the authority for disposal, or in any other manner to thwart, to evade, or to impair the action of confiscation.

b. Those who intentionally or carelessly do not fulfill in due time or completely one of those directives imposed upon him such as an order of execution or other directive of execution, and the report and information obligations concerning it.

2. In severe cases the punishment is penal servitude. If the accused is charged with willful disobedience or should it be any other especially severe case the death sentence is authorized.

Par. 10

The Reichs commissioner for the East will issue the necessary measures to carry out those directives.

Par. 11

The directive will go into effect on the day of its publication.

Riga, the 13 October 1941 The Reichs Commissioner for the East Signed: LOHSE

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 343-PS

Field Marshal Milch Berlin,—W 8, Leipzigerstrasse 7, 31 Aug 1942 Dear Mr. Himmler!

I thank you very much for your letter of the 25 Aug. I have read with great interest the reports of Dr. Rascher and Dr. Romberg. I am informed about the current experiments. I shall ask the two gentlemen to give a lecture combined with the showing of motion pictures to my men in the near future.

Hoping that it will be possible for me to see you at the occasion of my next visit to Headquarters I remain with best regards and

Heil Hitler! yours [signed] E. Milch

Mr. Reichsfuehrer SS and Chief of the German Police Himmler Berlin SW 11.

SECRET

Field Marshal Milch Berlin W 8, Leipzigerstrasse 7, 20 May 1942 Dear Wolffy!

In reference to your telegram of 12 May our sanitary inspector reports to me that the altitude experiments carried out by the SS and Air Force at Dachau have been finished. Any continuation of these experiments seems essentially unreasonable. However the carrying out of experiments of some other kind, in regard to perils at high seas, would be important. These have been prepared in immediate agreement with the proper offices; Major (M.C.) Weltz will be charged with the execution and Capt (M.C.) Rascher will be made available until further orders in addition to his duties within the Medical Corps of the Air Corps. A change of these measures does not appear necessary, and an enlargement of the task is not considered pressing at this time.