Front matter (continued 14)

I also request of the leaders of the affiliated organizations to make sure by issuing decrees that within their realm of jurisdiction members of the Christian Science will not hold official positions. I have no objection for members of the affiliated organizations to be members of the Christian Science.

Signed: M. Bormann

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 840-PS

NATIONAL SOCIALIST GERMAN WORKERS' PARTY The Deputy of the Fuehrer Brown House, Munich 33, 14 July 1939 Regulation No. 140/39

Subject: Admission of Clergymen and Students of Theology into the NSDAP

In my regulation No. 24/37 dated 9 February 1937 I have decreed that in order to avoid the penetration of contrasts of ecclesiastical-political nature into the movement and to avoid the suspicion of a one-sided attitude for or against an existing denomination, the admission of members of the clergy into the Party is to be avoided. It turned out that the nonadmission of members of the clergy into the Party is not sufficient for the purpose in question.

In his regulation No. 34/39 on the lifting of the restriction of memberships dated 10 May 1939 the Reich Treasurer of the NSDAP has done justice to this experience by decreeing that clergymen, as well as other fellow Germans who are also closely connected with the church, cannot be admitted into the Party.

In addition to this I decree that in the future Party members who enter the clergy or who turn to the study of Theology have to leave the Party. This decree does not affect those students who are matriculated mainly in other factors and, not intending to become clergymen later attend only some lectures of the theological faculties.

Signed: for BORMANN Attested: [Signature illegible] Distribution: IV b

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 841-PS

SECRET NATIONAL SOCIALIST GERMAN LABOR PARTY Fuehrer's Deputy Chief of the Staff Brown House, MUNICH 33, the 17 Jan. 1939 ORDER NO 1/39 SECRET Subject: Jews.

Upon proposal of Field-Marshal Goering, the Fuehrer has made some basic decisions concerning the Jewish problem. I make these decisions known to you in the enclosure and request that you observe to take these directives under all circumstances.

Signed: M. BORMANN

1 Enclosure Distribution: III b Certified Signed: [illegible]

SECRET PRIME MINISTER FIELD-MARSHALL GOERING Commissioner for four year plan Berlin, 28. Dec. 1938

Upon my proposal, the Fuehrer made the following decisions concerning the Jewish problem:

A

I. Housing of Jews

1. a. The tenant protective law, as a rule, is not to be abrogated for the Jews. On the contrary, it is desired, if possible, to proceed in particular cases in such a way that the Jews are quartered together in separate houses insofar as the housing conditions allow that.

b. For this reason the aryanizing of the house ownership is to be postponed until the end of the total aryanization, that is to say, for the present the aryanizing of houses has to be carried out only where in individual cases urgent reasons exist. The aryanizing of industries, businesses, agricultural estates, forests, etc., is to be considered as urgent.

2. Use of sleeping and dining cars is to be forbidden to the Jews. At the same time, no special Jewish compartments to be established. As well, the use of trains, street cars, suburban railways, underground railways, busses, and ships can not be prohibited to the Jews.

3. Only the use of some public establishments, etc., is to be prohibited to the Jews. In this category belong the hotels and restaurants visited especially by party-members (for instance: Hotel Kaiserhof—Berlin; Hotel Vierjahreszeiten—Munich; Hotel Deutscher Hof—Nurnberg; Hotel Drei Mohren—Augsburg, etc.). The use of bathing establishments, some public places, bathing resorts, etc. can be prohibited to the Jews; also medicine baths, so far as they are prescribed in particular cases by physicians, may be used by Jews, but only in such ways that no offense is created.

II. Jews who were officials and have been pensioned are not to be denied their pensions. Investigations though have to be made as to whether these Jews can get along with a reduced allowance.

III. The Jewish welfare organizations are not to be aryanized or abolished so that the Jews do not become a public charge, but may be supported by Jewish welfare organizations.

IV. Jewish patents are property, and as such have to be aryanized. (A similar procedure toward Germany was carried out by U.S.A. and other countries during World War I).

B

Mixed Marriages.

I. 1. With children (part Jews 1st class)

a. If the father is a German and the mother a Jewess, this family may stay in the future in its present lodging. The regulations for exclusion of Jews are not to be applied to such families as far as their housing is concerned.

In these cases, the property of the Jewish mother can be transferred to the German husband, or to the mixed children.

b. If the father is a Jew and the mother a German, such families also, are not to be moved for the present into Jewish quarters, because the children (part Jews 1st class) in the future, must serve in the labor service and the armed forces, and must not be exposed to Jewish propaganda. Concerning the property, one must for the present proceed in such a way that it can be completely or partly transferred to the children.

2. Without children.

a. If the husband is a German and wife a Jewess, the provisions of 1a are valid accordingly.

b. If the husband is a Jew, and the wife a German, these childless couples are to be proceeded against as if they were full-blooded Jews. The husband's property can not be transferred to the wife. Both, husband and wife can be moved into the Jewish houses or Jewish quarters.

Especially in case of emigration such married couples are to be treated as Jews, as soon as an increased emigration is gotten under way.

II. If a German wife divorces a Jew, she reenters the German racial community and all disadvantages for her discontinue.

Signed: GOERING Certified copy [Signature illegible]

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 842-PS

THE KREISLEITER To The Area Staff Leaders [Gaustabsamtsleiter] Party member SELLMER, NURNBERG LAUF (PEGNITZ), December 30, 1940

In addition to my last report on the situation, I report the following:

The district physician of Hersbruck, Dr. Loeffler, informs me that in Schupf near Kainsback (formerly Kreis Hersbruck) a young farmer, by the name of Koch, was turned over to an institution for sterilization, because of epileptic attacks.

A few weeks ago he wrote to his mother that he was feeling fine, and that she should send him some smoking tobacco. His mother wrote him in return that he should come back soon, as he is badly needed on the farm. It is remarked here that the young Koch was of great help to the mother Koch, a farmer's widow, as he managed the farm practically all by himself.

A week later the widow was informed that her son had suddenly died, and that she could obtain the urn containing the ashes.

As the young Koch had been known also in his neighborhood for his industry, it is natural that this "violent death" has caused great indignation.

When I proposed to district physician Loeffler to send a master mason from Osternohe for a few weeks to the institution in Ausbach for observation of his mental condition, he declared he could not take this responsibility as he did not know if same would return alive. The doctor informed me also that it was known that the commission consisted of an SS-physician with several subordinate physicians and that the "patients" were not even being examined, but judged solely by the patient's existing records. As far as he knew families refuse to send their sick members to the institutions as they do not know whether they would see them again alive.

The district physician in Nurnberg had informed him of two cases in the city of Nurnberg, where charges of murder have been preferred by relations of such patients.

The Party has up to now received neither such complaints nor accusations.

Heil Hitler! Signed: Walz Kreisleiter

Pencil and ink notes:

"investigate"

"Dr. Guesbert" [?]

"The staff reports: No case is known. The authorities have been instructed how to act. 1-7-41."

"Party member Walz has been informed; Party member Dr. Hummel has been informed; Party member Dr. Breilig [?] has been informed."

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 847-PS

The Reich Minister and Chief of the Reich Chancellery Vossstrasse 6, Berlin W8, July 5, 1942 at present Fuehrer's Headquarters All postal communication must be sent to the Berlin address without exception. RK. 9495 B

Please use the above chiffre in further communications.

To the Highest Authorities in the Reich, and to all departments directly subordinate to the Fuehrer

The Fuehrer has charged Reichleader Rosenberg in his capacity as delegate of the Fuehrer with the supervision of the entire spiritual and political education and schooling of the NSDAP, with the spiritual fight against the Jews and Freemasons as well as against all allied with them in their doctrinal opposition to National Socialism, as the instigators of the present war. For this purpose the Fuehrer has ordered that the staff of the Reichsleader Rosenberg shall have the right, in occupied territories under Military Government and in occupied Eastern territories under civil administration (this does not include the General Government) to search libraries, archives, lodges, and other political and cultural institutions of all kinds for suitable material for the fulfillment of his task, and to ask the competent army and police offices to confiscate the material thus procured for the implementation of the world doctrinal tasks of the NSDAP, and for later scientific research work of the university, whereby the police political files will remain with the police, all other documents however to be turned over to the staff of the Reichleader Rosenberg. The same request to be made by this staff in regard to all cultural goods which are the property or in the possession of Jews which do not belong to anyone, or whose owners cannot be determined. The measures on procedure about the collaboration with the Wehrmacht will be issued by the Chief of the High Command of the Wehrmacht in accordance with Reichleader Rosenberg. The necessary measures within the Eastern territories under German administration will be taken by Reichleader Rosenberg in his capacity as Reich Minister for the occupied Eastern territories.

I am giving notice of this, the Fuehrer's order, and request to support Reichleader Rosenberg in the fulfillment of his task.

Signed: Dr. Lammers

SECRET Reich Minister and Chief of the Reich Chancellery Rk. 507 A g Please use this chiffre in all further communications Vossstrasse 6, Berlin W8, July 16, 1942 Present field quarters. All mail to be sent to the Berlin address without exception. II 1C II 1 C 791/42g, rec. 20 July 42 encl 1 To the Reich Minister for the occupied Eastern territories Berlin W35 Kurfuerstenstrasse 134 (Notes illegible) Concerning: Fuehrer decree of March 1, 1942 To the letter of July 10, 1942-II 1 C 705/42g

The regulations of which you wish to be informed are contained in enclosed circular letter to the highest Reich authorities of July 5, 1942—Rk. 9495 B—which was also sent to you. A further copy of this circular is enclosed for your use.

Deputy [signature illegible]

1. There is nothing to be done from here. 2. Mr. R.R. Guilleaume to be informed after his return (7 Aug).

[signature illegible] [name illegible] Please ask in the Registrar's Office of the Reich Chancellery if the Fuehrer's decree of 1 March 42 exists. Apparently we have only been sent the measures of procedure. (initials illegible) 3 July The Fuehrer's decree of 1 March is enclosed. PR. 4 August. The Reich Chancellery has received the Fuehrer decree of 1 March 42, as a copy from the Reichsleitung Rosenberg. I asked for it there. Pr. 31/7 Give first to Ministerialdirector Dr. Runte with a request for his acknowledgment. LABS, 5 August [illegible marks]

FUEHRER DECREE

Jews, Freemasons, and those allied with them in their world doctrinal conceptions are opponents of National Socialism and are the instigators of the present war directed against the Reich. The planned spiritual fight against these powers is a necessary war measure.

I have therefore, charged Reichsleader Alfred Rosenberg to carry out this task in accord with the Chief of the High Command of the Wehrmacht. His staff for the occupied territories has the right to search libraries, archives, lodges, and other world doctrinal and cultural institutions of all kinds for pertinent material and to have it confiscated for the world doctrinal task of the NSDAP and the later research work of the university cultural values which are the property or are in the possession of Jews, which do not belong to an owner, or whose owners cannot be determined, are subject to the same regulation. The measures on procedure about the collaboration with the Wehrmacht will be issued by the Chief of the High Command of the Wehrmacht in accord with Reichleader Rosenberg.

The necessary measures within the Eastern territories under German administration will be taken care of by Reichleader Rosenberg in his capacity as Reich Minister for the occupied Eastern territories.

Fuehrer Headquarters, March 1, 1942

To all administrative departments of the Wehrmacht, the Party, and the State.

Signed: Adolf Hitler

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 848-PS

GESTAPO NURNBERG-FUERTH OFFICE TELETYPE SECTION Teletype No. 12309 Received 24 July 1938, 1515 hours from WF via GM Dr. Berlin Nue 167 262 24 July 1938 1500 to Stapo Nurnberg— Urgent—Transmit at once. Subject: Bishop Dr. Sproll in Rottenburg Reference: None

I request that the following text of a teletype just received here from Stuttgart be transmitted at once by special messenger to Bayreuth, Villa Wahnfried, to SS Brigadefuehrer Schaub, attention of SS Untersturmfuehrer Wuensche:

In connection with my report (special delivery of 23 July 1938) subject: Bishop Dr. Sproll of Rottenburg, I further communicate that the following teletype from the Gestapo office in Stuttgart just came in here:

"The Party on 23 July 1939 from 2100 on carried out the third demonstration against Bishop Sproll. Participants about 2,500-3,000 were brought in from outside by bus, etc. The Rottenburg populace again did not participate in the demonstration. This town took rather a hostile attitude to the demonstrations. The action got completely out of hand of the Party Member responsible for it. The demonstrators stormed the palace, beat in the gates and doors. About 150 to 200 people forced their way into the palace, searched the rooms, threw files out of the windows, and rummaged through the beds in the rooms of the palace. One bed was ignited. Before the fire got to the other objects of equipment in the rooms and the palace, the flaming bed could be thrown from the window and the fire extinguished. The Bishop was with Archbishop Groeber of Freiburg and the ladies and gentleman of his menage in the chapel at prayer. About 25 to 30 people pressed into this chapel and molested those present. Bishop Groeber was taken for Bishop Sproll. He was grabbed by the robe and dragged back and forth. Finally the intruders realized that Bishop Groeber is not the one they are seeking. They could then be persuaded to leave the building. After the evacuation of the palace by the demonstrators I had an interview with Archbishop Groeber who left Rottenburg in the night. Groeber wants to turn to the Fuehrer and Reich Minister of the Interior Dr. Frick anew. On the course of the action, the damage done as well as the homage of the Rottenburg populace beginning today for the Bishop I shall immediately hand in a full report, after I am in the act of suppressing counter mass meetings.

Gestapo Office Stuttgart."

In case the Fuehrer has instructions to give in this matter, I request that these be transmitted most quickly, best by telephone to Gestapo Office, telephone Berlin 12 00 40, attention of Regierung Assistant Freytag, so that corresponding instructions can be forwarded to Stuttgart.

Gestapo Office Berlin, By direction, Signed: DR. BEST

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 849-PS

Reich Minister for Ecclesiastical Affairs GII 3990/38 Berlin W 8, Leipziger Strasse 3, 23 July 1938 Tel. 11 66 51 [Stamp] Praesidium Chancellery Entered 24 July 1938 RP 6575/38 Subject: Catholic Bishop Sproll in Rottenburg (wttbg.) Ref: Letter of 22 July 1938 No. Er 41/38 III 3 enclosures

To the Minister of State and Chief of the Praesidium Chancellery in Berlin

The Catholic Bishop Dr. Sproll, as the only citizen of the city of Rottenburg and, as far as is known, as the only German bishop, did not take part in the plebiscite of 10 April. The absence from the plebiscite has evoked great and justified anger among the population. Apparently the bishop himself had a bad conscience and left town on the evening before the plebiscite for an unknown destination. Even on 10 and 11 April there were demonstrations at the bishop's residence in Rottenburg against the absent bishop. On 21 April Sproll returned to Rottenburg and on the same day there were renewed demonstrations in front of the bishop's palace. On 22 April Dr. Sproll again left Rottenburg in order to go to a Bavarian monastery.

As the bishop, since Hitler's rise to power, became prominent through a series of damaging sermons, the Governor of Wuerttemberg now came to the conclusion that Dr. Sproll, in the interest of preserving the state's authority and in the interest of quiet and order, could no longer remain in office. The Reich Governor had explained to the ecclesiastical board,

that he would no longer regard Bishop Sproll as Head of the Diocese of Rottenburg on account of his refraining from the election in the office; that he desired Bishop Sproll to leave the Gau area Wuerttemberg-Hohenzollern, because he could assume no guarantee for his personal safety; that in the case of the return of the bishop to Rottenburg he would see to it that all personal and official intercourse with him on the part of state offices as well as Party offices and the Armed Forces would be denied.

Moved by the reports from Wuerttemberg my Deputy, in my absence, directed the letter attached in copy G II 2277/38 2030 dated 5 May to the Foreign Office. In accordance with that the Foreign Office on 18 May turned to the German Embassy at the Vatican with the instruction that it should be urged on the Holy See to persuade Bishop Sproll that he should resign his Bishopric.

The bishop sojourning outside of his diocese had already received the instruction to return to his diocese. On 18 May Sproll quietly returned to Wuerttemberg and retired to St. Mary's Hospital in Stuttgart.

Since no answer to the instruction of 18 May had been received from the Embassy at the Holy See, on 1 July the settlement of the affair was again brought up in Rome. On 18 July the letter of the Foreign Office attached in copy—Pol III 1886 of 11 July—was received. Whether the affair has again been discussed with the Cardinal Secretary of State, as planned, is unknown to me.

In the intervening two months Bishop Sproll quietly resided in Stuttgart. On 15 July he returned to the Episcopal residence and on 16 July conducted a ceremonial divine service. On the evening of the same day there occurred among the population, aroused over the return of the bishop, great demonstrations before the ecclesiastical buildings of Rottenburg. On 18 July there were more even greater demonstrations. A report of the Reich Governor of 20 July is attached in copy. It is to be expected that on Saturday, 23 July, even greater mass meetings against continued remaining of the Bishop will be put on, so that Cardinal Bertram was impelled to send his telegram of 21 July to the Fuehrer and Reich Chancellor.

The content and tenor of this telegram are such that I cannot recommend a favorable consideration of it. Not the demonstrating people aroused over the subversive attitude of the Bishop are turning against the State, but the Bishop by his incredible behavior against the State and folk-community has turned against the State. In my estimation measures are not sufficient here, which merely produce the condition prior to 10 April. I could only recommend a cessation of further demonstrations if the action of the German Embassy initiated at the Holy See is accompanied by success. If it is unsuccessful, the Bishop would have to be exiled from the land, or there would have to be a complete boycott of the Bishop by the authorities, as the Reich Governor in Wuerttemberg at that time announced to the ecclesiastical officials.

I would notify Cardinal Bertram correspondingly, in case the Fuehrer does not reserve the notification for himself.

signed: KERRL

Copy Berlin W8, 5 May 1938 Reich and Prussian Minister for Ecclesiastical Affairs GII 2277/38 Subject: Catholic Bishop Sproll in Rottenburg, Wuerttemberg

The Catholic Bishop Sproll of Rottenburg (Wuerttemberg) on 10 April 1938, as the only non-voter of the Rottenburg District, aroused the greatest resentment of all racial Germans and especially gave to Catholic circles the worst example for their civic behavior. By his absence from the plebiscite, which is to be evaluated only as a demonstration, he moreover has violated the sense of the Episcopal oath of loyalty prescribed in Article 16 of the Reichconcordat.

The Bishop felt impelled to evade the just anger of the people and to leave his diocese. It is to be feared that upon his possible return and a possible appearance in public, even at church functions, renewed disorders and demonstrations would occur. It cannot be expected of the German police that they would protect a man who has not perceived his most primitive duties to people and Fuehrer, from the crowds of people who, in righteous wrath, are turning against this man. Also, it cannot be expected of the German authorities that they will carry on official business with a Bishop who in this manner has excluded himself from the folk-community. It is not to be expected that this Bishop can ever accomplish any more fruitful work in his diocese.

I therefore recommend that it be urged on the Holy See via the Apostolic Nuncio or via the German Embassy at the Vatican, to influence Bishop Sproll that he resign his Bishopric as soon as possible.

By direction

Signed: DR. MUHS To the Foreign Office in Berlin

Copy Copy (indicated) Berlin, 11 July 1938 Foreign Office, Pol III 1886 a. Reference to the letter of 11 June—Pol III 1679 b. Reference to letter of 27 May 1938—II B 1— / 574/38

The German Ambassador at the Vatican has discussed the matter of recalling Bishop Sproll with the Cardinal-Secretary of State. The Cardinal, who acted in a very reserved manner according to all appearance, did not approve the procedure of the Bishop, but remarked that according to reports he had received the participation in the plebiscite would be a voluntary act, nevertheless an offense against legal duties did not exist. The German Embassy reports, in addition, that in spiritual circles the behavior of the Bishop is designated as very inapt.

The German Embassy at the Holy See has been instructed to discuss the matter again with the Cardinal-Secretary of State.

Further information is reserved for the present.

By direction

Signed: Bismarck

To: a. Reich Governor in Wuerttemberg Gauleiter Murr, Stuttgart

b. Chief of the Security Police Berlin SW 11, Prinz-Albrecht-Str. 8

Copy Reich Governor in Wuerttemberg Stuttgart, 20 July 1938 Subject: Bishop Dr. Sproll Enclosures: None

As I am informed, Monday evening a demonstration again occurred in front of the Episcopal Ordinariat. Several thousand people gathered in front of the Episcopal Ordinariat and chanting in unison gave expression to their resentment about the absence of the Bishop. There were no further excesses of any sort.

I am reporting on this incident with the request that everything be attempted to get a recall or transfer of the Bishop, for it is not to be assumed that tranquility will return to the people—even in the more remote area around Rottenburg—as long as Dr. Sproll officiates as Bishop.

To the Reich Minister for Ecclesiastical Affairs, Berlin W 8, Leipziger Str. 3.

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 862-PS

TOP SECRET

The Deputy General of the Armed Forces with the Reich Protector in Bohemia and Moravia.

No. 22/40 top secret; Prague, 15 October 1940.

TOP SECRET (through officers only) Re: Basic political principles in the Protectorate 4 copies, 1st copy TOP SECRET (through officers only) 1 Annex [Pencil marks]: K [Keitel] 21/X J [Jodl] Chief OKW through Chief WFSt W [Warlimont] 18/10

On 9 October of this year the office of the Reich Protector held an official conference in which State Secretary SS Lt. General K.H. Frank spoke about the following:

Since creation of the protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia, party agencies, industrial circles, as well as agencies of the central authorities of Berlin have had difficulties about the solution of the Czech problem.

After ample deliberation, the Reich Protector expressed his view about the various plans in a memorandum. In this, three ways of solution were indicated:

a. German infiltration of Moravia and reduction of the Czech nationality to a residual Bohemia.

This solution is considered as unsatisfactory, because the Czech problem, even if in a diminished form, will continue to exist.

b. Many arguments can be brought up against the most radical solution, namely the deportation of all the Czechs. Therefore the memorandum comes to the conclusion that it cannot be carried out within a reasonable space of time.

c. Assimilation of the Czechs, i.e. absorption of about half of the Czech nationality by the Germans, insofar as this is of importance by being valuable from a racial or other standpoint [blut-und sonst wertmaessig Bedentunghat]. This will take place among other things, also by increasing the Arbeitseinsatz of the Czechs in the Reich territory (with the exception of the Sudeten German border district), in other words by dispersing the closed Czech nationality.

The other half of the Czech nationality must be deprived of its power, eliminated, and shipped out of the country by all sorts of methods. This applies particularly to the racially mongoloid part and to the major part of the intellectual class. The latter can scarcely be converted ideologically and would represent a burden by constantly making claims for the leadership over the other Czech classes and thus interfering with a rapid assimilation.

Elements which counteract the planned Germanization are to be handled roughly and should be eliminated.

The above development naturally presupposes an increased influx of Germans from the Reich territory into the Protectorate.

After a discussion, the Fuehrer has chosen solution c (assimilation) as a directive for the solution of the Czech problem and decided that, while keeping up the autonomy of the Protectorate on the surface, the Germanization will have to be carried out in a centralized way by the office of the Reich Protectorate for years to come.

From the above no particular conclusions are drawn by the armed forces. This is the direction which has always been represented from here. In this connection, I refer to my memorandum which was sent to the Chief of the Supreme Command of the Armed Forces, dated 12 July 1939, file number 6/39, top secret, entitled: "The Czech Problem." (Attached as annex).

The Deputy General of the Armed Forces with the Reich Protector in Bohemia and Moravia.

Signed: FRIDERICI Infantry Lt. General Distribution:

OKW-L—1st Copy OKH-O Qu V—2nd Copy Chief H Ruest and Bd E-Ic.—3rd Copy Draft—4th Copy

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 864-PS

TOP SECRET L IV Berlin, 20 October 1939 Only copy Written by officer 20 Oct. [illegible initials] Conference between the Fuehrer and Chief OKW on the future shape of Polish relations with Germany (Evening of 17 October 1939)

1. The Armed Forces will welcome it if they can dispose of administrative questions in Poland.

On principle there cannot be 2 administrations.

2. Poland is to be made independent. She will neither be part of the German Reich nor a district administered by the Reich.

3. It is not the task of the Administration to make Poland into a model province or a model state of the German order or to put her economically or financially on a sound basis.

The Polish intelligensia must be prevented from forming a ruling class. The standard of living in the country is to remain low; we only want to draw labor forces from there. Poles are also to be used for the administration of the country. However, the forming of national political groups may not be allowed.

4. The administration has to work on its own responsibility and must not be dependent on Berlin. We don't want to do there what we do in the Reich. The responsibility does not rest with the Berlin Ministries since there is no German administrative unit concerned.

The accomplishment of this task will involve a hard racial struggle [Volkstumskampf] which will not allow any legal restrictions. The methods will be incompatible with the principles otherwise adhered to by us.

The Governor General is to give the Polish nation only bare living conditions and is to maintain the basis for military security.

5. In Cracow German officers have visited the Bishops. Prince Radziwill is owner of his huge estates [Latifundien].

These problems cannot be solved socially.

6. Our interests lie as follows: Precautions are to be taken that the territory is important to us from a military point of view as an advanced jumping-off point and can be used for strategic concentration of troops. To that end the railroads, roads, and the communications channels are to be kept in order and utilized for our purposes.

Any tendencies towards the consolidation of conditions in Poland are to be suppressed. The "Polish muddle" [polnische Wirtschaft] must be allowed to develop. The government of the territory must make it possible for us to purify the Reich territory from Jews and Polacks, too. Collaboration with new Reich provinces [Posen and West Prussia] only for resettlements (Compare Mission Himmler).

Purpose: Shrewdness and severity must be the maxims in this racial struggle in order to spare us from going to battle on account of this country again.

[illegible initials] 20 Oct. W. [initialed by General Warlimont] 20 Oct.

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 865-PS

I name Reichsleiter Alfred Rosenberg as my Commissioner for the central control of questions connected with the East-European Region.

An office, which is to be established in accordance with his orders, is at the disposal of Reichsleiter Rosenberg for the carrying out of the duties thereby entrusted to him.

The necessary money for this office is to be taken out of the Reich Chancellery Treasury in a lump sum.

Fuehrer's Headquarters 20th April 1941. The Fuehrer Signed: Adolf Hitler Reich Minister and Head of Reich Chancellery Signed: Dr. Lammers

TOP SECRET The Reich Minister and the Head of the Reich Chancellery Vossstrasse 6, Berlin W8, 21st April 1941 At present Fuehrer Headquarters. Mail, without exception, to be sent to the Berlin address.

To: the Chief of the Supreme Command of the Armed Forces, General Field Marshal Keitel

Personal. By courier. My dear General Field Marshal.

Herewith I am sending you a copy of the Fuehrer's Decree by which the Fuehrer appointed Reichsleiter Alfred Rosenberg as his Commissioner for the central control connected with the East-European Region. In this capacity Reichsleiter Rosenberg is to make the necessary preparations for the probable emergency with all speed. The Fuehrer wishes that Rosenberg shall be authorized for this purpose to obtain the closest cooperation of the highest Reich authorities, receive information from them, and summon the representatives of the Highest Reich Authorities to conferences. In order to guarantee the necessary secrecy of the commission and the measures to be undertaken, for the time being only, those of the highest Reich Authorities should be informed, on whose cooperation Reichsleiter Rosenberg will primarily depend. They are: the Commissioner for the Four-year Plan, the Reich Minister of Economies, and you yourself.

Therefore may I ask you, in accordance with the Fuehrer's wishes, to place your cooperation at the disposal of Reichsleiter Rosenberg, in carrying out of the task imposed upon him.

It is recommended, in the interests of secrecy, that you name a representative in your office with whom the office of the Reichsleiter can communicate and who in addition to your usual deputy should be the only one to whom you should communicate the contents of this letter.

I should be obliged if you would acknowledge the receipt of this letter.

Heil Hitler Yours very sincerely Dr. Lammers

TOP SECRET The Chief of the Supreme Command of the Armed Forces 25 April 1941 By courier.

To The Head of the Reich Chancellery, Reich Minister Dr. Lammers

Personal. Dear Reich Minister,

I acknowledge receipt of the copy of the Fuehrer's Decree in which the Fuehrer appointed Reichsleiter Alfred Rosenberg as his Commissioner for the central control of questions connected with the East-European Region. I have named General of the Artillery Jodl, Head of the Armed Forces Operational Staff, as my permanent Deputy and Major General Warlimont as his Deputy.

Heil Hitler Yours very sincerely K. 25/4.

TOP SECRET The Chief of the Supreme Command of the Armed Forces 25th April 1941. By courier To Reichsleiter Rosenberg Personal Dear Reichsleiter,

The Head of the Reich Chancellery has sent me a copy of the Fuehrer's Decree, by which he has appointed you his Commissioner for the central control of questions connected with the East-European Region. I have charged General of the Artillery Jodl, Head of the Armed Forces Operational Staff and his Deputy, Major General Warlimont with solving these questions, as far as they concern the Supreme Command of the Armed Forces. Now I ask you, as far as your Office is concerned, to deal with him only.

Heil Hitler Yours very sincerely K. 25/4.

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 870-PS

[Stamp:] TOP SECRET Copy to Rk. 1952 German Secret Reich matter. Information for the Fuehrer

I report the following, concerning the sabotage plot, through which at the two largest Oslo dockyards 23500 was sunk and 25800 tonnage was damaged:

I. Backgrounds.

1. The personnel of both dockyards had the reputation of being extremely radical marxistic before the war. Both dockyards strikes were declared in September 1941. At the second day of the strike I have taken measures so harsh and decisive that starting there and then, and until this plot happened, peace and order prevailed at both enterprises.

2. In connection with the withdrawal of the 20th (mountain) Army, England has given out the following order to the personnel of the dockyards: "Either you blow up the ships or we shall be forced to shell town and port." The efficiency of that order of the day is confirmed not only by the plot itself but also by statements. Therefore it is clear that the saboteurs do not only have active helpers or groups of helpers amongst the personnel, but that they also enjoy passive support respectively protection by the rest of the crowd.

II. Countermeasures.

1. My old method is entirely out of question. Countersabotage in Norway is useless on account of lack of objects. Counter terror in this instance would bypass its goal and in addition would lead to the most disadvantageous consequences, according to the opinion, shared by Reich Leader of SS Himmler and chief of the Security Police Kaltenbrunner.

2. A permanent and sufficient boarding of the ships by military guards must fail because, on account of lack of forces. Navy and army state that they cannot furnish additional units. Guarding by police is impossible, because only six under strength battalions of about 400 men are at my disposal in the entire country. [Pencilled note of Keitel: No, the Armed Forces can guard its ships itself?]

3. As much as a stronger and permanent military guarding of every ship is desirable, this measure would in no way exclude the possibility of further attacks, because such guards are not able to judge if the Norwegian specialists handle their jobs right or wrong. [Pencilled note of Keitel: But the Marines can do that.]

4. Just now I received a cable of Field Marshall General Keitel, in which the issue of a decree is demanded according to which members of the personnel and if the occasions arises their next of kin (liability of next of kin) are collectively kept responsible for cases of sabotage occurring in their departments.

This demand makes only sense and promises success only, if I am actually allowed to perform executions by firing squad. [Pencilled note of Keitel: Yes, that is the best.] If this is not possible, such a decree would cause exactly the opposite reaction.

a. The Norwegian expects German defeat within a very short time. An arrest therefore, does not only frighten him, but gives him security on the one hand, and on the other hand an alibi with the Emigrant Government.

b. This decree would only add fuel to the fire of the Swedish agitators and would not be crowned by success. But such shootings by firing squads are prohibited by the Fuehrer decree. On the other hand, if I could get renewal liberty of action in this regard, and if I could use my old methods again, without considering Sweden, then such a decree would gain the necessary weight and, with that doubtlessly lead to success.

III. Suggestion.

1. A military guard is ordered for every ship. The main dockyard committee has to submit specific suggestions regarding the respective strength and the methods of duty patroling.

2. So many workers, foremen, technicians, and engineers are to be taken from German dockyards that we are able to plant amongst personnel of the most important Norwegian dockyards at least 10 percent of German specialists. The dockyard main committee can also order the method of planting only if, on account of this—at the worst—the production capacity German dockyards decrease accordingly, one should consider that by such measures the tenfold of this waste will be secured on the Norwegian side, [Pencilled note of Keitel: I regard this measure as expedient, if decrees 3 and 4 should be declined. K.] For, only by employing these Norwegian Specialists forces it will be possible to keep the Norwegian experts under such constant control at their work, that it is made quite impossible for them to commit acts of sabotage.

3. Establishing of the three-shift system, in order that at any day or night time Norwegian personnel is on board and, in case, is also blown into the air. It is up to the dockyard main committee to decide if and to which extent this system is workable.

4. In this connection the dockyard main committee should be charged in principle with the central responsibility for the security in the dockyards: for the main committee in its competence has at its disposal the decisive prerogatives, which can warrant that security. Thereby it goes without saying, that it has at its disposal the Security Police with all its facilities and that the Armed Forces put at the disposal of the guards to the ordered extent.

5. While accomplishing these measures one has to take into account the possibility of a strike. As I possess only limited liberty of action, at present this would be more than unpleasant. In spite of this I am of the opinion that taking the danger into the bargain, the measures suggested should be ordered.

Signed: Terboven Reich Commissioner

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 871-PS

Top Secret WFSt/Qu.2 (North) 6 December 1944 2 copies, 1st copy

KR—Teletype to Reichminister and Head of Reich Chancellery, Reichminister Dr. Lammers.

Sir:

In the matter of checking sabotage in Norway, I agree with the view of the Reich Commissioner for Occupied Norwegian territory, to the extent that I expect results from reprisals only if they are carried out ruthlessly and if Reich Commissioner Terboven is authorized to carry out shootings.

Should the Fuehrer not grant this authorization, I consider the proposal of Reich Commissioner Terboven (No. III of his communication) as adequate to the purpose.

I note moreover that the mentioned 10% of German specialists [Fachraefte] would require from 800-1,000 persons. For guard duty it is possible to supply supplementary personnel from the Wehrmacht, to a limited extent.

In contrast to the view of Reich Commissioner Terboven, I anticipate a certain success from this procedure at least to the extent that Marines will be used.

For your information, there is going forward to you simultaneously a teletype addressed to the Wehrmacht Commandant (W. Bhf) Norway, through which the report of the Reich Commissioner, transmitted to me, evidently released.

Heil Hitler yours Signed: Keitel OKW/WFST/Qu. 2 (North) Nr. 0014371/44g.K.

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 872-PS

TOP SECRET Armed Forces Ops Staff 3.2.41. S.O. only 5 Copies, 5th Copy Access only through officer 44089/41 Top Secret S.O. only Conference of "Fall Barbarossa" and "Sonnenblume" The following persons attended: The Fuehrer Chief of the Supreme Command of the Armed Forces Chief of the Armed Forces Ops Staff C-in-C Army Chief of the Army General Staff Chief of Army Op. section Colonel Schmundt Major Christian Major Engel

Chief of Army General Staff—1. Enemy strength approximately 100 Infantry divisions, 25 Cavalry divisions, approximately 30 mechanized divisions. Our own strength about the same, far superior in quality.

In estimating the leading personalities, Timoshenko is the only outstanding figure. The only one, that is, according to Gen. Koestring.

Details of the strength and organization of the Russian divisions are important only in that even the Infantry Divisions include a comparatively large number of tanks, though the material is bad and merely thrown together.

In the case of mechanized divisions, we have superiority with regard to tanks, weapons [Schuetzen] and artillery. The Russians are superior in numbers, we in quality.

The Russians are normally equipped in artillery. Materials likewise inferior. The Command of the Artillery is insufficient. The Russian operational intentions are unknown. Strong forces are at the frontier. Any retreat could be only on a small scale since the Baltic States and Ukraine are vital to the Russians for supply reasons. Fortification work is in progress especially on the North and Southern flanks.

There is no fresh information on the communications system.

Directives to Army Groups so given that the Russian front will be split into 2 sections and a Russian retreat on the Dnjeper-Duena Line prevented.

The Army Group North and Center ordered to press forward across the Duena in a north-easterly direction with concentrated armored forces in 3 armored groups (the strongest in the South).

The most northerly group is to press on up to the region of Lake Peipus, then advance further to the East in cooperation with other two armored groups, who will be attacking Smolensk.

The Army Group South is to advance across the Dnieper in a south-easterly direction. Army Group North and Center is to carry out operations North of the Pripet Marshes. Army Group South will be to the South, that is, separate and independent. The main sector lies in the North; army reserves are massed there.

6 armored divisions are required from the "Marita" operation; of these the 2 training divisions are for the 1st line, a further 2 from Roumania itself for the Southern Group, the last 2 divisions are reserves for the Northern Group. It all depends on the Balkan situation (Turkey's attitude).

Fuehrer—When the die has been cast, the Turks will not make any further moves. No special protection of the Balkans is therefore necessary. One dangerous moment will be if North Africa is cleared by the British, thus enabling the British to operate in Syria with unhampered forces.

Chief of Army General Staff—Northern Group 50} divs, 13 armored divs, 9 motorized divs. Southern } Attack Forces Group 30 divs, 5 armored divs, 3 motorized divs. }

In addition: Supreme Command of the Army Reserves.

Assignment of Pioneers is not entirely satisfactory. This is made good by additional bridge-building units [Brueckenmaterial].

Fuehrer—agreed with the large dispositions.

Chief of Army General Staff—It is proposed to isolate a large number of Russian troops in various places at the time the split is effected. The early use of reserves is necessary for this purpose.

Note: the Pripet Marshes are not definitely taboo.

Fuehrer—mentioned the Russians tactics of flank attacks.

Chief of Army General Staff—The cavalry divisions are particularly dangerous in this respect.

Orders issued to date: Orders for Army Group are binding. Orders for Armies set out the targets. Orders for Units leave possibility for changes.

He expounded on the orders issued to Army groups, etc., up to the present.

Fuehrer—mentioned that the operational areas were enormous, that the enemy troops could be successfully encircled, only if the encirclement were complete (Cavalry divisions). (At the moment, there is a very biased play on in Moscow about Suwarow). The immediate surrender of the Baltic States, including Leningrad and the Ukraine, cannot be expected at once. It is, however, possible that after the initial defeat, the Russians, knowing our operational aims, will retreat on large scale and prepare for defense further East behind some barrier.

In this case, the North, regardless of the Russians in the East, will be cleared. From there (a favorable supply-base) a thrust in the rear of the Russians without a frontal attack. It is essential to wipe out large sections of the enemy and not to put them to flight. This will be accomplished if we occupy the flanking areas with the strongest possible forces. Then, with the enemy held in the center, he can be maneuvered out of it from the flanks.

Chief of Army General Staff—The Falkenhorst army can advance on Petsamo with 1-1/2 divisions, by using Swedish railways, with a further 1-1/2 divisions (including 1 SS Brigade). The aim is the protection of the Finnish northern industrial area, trapping and cutting off the Murmansk forces.

The Finns will probably make a strategic concentration in the South with 4 Army Corps [Aks] of which an attacking group of 5 divisions will advance in the direction of Leningrad, with 3 divisions against Lake Onegin, 2 divisions against Hango, they need strong support. There are 15 Russian divisions on the Finnish front, approximately 1 division in Murmansk.

Fuehrer—assumed that Sweden would join with us at a price. The price: the Aaland Islands (not our possessions). There is no question of a union between Finland and Sweden as this would not suit the European New Order.

Norway must be under protection; no repercussions are desired from that quarter. Artillery reinforcements are required.

In the South: The most important task is the protection of the oil fields, therefore speedy action from Roumania is necessary.

Chief of Army General Staff—Position of Hungary. If Hungary is not to participate, we must withdraw from Hungary. The destination of the march will be given as Roumania. At the last minute the direction will change towards the Russian frontier. Hungary will permit anything so long as she is given the corresponding political assurances. Agreements with all states taking part (with the exception of Roumania) can be made only at the eleventh hour. With Roumania it is a matter of life and death.

Chief of Army General Staff—Armored reconnaissance forces are still scarce.

Flak question is still unsettled, it depends on the conditions of the roads (to follow in writing).

The Air Force commands 30 Flak battalions, in addition 30 batteries set up by the Army.

The Navy must hasten the opening of supply routes to the Baltic.

Supply is a road transport problem as the gauge has to be changed on the railroads here. A system of long-distance trucks, which can bring supplies to supply bases.

Agreement with the Air Force that all transport is to be used to the full.

Supply areas, shifted to the region of East Poland, are at present being developed. (Possibilities in Roumania are still being explored).

In connection with Marita, the difficulties of transporting back those forces urgently needed for Barbarossa were stressed.

The intended time period was discussed with a plan. 1st Deployment Staffel [Aufmarschstaffel] transfer now, Front-Germany-East. 2nd Deployment Staffel [Aufmarschstaffel] from the middle of March will give up 3 divisions for reinforcement in the West. Army groups and Army High Commands are being withdrawn from the West. There are already considerable reinforcements though still in the rear area. From now on, Attila can be carried out only under difficulties. Industrial traffic is hampered by transport movements. From the middle of April, Hungary will be approached about the march through. 3 deployment staffels from the middle of April. Felix is now no longer possible as the main part of the artillery is being entrained.

In industry the full capacity time table is in force. No more camouflage.

From 25.IV-15.V, 4 staffels to withdraw considerable forces from the West. (Seeloewe can no longer be carried out). The strategic concentration in the East is quite recognizable.

The full capacity time table remains. 8 Marita divisions complete the picture of the disposition of forces on the plan.

C-in-C Army—requested that he no longer have to employ 5 control divisions for this, but might hold them ready as reserves for commanders in the West.

Fuehrer—When Barbarossa commences, the world will hold its breath and make no comment.

Chief of the Air Force General Staff—joined the conferences.

Fuehrer—discussed the Italian situation in the Mediterranean.

He stated that the loss of North Africa could be withstood in the military sense but must have a strong psychological effect on Italy.

Britain can hold a pistol to Italy's head and force her either to make peace and retain everything or after the loss of North Africa to be bombarded. This would be to our disadvantage. British forces in the Mediterranean area will not be tied down. We ourselves have a weak base there through Southern France. The British have the free use of a dozen divisions and can employ them most dangerously, i.e. in Syria.

We must make every effort to prevent this. Italy must be given support.

We are already doing this in Marita. We must, however, attempt to render effective assistance in North Africa.

The Italians are of the opinion that they can put up a defense now only at Tripoli. This is not feasible. The Air Force cannot operate there. Therefore the position cannot be held. There must be some larger protection zone. Our blocking units can also be effective only in larger protection zones.

He discussed the connection between successes, even defensive successes there and Balkan events, possibly a peaceful settlement in the Balkans.

What can be done?

Land units will arrive late even if not too late. Graziani must receive some kind of support. Therefore the Air Force must be employed, if possible with Stuka groups, with jumping-off bases and homefields in Lybia.

If this can bring the British advance to a standstill, the intended blocking unit is still insufficient and must be reinforced by a mobile unit (strong armored division).

The British personnel and material must have been exhausted during the advance. If the British encounter fresh and well-equipped German forces, the situation will soon alter.

Query from C-in-C Army. Can we spare an armored division for this?

C-in-C Army—unwillingly from Marita.

Fuehrer—out of the question.

C-in-C Army—If it comes to that, Barbarossa is also in need.

Fuehrer—

If we send help to North Africa, we must do so at once before the Italians. (We have made the offer to the Italians).

The primary consideration is: Can the Air Force intervene now.

The time required for the transport of Air Force supplies, blocking unit, and armored divisions must be established at once.

Then, what are the climatic conditions?

C-in-C Army—It is important that British supplies by land and sea are stopped. This can be done only by the German Air Force.

Fuehrer—The Italians must be asked how long they can allow for the transport of the above-mentioned German troops.

If necessary, transport groups must be employed.

Proposal: General Jeschonek III/KG for special duties, from Foggia.

C-in-C Army—proposed that the blocking unit should first be reinforced by 1 armored regiment. The rest to follow. The Fuehrer agreed.

Chief of Air Force General Staff—spoke of the position of the ground-organization in North Africa. Only in Benghazi are Stuka-Forces ready within range for operations.

Fighter forces will naturally be sent there also, or Italian fighters be placed under German orders.

It is most important that the air base of Malta be subdued.

Fuehrer—agreed. The Italians are to withdraw Italian fighters from the Channel coast. (He will speak to the Duce.)

The Air Force must test immediately, the possibilities of intervening in North Africa. The Army is to see to the transport for the blocking unit.

The transport must be speeded up. Reinforcement by an armored regiment, further reinforcement up to an armored division, will be withdrawn from Marita. Flak forces on ahead.

C-in-C Army—proposed a united command of all mobile forces under 1st General Headquarters. Cooperation with the Air Force which also commands the Italian naval air forces.

Conclusions:

1. Barbarossa.

a. The Fuehrer on the whole was in agreement with the operational plan. When it is being carried out, it must be remembered that the main aim is to gain possession of the Baltic States and Leningrad.

b. The Fuehrer desires that the operation map and the plan of the disposition of forces be sent to him as soon as possible.

c. Agreements with neighboring states, who are taking part, may not be concluded until there is no longer any necessity for camouflage. The exception is Roumania with regard to the reinforcing of the Moldau.

d. It must, at all costs, be possible to carry out Attila (auxiliary measure).

e. The strategic concentration for Barbarossa will be camouflaged as a feint for Seeloewe and the subsidiary measure Marita.

2. Sonnenblume.

a. The Air Force must intervene as soon as possible with Stuka and Fighter forces. Bases and jumping-off bases in accordance with decisions made in North Africa. It is desired that the Italian fighter forces be placed under German orders.

b. The 10th Flieger Korps is to take over the task of protecting the transports to East Africa, in the closest cooperation with the Italian Air Force and Naval Commander in Catania.

c. The 10th Flieger Korps is to strike a strong blow against the British troops in Cyrenaica as soon as possible (with the use of the heaviest bombs).

The main task is to disrupt British supplies by land and sea; next, to combat the British fleet.

First of all, attempts must be made to subdue the air base of Malta.

d. The Army is to continue the transport of the blocking unit. This is, however, to be reinforced at once with armor. Preparations for adding one Armored Division (II Staffel from Marita). Flank forces on ahead. 1st General Headquarters to be established immediately. United German Supreme Command over all mobile forces will be proposed to the Italians.

Certified Distribution: [signature illegible] Chef L Captain I H I K I L IV

PARTIAL TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 873-PS

TOP SECRET L IV/Qu Fuehrer's Hq., 1 May 1941 For senior Officers only Only by officer 1 original copy Conference with Chief "L" on the 30 April 1941

1. Timetable Barbarossa:

The Fuehrer has decided: Action Barbarossa begin 22 June. From 23 May maximal troop movements performance schedule. At the beginning of operations the OKH reserves have not yet reached the appointed areas.

2. Proportion of actual strength in the plan Barbarossa:

Sector North: German and Russian forces approximately of the same strength.

Sector Middle: Great German superiority.

Sector South: Russian superiority.

3. Russian strategic concentration:

Continued movements of strong forces to the German-Russian boundary.

4. Estimate by the Supreme Commander of the Army of course Barbarossa will take.

Presumably violent battles of the frontiers, duration up to 4 weeks. In course of the following development weaker resistance may be expected.

Opinion of Russian soldiers: A Russian will fight, on appointed spot, up to the last breath.

5. Conversations with Finland are approved by the Fuehrer according to the OKW WFST part II Op. 44594/41 g.K. Chefs of the 28 April 1941.

6. Conversations with Hungary are only possible in the last third of May. The Fuehrer believes the Hungarians will be prepared to carry out defensive operations on the Russian border, but they will not allow any German attack from Hungary.

7. Conversations with Roumania will be possible only at a very advanced date.

8. Concealment of conversations with friendly countries: projected German assault in the West, hence Eastern Front must be covered. Participation of friendly countries only as a purely defensive measure.

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 874-PS

TOP SECRET The Chief of the Supreme Command of the Armed Forces. Hq. of the Fuehrer, 9 March 41 DRAFT Honorable Reich Minister (TODT)

For the missions which the Fuehrer has assigned to the Armed Forces in the East, extensive measures for the diversion and deception of friend and foe are necessary prerequisites for the success of the operations.

The Supreme Command of the Armed Forces has issued guiding rules for the deception in accordance with more detailed directives of the Fuehrer. These rules aim essentially at continuing preparations for the attack against England in an increasing degree. Simultaneously the actual preparations for deployment in the East should be represented as a diversionary maneuver to divert from plans which are being pursued for an attack against England. In order to insure success for these measures, it is indispensable that these same principles are being also followed on the part of the organization Todt.

[initials] K. J. W. [Keitel, Jodl, and Warlimont.]

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 876-PS

MOST SECRET Fuehrer's Headquarters, 12 May 1941

Supreme Command of the Armed Forces WFSt/Section L (I Op) No. 44699/41 most secret, S.O. only S.O. only; access only through officer 18 copies, 12th copy

Subject: Deception of the enemy Reference: OKW/WFSt/Section L (I Op.) No. 44277/41 most secret, S.O. only, dated 12,3,41

1. The second phase of the deception of the enemy commences with the introduction on 22.5. of the full capacity timetable. The efforts of the Supreme Commands and of any other authorities concerned must be aimed, more and more, at making the strategic concentration "Barbarossa" appear as a large-scale maneuver and also to continue the preparations for the attack on England with special energy. The following is the principle to be applied: the nearer the day of attack approaches, the more intensive methods can be employed (also in the communications service) for deception purposes.

2. All efforts will be in vain if our own units are aware of the approaching attack and spread news of it at home. On the contrary, the rumor of the "rear cover against Russia" and of the "feint assembly of forces in the East" must be circulated, and/or the troops on the Channel coast must believe in actual preparations. In this connection, dead-lines and the extent of army postal restrictions are important. They are to be regulated for the whole Armed Forces by the Supreme Command of the Army (in cooperation with the other branches of the Armed Forces and Ausl./Abw). It will be advantageous to issue orders for transport to the West to as many Eastern units as possible and thereby to give rise to a new wave of rumors.

3. If the occasion arise, Operation Merkur is to be utilized in the communications service by the preparation of the slogan: "Crete was the general try-out for the landing in Britain!"

4. OKW (WFSt/Section L) will shortly increase the deception by having several ministries concerned with preparations for Britain. This is to be utilized by Ausl./Abw. in the communications service (counterespionage).

5. Political steps for the deception of Soviet Russia have been taken and are further being considered.

Chief of the Supreme Command of the Armed Forces [signed] KEITEL. Certified a true copy [signature illegible] Captain.

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 878-PS

SECRET [Stamp] Draft Copy Fuehrer Headquarters, the 12th Sept. 1941. Armed Forces High Command Armed Forces Operational Staff/Dept L (IV/Gu) Nr. 02041/41 geh. Reference: Jews in the newly occupied Eastern territories.

Isolated incidents render it necessary to refer to the directives issued for the conduct of troops in the USSR (Armed Forces High Command/Armed Forces Operational Staff/Dept L (IV/Gu) Nr. 44560/41, top Secret of 19 March 1941).

The fight against Bolshevism necessitates indiscriminate and energetic accomplishment of this task, especially also against the Jews, the main carriers of Bolshevism.

For such reasons, any cooperation of the Armed Forces with the Jewish population, who are openly or secretly anti-German in their attitude, as well as the use of single Jew in any preferred auxiliary position, will have to cease. Legitimations, which certify the use of Jews for purpose of the Armed Forces, may under no circumstances be issued by military offices. Exceptions are solely the use of Jews in especially combined labor units [Arbeitskolonnen], who may be employed under German supervision only.

It is requested, to inform the troops of this order.

The Chief of The Armed Forces High Command. [Signed] Keitel Certified [signature not legible] Lt. Colonel d. G. Distribution: * * *

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 886-PS

SECRET The Fuehrer and Supreme Commander of the Armed Forces Enclosure to 32/41 g.Kdos. Chefs. WR. 1st Copy. Fuehrer headquarters, 13 May 1941 [Initialed] "J 10/5" TOP SECRET Decree for the conduct of courts-martial in the district "BARBAROSSA" and for special measures of the troop [written in ink]

The armed forces court-martial serves primarily the purpose of maintaining discipline.

The great expanse of the Eastern theatre of operations, the kind of warfare necessitated on that account, and the peculiarity of the opponent present tasks to the armed forces courts-martial which they can accomplish during the course of the war and until the first pacification of the conquered territory—being short staffed—only if the court-martial is limited to its main task.

This is only possible if the troop itself defends itself ruthlessly against any threat by the enemy civil population.

Accordingly, the following is decreed for the territory "Barbarossa" (theater of operation, rear army area and area of the political administration):

I

Treatment of punishable offenses of enemy civilians

1. Punishable offenses committed by enemy civilians do not, until further notice, come any more under the jurisdiction of the courts-martial and the summary courts-martial.

2. Guerillas are to be killed ruthlessly by the troops in battle or during pursuit.

3. Also all other attacks of enemy civilians against the Wehrmacht, its members and employees are to be fought by the troops at the place of the attack with the most extreme means until annihilation of the attacker.

4. In cases where measures of this kind were neglected or not immediately possible, elements suspected of offense will be brought at once before an officer. He decides whether they are to be shot.

Against villages from which the Wehrmacht was insidiously and maliciously attacked, collective punitive measures by force will be carried out immediately under command of an officer with the rank of at least a battalion commander, if the circumstances do not permit an immediate identification of individual perpetrators.

5. It is expressly prohibited to hold suspected perpetrators in order to transfer them to the courts upon reinstitution of their jurisdiction over civilians.

6. The commanders in chief of the army groups can, in conjunction with the competent commanders of the air force and the navy, restore the Wehrmacht jurisdiction over civilians in districts which are sufficiently pacified.

For the area of the political administration this decree is issued through the chief of the high command of the Wehrmacht [marginal ink correction inked out: C-n-C of army in agreement with C-i-C of other branches.]

II

Treatment of punishable offenses of members of the Wehrmacht and its employees against the native population

1. For offenses committed by members of the Wehrmacht and its employees against enemy civilians, prosecution is not compulsory, not even if the offense is at the same time a military crime or violation.

2. While judging offenses of this kind, it should be considered in every case, that the break-down in 1918, the time of suffering of the German people after that, and the numerous blood sacrifices of the movement in the battle against national socialism were decidedly due to the Bolshevist influence, and that no German has forgotten this.

3. The judge examines therefore whether in such cases disciplinary action is justified or whether it is necessary to take legal steps. The judge orders the prosecution of offenses against civilians through court-martial only if it is considered necessary for the maintenance of discipline or the security of the troops. This applies, for instance, to cases of serious offenses which are based on sexual acts without restraint, which derive from a criminal tendency, or which are a sign that the troop threatens to mutiny. The punishable offenses of destroying senselessly quarters as well as supplies or other captured goods to the disadvantage of the own troop should, as a rule, be judged as more leniently.

The order of the inquiry proceedings requires in every individual case the signature of the judge.

Extreme care must be exercised when judging the authenticity of the statements of enemy civilians.

III

Responsibility of the troop commanders

The troop commanders are, within the sphere of their competence, personally responsible for the following:

1. that all officers of the units subordinated to them are very thoroughly and promptly instructed about the fundamentals of I,

2. that their legal advisors be promptly informed about these instructions and about the verbal statements with which the political intentions of the leadership had been explained to the commanders-in-chief,

3. that only such sentences will be confirmed which are in accord with the political intentions of the leadership.

IV

Protection of secret

After end of camouflage the decree is to be considered only as secret.

For the chief of the high command of the Wehrmacht— Signed: KEITEL

Note [in pencil]: This should, if possible, not be passed on before 1 June 41.

Certified

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 910-PS

SECRET Government of the Governor General Chief Department Administration of the Interior

1. During his presence, the Reichsfuehrer SS explained his plans for the transplantation of the population of the East to the Governor General in my presence. He declared that he was very anxious

a. that the historic German town center of Lublin should be completely renovated as soon as possible and be placed at the disposal of the German functionaries.

b. that the same should be done to the market-place of Zamose. Here too, the residential buildings should be put into a state appropriate for the reception of German families and be placed at the disposal of German functionaries and other German families present.

c. soon German peasant families from Transnistria should be settled in Zamose County. In order not to alarm the domestic population, particularly the peasant population, and hereby to impair the result of the harvest, those German peasant families should be placed only on the country estates and the big holdings. Insofar as peasants from Transnistria do not come into consideration, the transplanting of small but suitable landowners from the German parts near Petrikan (Pietrikow) into Zamose County should also be considered. As in that county already some villages exist the inhabitants of which are doubtlessly of German origin, that way a German bulwark could be created in Zamose County.

If it is possible in some way these three measures Lublin, Zamose rural area and Zamose town district should be achieved even this year.

Cracow, 3.27.1942 Dr. S.H. 218,005

Government of the Governor General Chief Department: Administration of the Interior CONFIDENTIAL

1. The Reichsfuehrer-SS spoke at the time of his presence on March 13 and 14 in Cracow in detail about the plans of settlement for the next few years and about the planned Germanization. Among other things, he took the view the Gorales, Lemkes and Hutzules whose Germanic origin, or at least Germanic mixture is indubitable, in his opinion should be Germanized in the course of time. To this purpose he recommended to begin in the schools of the territory in question by establishing the number of blond and blue-eyed pupils in proportion to the total number of pupils. Then, one should begin to grant them gradually more favorable living conditions, however on the condition that they have their children learn the German language and get acquainted with the German cultural values. Eventually, one can settle still other Germans in the territory of these three peoples later on.

In this connection it is thought that sometime the Germans from Zips in Slovakia should move over into the Government General. The Reichsfuehrer-SS developed further trains of ideas to the effect that in the first five-year plan for resettlement after the war, the new German Eastern territories should first be filled; afterwards it is intended to provide at this time the Crimea and the Baltic countries with a German upperclass at least. Into the Government General, perhaps further German island settlement should be newly transplanted from European nations. An exact decision in this regard, however, has not been issued. In any case it is wished that at first a heavy colonization along the San and the Brig be achieved so that the parts of Poland are encircled with alien populations. Hitherto, it has been always proved that this kind of encirclement leads most quickly to the desired nationalization.

Cracow, March 30, 1942 Dr. S/H

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 957-PS

Copy 24. 2. 1940 Reich-Minister von Ribbentrop, Berlin. Foreign Office. Dear Party Comrade von Ribbentrop,

Party Comrade Scheidt has returned and has made a detailed report to Privy Councillor von Grundherr who will address you on this subject. We agreed the other day that 2-300,000 RM would be made immediately available for the said purpose. Now it turns out that Privy Councillor Grundherr states that the second installment [Rate] can be made available only after 8 days. But as it is necessary for Scheidt to go back immediately, I request you to make it possible that this second installment is given to him at once. With a longer absence of Reichsamtsleiter P.M. Scheidt also the connection with your representatives would be broken up, which just now, under certain circumstances, could be very unfavourable.

Therefore I trust that it is in everybody's interest, if P.M. Scheidt goes back immediately.

Heil Hitler /s/ Rosenberg

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 997-PS

TOP SECRET The Reich Minister and Chief of the Reich Chancellery RK 504B top secret Berlin W 8 Voss-Strasse 6 2 August 1940 [stamp] at present Headquarters of the Fuehrer all mail is to be sent to the Berlin address [stamp] Rosenberg office Rec. No. 2133, 5 Aug 40

To Reichsleiter Rosenberg Foreign political office of the NSDAP Berlin W 35 Margarethenstrasse 17 Re: Report about Holland Dear Party Member Rosenberg:

I have presented the report of July 19 of this year, given to me by Stabsleiter Schickedanz on July 23 of this year, to the Fuehrer, together with the report delivered by Reich Commissioner Dr. Seyss-Inquart about the period from May 29 to July 19, 1940.

I am enclosing a copy of this last-mentioned report for your confidential information and submit an opinion on it.

Heil Hitler Yours very respectfully Signed: Dr. Lammers

TOP SECRET 1. Report about the situation and developments in the occupied territories of the Netherlands Period covered by this report: 29 May to 19 July, 1940.

Commission and task.

With the nomination as Reich Commissioner the commission is given * * * in serving the interests of the Reich to secure public order and public life. * * * and the task is connected * * * to bind the Netherlands, which have to remain independent for the purpose of the preservation of Dutch Indies territory, as much as possible to the Reich economically, apart from military security measures.

This task is to be solved if we succeed in bringing about a political attitude which would make it possible for the economic ties of the Netherlands to the Reich to appear to be the emanation of the will of the Dutch people.

It will not be possible in every individual case to combine fulfillment of the given commission with the solution of the assigned task, for the interest of the occupation power demands the extensive suppression of all possible public activities, while in order to create and lead a formation of a political will it would be necessary to grant such freedoms as would for the Dutch, make the final result their own decision.

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Situation.

The situation at the time the decree of the Fuehrer went into effect (29 May 1940) is characterized by the position of the Commander in Chief of the Dutch Army and Navy (General Winkelmann). He exercised all power in the administration of the country, under the powers he had received in consideration of the state of siege and beyond that from the government and the queen who had fled, and he was considered by the people as a sort of viceroy. He issued orders, the Dutch Secretaries General (offices corresponding to our State Secretaries) executed their orders in the name of Winkelmann within administrative machinery unchanged in personnel and functioning perfectly.

Wherever Winkelmann appeared in public he received ovations.

The Dutch Army was in only slightly reduced mobilization strength under the command of their own officers (Winkelmann's Staff) in the barracks and camps. The occupation force was not seen often.

The behavior of the Dutch population—glad that the war is over, pleasantly surprised by the conduct of the German troops, though at first the circles hostile to the Germans kept themselves reserved—concealed the real attitude of the Dutch toward the Germans. The Dutch population for many years, especially since 1933, were stirred up by the emigrants, who were tolerated here as in no other country, against the Reich and National Socialism. The ability of forming their own political opinion is limited for the majority. Politics and administration are in the hands of a [page 3] small group (ruling families), whose ideas and attitude are liberal and influenced materially and ideologically by the west.

The real wages of the employed population are generally higher than in the Reich. About 500,000 unemployed from about 2,000,000 people capable of working in non-independent industry, trade, or business are being carried along with unemployment compensation up to 70% of simple wages, thanks to the riches of the Dutch Indies possessions, just as agriculture, struggling with sales and price difficulties, is supported almost entirely by state subsidies.

The Dutch people are caught in political stagnation as well as in economic immobility. In spite of a good external impression (racial appearance, cleanliness of the buildings and gardens, etc.) one can observe extensive biological and even moral damage, such as unexpected uncleanliness among the unemployed and the country population in the Calvinistic districts, poor physical constitution, exclusive interest in material matters, and so on. The people are widely split confessionally and within the confessional groups bound and influenced by all kinds of activities (from political organizations to chess clubs).

The Royal House of Orange lives on the prestige won in the battles for freedom and is considered by the group oriented materially as in the west [page 4] (big businessmen, financiers, industrialists, higher officials, and court nobility) as a guarantee for their political predominance and economic positions. Additional motives, based on national conviction, for bourgeois the devotion of the Dutch people to the royal family which is more a matter of habit, cannot be found, unless they think by clinging to the royal family to banish the fear of being overwhelmed by the Reich.

There was no real opposition against the system among the representative bodies of the parliament. In the second chamber there were 4 NSB men among 100 Deputies; Fascist and National Socialist ideas, especially the latter—are tabooed, are considered evidence of being uneducated, and are now branded as the sentiments of traitors. There are concrete indications that NSB were in the uniform of Dutch soldiers intervened in support of the invading troops of the Reich.

In Dutch political life there are almost no personalities of any importance. Somewhat outstanding from the average is the 71 year old Colijn—although his basic character is domineering and energetic, he is completely bound up with western-liberal views and as a decided Calvinist he cannot be won for any National Socialist ideas. Noteworthy is his desire for importance, which might induce him to make a political deal with the occupation power, in which he might be conceited enough to think that he could outwit us and keep a distance from the Reich with the help of the House of Orange.

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The system parties—that is, the Catholic State Party, the Christian People's Party (reformed), the Anti-Revolutionists (Calvinists, descendants of the revolutionary Gueux), the Social Democrats, the Democrats, etc., were entirely undisturbed as far as their party organizations, trade unions, press, etc., were concerned, and their activities were only partly restricted by the state of siege. Apart from a strong horror propaganda against the NSB people, the political factors and the greater part of the population were just biding their time.

The Rightist Parties, especially the NSB, were numerically an unimportant minority, against whom as a matter of course an arrogant rejection prevailed among the intellectuals, the capitalists, and also among the greater part of the officers' corps. This attitude, strengthened by the charge of treason, was carried over to the rest of the population. Of leading men among the Rightists the following are to be mentioned within the framework of the NSB:

Mussert: A liberal nationalist attempting to use Fascist methods, who is in the end afraid of the greater German Reich. His political qualities are not as great as those of an average Gauleiter in the Reich. In the Netherlands he plays a not inconsiderable role with them.

Rost van Tonningen: Ideologically perfectly adequate, adjusted to the Germanic idea and National Socialism, a temperamental and effective speaker yearning [page 6] for activity, does not find his strength in himself but tries to get support and steadiness from third persons.

Count Ansembourg: No outspoken personality, positively valuable in spite of his obligation of creed (Catholic), he is more a tactician and diplomatic mediator.

Geikerken: The representative of Mussert, with strong Walloon mixture, he is certainly a determined opponent of the system with reservations toward the Greater German Reich.

Woudenberg: Representing labor in the NSB, he is the type of a union man without special initiative but with common sense and confidence-inspiring simplicity.

Some younger men, such as Feldmeyer, Zondervan, and others, are—even according to the standards of the party within the Reich—types of absolutely good leaders of the rank and file. Special attention is due Arnold Meijer, the leader of the Black Front, a Catholic Fascist group, who has his followers in the southern parts, Brabant and Limburg, is without doubt bound to Catholism but strictly opposed to the liberal democratic course and is above all opposed to the political influence of the representatives of the Protestant North (Colijn, etc.).

The economic situation was nowhere threatening; supplies of all kinds available in abundance, only the traffic has been largely interrupted by the blowing up of bridges and the consequent shifting of the canals, which handle 70% of the total traffic; sea traffic has been stopped entirely. The [page 7] agricultural improvement economy, dependent on the import of disproportionately large quantities of fodder, possesses supplies sufficient until the gathering of the next harvest.

It is the almost unanimous opinion of the Dutch that they were unjustly attacked by the Germans. The charges of violation of neutrality as reported by the communique of the High Command of the Armed Forces are not known to the population or if known are rejected as justification. A certain impression is made by pointing out that on the soil of the Netherlands, with the cooperation of high Dutch officials, an attack on the life of the Fuehrer was prepared. It is also admitted that it was at least unwise and probably unjust, too, that the emigrants from the Reich in the Netherlands and the Dutch press were allowed to give news to their fury against the Reich and the National Socialist in such an unqualified form.

Measures.

In view of this state of affairs it was necessary first to remove Winkelmann's influence. This was done by expressly advising the Secretaries General that they now have to accept orders only from the Reich commissioner, which they accepted explicitly. The institution of the Secretaries General as well as the persons themselves were retained, since it had to be considered improbable in case of their resignation to find Dutchmen—among the Rightists there are almost no suitable persons at all—who would have taken over the administration. It seemed politically necessary, however, that some measures, especially economic ones [page 8] but indirectly also police ones, had to be taken, carrying the signatures of the Netherlands Secretaries General, for the Dutch people. The attempt of one of the Secretaries General to call on Winkelmann as authority—in the question of the continuation of the work in armament plants for the German Armed Forces—was answered with the immediate dismissal of that Secretary General. Winkelmann had to admit in a public declaration that he had only to execute the demobilization under the command of the Commander of the Armed Forces, but that otherwise he had nothing to say. This acknowledgment as well as the fact that he publicly dropped a Secretary General reduced Winkelmann's influence considerably. Finally he could be quietly made a prisoner of war in connection with the known events of June 29.

In order to execute the given commission, an administrative body as small as possible was set up, divided into four working fields of the commissioners-general. The individual specialists of these commissioners-general, as for instance the ones for finance, justice, etc., are sitting as liaison men in the respective Dutch ministries. Importance was attached to an immediate and clear distribution of competences and determination of the performance of the work, because of the Dutch people, being very formal and casuistic by nature, need such a determination. This distribution has proved its worth so far, as there has been no friction either within the administrative machinery or with the Dutch authorities for reasons of organization.

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Commissioners are provided for the provinces, which have extensive autonomy. We hesitated to create this office, as it was necessary first to investigate conditions. Now it is seen that for this office politically experienced men were needed rather than administration officials. Therefore, through Reich Office Director Schmidt we requested from Reichsleiter Bormann (Hess staff) some men who, almost entirely members of the party, are on their way here and can be put into office in the provinces in a few days.

It was clear that with the occupation of the Netherlands a large number of economic but also police measures had to be taken, the first ones of which had the purpose of reducing the consumption of the population in order to get supplies for the Reich, on the one hand, and to secure a just distribution of the remaining supplies, on the other hand. In consideration of the assigned task, we had to endeavor to see to it that all these measures carried the signature of Dutchmen. The Reich Commissioner therefore authorized the Secretaries-General to take all the necessary measures by means of ordinances.

As a matter of fact, up to today almost all orders concerning the seizure of supplies and their distribution to the population and decrees about restrictions in the formation of public opinion have been issued but also agreements concerning the transport of extraordinarily large supplies to the Reich have [page 10] been made, all of which bear the signatures of the Dutch Secretaries General or the competent economic leaders, so that all of these measures have the character of being voluntary. It should be mentioned in this connection that the Secretaries General were told in the first conversation that loyal cooperation was expected of them, but it would be their privilege to resign if something should be ordered which they felt they could not endorse. Up to date none of the Secretaries General has made use of this privilege, so that one may reasonably conclude that they have complied with all requests of their own free will.

Almost the entire seizure and distribution of food supplies and textiles have been executed, at least all the respective orders have been issued and are being executed.

A series of instructions concerning the reorientation of agriculture have been issued and are being executed; essentially it is a question of seeing to it that the available fodder is used in such a way that as large a stock as possible of horned cattle is carried over into the next farming period, about 80% at the expense of the over-dimensional stock of chickens and hogs. Rules and restrictions have been introduced in the organization of traffic and the principles for the regulation of gasoline as in the Reich were carried out here.

Restricting the right to quit jobs as well as to cancel leases have been issued in order to check the liberal-capitalistic customs of the Dutch employers [page 11] and to avoid unrest. In the same way, the period for repayment of debts have been extended under certain conditions.

Ordinances concerning news service, radio, etc., prohibit listening to foreign radio stations and introduce all other restrictions necessary in this field for defense reasons. The ordinance about registration and control of enemy property as well as about confiscation of the property of persons who act hostile to the Reich and to Germans were in this case issued in the name of the Reich commissioner. On the basis of this ordinance an administrator for the property of the royal family has already been appointed.

The supplies of raw materials have been seized and, with the consent of the General Field Marshal, distributed according to this system: the Dutch keep enough raw materials to maintain their economy for half a year, whereby they receive the same distribution quotas as in the Reich. The same principle of equal treatment is being used in the supply of food, etc. This enabled us to secure considerable supplies of raw materials for the Reich, as for instance 70,000 tons of industrial fats, which is about half of the amount which the Reich lacks.

The bank moratorium could be canceled, bank deposits are increasing, the stock exchange has been reopened to a limited extent. Bills concerning the control of foreign currencies have been introduced according to the standards in the Reich.

Finally it was achieved that the Dutch state makes available in sufficient quantities all means needed by the Reich, including the German administration so that these expenses do not burden the Reich budget in any way.

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A sum of guilders has been liquidated to redeem the fiduciary monetary tender to the amount of about 36 million, further 100 million for the purposes of the occupation army, especially the extension of the airports; further 50 million for raising the raw materials to be shipped to the Reich, insofar as they are not booty; further for unrestricted transfer to guarantee the remittance of the savings of the Dutch workers brought into the Reich to their families, etc. Finally the rate of exchange of the fiduciary monetary tender, set at first by the army high command in the proportion of 1 guilder to 1.50 Reichsmark, has been reduced to the correct proportion of 1 guilder to 1.33 RM.

Above all, however, it was possible to get the consent of the president of the bank of the Netherlands, Trip, to a measure suggested by Commissioner General Fischboeck and approved by the General Field Marshal, namely the unrestricted mutual obligation of accepting each other's currencies, that means that the Bank of the Netherlands is bound to take over any amount of Marks offered to it by the Reich Bank and in return to make available Dutch guilders at the rate of 1.33, that is, 1 RM is 75 cents. Only the Reich bank has control over this, not the Bank of the Netherlands, which will be notified only about the individual transactions. This ruling goes far beyond all pertinent rulings made hitherto with the political economies of neighboring countries, including the Protectorate, and actually represents the first step toward a currency union.

In consideration of this significance of the agreements, which already touches the independence of the Dutch State, it is of special weight that the [page 13] president of the Bank, Trip, who is unusually well-known in western banking and financial circles, signed this agreement of his own free will in the above sense.

Furthermore, military jurisdiction was introduced, and at present German criminal jurisdiction is being set up; for special cases not only the Special Court but also SS and Police jurisdiction have been provided for as substitutes for court-martial jurisdiction, which was not introduced. Subject to German criminal jurisdiction are: all citizens of the Reich or the Protectorate without restriction and all Dutch citizens and aliens in cases of crimes against the honor and security of the Reich, the Armed Forces, etc.

The experiences with the Dutch officials show that these people, like all Dutchmen, are basically difficult. One has to negotiate with them very much; if they say no, it does not mean definitely no, if they say yes they still think the matter over for a long time, but in the end they will do as one wants them to. Besides, they want someone else to carry the responsibility; since the Dutch still do not really believe that England, which for centuries was the overwhelming power in Europe, is finally eliminated from the continent, in many cases they want a direct order which they then obey, so that one day they will be able to refer to this pressure. In general, however, one cannot complain about the behavior of the officials in the execution of the administration. One cannot say that the officials are delaying any vital work. For instance, in restoring traffic routes, especially in clearing canals, the respective ministry worked extremely to the purpose and fast. In the fields, however, entirely liberal methods and principles prevail.

The Police itself is much split and is subordinated in the most important parts to the ministry of justice and not to the ministry of the Interior. The special troops, the motorized and mounted units, are relatively good, the Marechaussee, a sort of troop gendarmerie, is very good. Among the latter we have already won some agents in the higher ranks which makes probable a further extension in a sense favorable to us.

The Marechaussee will therefore be brought to a correspondingly high standard by selected non-commissioned officers of the army and will be the backbone of the executive.

The dismissal of two mayors (in the Hague and in the provincial capital of Zwolle) had an extraordinary effect. The moment will come when it will be possible to exchange some of the Secretaries General and possibly also other officials, but in any case mayors.

Concerning the right of assembly and association, we introduced the obligation of giving notice. The interdiction comes from the public prosecutors of the court of appeals (Subordination of the Police to the Justice) who are working almost without complaint under the Higher SS and Police Fuehrer. The states-general were eliminated from public representative bodies; the provincial states and the town councils were kept for the time being, but they are under the supervision of the provincial commissioner. Politics in these is not tolerated for the present. The reconstruction of the country—except in Rotterdam, Middelburg, and Rehnen the devastation is not very extensive—was placed in the foreground of a visit to Middelburg the importance of the preservation of historic monuments as an expression of the will for formation of a people has been emphasized, and the social side of such action stressed by raising a fund for reconstruction. In the handling of this reconstruction fund the reactionary spirit of the Dutch administration is especially evident.

It is necessary to give special attention to the reconstruction of Rotterdam. Rotterdam, thanks to its position at the mouth of the Rhine, the possibility for sea-going vessels to sail far inland, and the harbor conditions, which are in every respect favorable, is doubtless a place which disposes of the best natural port facilities in Central Europe, which can even be increased by the completion of the Rhine-Main-Danube Canal, as its sphere of action will reach from Rotterdam to Constanta. With regard to developments in the more distant future one must consider whether one should not exercise influence on the reconstruction of Rotterdam in such a way that the city with this unique opportunity for construction should receive the imprint of a big sea-port of the Germanic area. The demobilization of the Dutch Army, which has now finally been accomplished, was carried out without complaints. The officers and men not taken over into other occupations were transferred, with the exception of the higher ranks, to construction service. This is to be the basis for a future Labor Service. It is led by the Dutch Major Breunesse, who has long been in contact with the men of the Reich Labor Service in the Reich (Mueller-Brandenburg) and has always taken the part of the Reich. The impression this man makes is an excellent one, at present decidedly non-political, as is usual among officers, [page 16] ideologically all right. It is assumed that within three to six months the present construction service can be liquidated, that is, the men will be inducted into economic operations and there will be a basis for a real Labor Service. The organization is already being built up with the co-operation of the head of the Reich Labor Service, Hierl.

The extremely ramified and numerous Dutch press has not been submitted to a preliminary censorship, as that would have destroyed all press life immediately. By holding press conferences under the supervision of Schmidt the big press is managed well and successfully. The danger of some slips, becoming more and more rare, was accepted in view of the necessity of keeping the press alive. Circulation is falling off, however—a not unusual phenomenon, which has the advantage, though, that the newspapers get into difficulties and can therefore be folded up or taken out of the hands of the present owners. The NSB press is already completely available, there is a personal influence at the Telegraph and within the next few days the entire S.D.P. Press is going to be taken over in connection with a corresponding political action which is already underway. The German newspaper has reached a circulation of 30,000. About half of the subscribers are Dutch. A quite extensive press front is therefore available.

From the point of view of the occupation power the present development can be considered satisfactory. The supplies for the occupation army are being delivered, the work, etc., is being done in order, and there are almost no cases of sabotage. There is [page 17] no need at all to fear active resistance by the population. There are, however, signs of rather extensive espionage, at any rate there is contact with England, probably by short-wave radio. In this respect there is close cooperation between the Counter-Intelligence posts of the Armed Forces and the Security Police posts, since it seems necessary to ascertain such cases as soon as possible and to punish them exemplarily (death sentences).

Concerning the political developments in regard to the assigned task, I have the following to say: The Dutch have stepped out of their political reserve. Disregarding the continued or rather increased animosity among the circles which heretofore formed political interest for the Reich is increasing. It is noteworthy in this connection that the former opponents, insofar as they are beginning to change their opinion, want to establish contact not with the N.S.B. but rather directly with the N.S.D.A.P. and the Reich. A conversation with Colijn, who thereupon wrote a pamphlet, did much to help overcome the reserve. The main points of this pamphlet are summarized in the statement that in Continental Europe, England has doubtless been eliminated by the Reich and that the Reich will lead this continental Europe. The Netherlands must adjust itself to that fact if they hope, in closest economic cooperation with the Reich, to retain their independence in clinging to the House of Orange. This attitude of Colijn has had a very great effect, as it was the cue for Protestant and especially Calvinist circles to discuss the new situation, whereby Colijn's statement on the importance of the Reich was considered as an authoritative declaration, but his [page 18] conclusions were subjected to lively criticism. Colijn later in his newspaper (Standard) questioned the correctness of a document of the last White Book. The Standard was thereupon banned for 8 weeks and Colijn got a warning. At the moment he is designated not only by the N.S.B. but also by the group of Arnold Meijers as a worn-out politician who himself has to take the blame for developments, and he is holding back. His importance is not actual but potential.