SAMUEL CHAMPLAIN.

TRANSLATED FROM THE ORIGINAL AND UNPUBLISHED MANUSCRIPT, WITH A BIOGRAPHICAL NOTICE AND NOTES BY

ALICE WILMERE.

EDITED BY NORTON SHAW.

BURT FRANKLIN, PUBLISHER NEW YORK, NEW YORK

Published by BURT FRANKLIN 514 West 113th Street New York 25, N.Y.

ORIGINALLY PUBLISHED BY THE HAKLUYT SOCIETY REPRINTED BY PERMISSION

PRINTED IN THE U.S.A.

THE HAKLUYT SOCIETY.

SIR RODERICK IMPEY MURCHISON, G.C.St.S., F.R.S., D.C.L., Corr. Mem. Inst. Fr., Hon. Mem. Imp. Acad. So. St. Petersburg, &c., &c., President.

The MARQUIS OF LANSDOWNE. Vice-Presidents.

Rear-Admiral C. R. DRINKWATER BETHUNE, C.B.

Rt. Hon. LORD BROUGHTON.

BERIAH BOTFIELD, Esq.

The LORD ALFRED SPENCER CHURCHILL.

CHARLES WENTWORTH DILKE, Esq., F.S.A.

Rt. Hon. Sir DAVID DUNDAS.

Sir HENRY ELLIS, K.H., F.R.S.

JOHN FORSTER, Esq.

Lieut.-Gen. CHARLES RICHARD FOX.

R. W. GREY, Esq., M.P.

EGERTON HARCOURT, Esq.

JOHN WINTER JONES, Esq., F.S.A.

His Excellency the COUNT DE LAVRADIO.

Rt. Hon. ROBERT LOWE, M.P.

R. H. MAJOR, Esq., F.S.A.

Sir HENRY RAWLINSON, K.C.B.

The EARL OF SHEFFIELD.

CLEMENTS R. MARKHAM, Esq., Honorary Secretary.

INTRODUCTION.

The manuscript, of which the following is a translation, as literal as the idioms of the two languages admit, is in the possession of Monsieur Féret, the learned and extremely obliging librarian of the Public Library at Dieppe. Of its originality and authenticity there can be no doubt; the internal evidence of similarity in style, diction, and orthography even, with the published account of Champlain's Voyages in New France, would alone suffice to establish those points. [1]

M. Féret obtained this valuable document from a resident in Dieppe, where it has been for an unknown time; and it is more than probable that it had been in the possession of M. de Chastes, governor of the town and castle of Dieppe, who was Champlain's chief friend and protector, under whose auspices he had been employed in the war in Brittany against the League, and by whom, after his return from the West Indies, he was sent to Canada. To him, it is most likely that Champlain would present a narrative of his voyage. On M. de Chastes' death, the manuscript probably passed into the possession of the Convent of the Minimes at Dieppe, to which he was a great benefactor during his life, and by testament after his death. He was also, by his desire, buried in the church of the convent. The library of the Minime fathers was, with the rest of their property, and that of the other convents of the town, dispersed at the great Revolution; but most of the books remained at Dieppe, as may be seen by a reference to the numerous works which have gradually found their way, by gift or purchase, to the "Public Library" of that town, bearing inscriptions as having belonged to the convent.

The readers of Champlain's Voyages in New France, will remember the allusion to the expedition which is the subject of the following narrative: "Sur ces entrefaites," he says, speaking of the projects of Monsieur de Chastes for the Canadian voyage, "je me trouvais en cour, venu fraischement des Indes Occidentales, où j'avois été près de deux ans et demy après que les Espagnols furent partis de Blavet, et la paix foict en France, où pendant les guerres j'avais servi sa dicte majesté (Henry IV) souz Messeigneurs le Mareschal d'Aumont de St. Luc, et le Mareschal de Brissac."

The relation of this voyage was never published, and this should rather confirm the supposition that the manuscript had been presented to M. Chastes. It was evidently finished in haste; as the omission of several drawings, which are mentioned but not inserted, and the character of the writing, shews. Champlain returned from this voyage early in 1602, and before the autumn of the year was occupied in making preparations for his first voyage to Canada, before his return from which in the next year, 1603, M. de Chastes had died. Had Champlain kept the manuscript of his West India voyage, he would surely have published it in 1604, at the same time that the account of his first expedition to Canada was printed, and to none is it so likely that he would have given his "Brief Discourse" as to his best friend and patron, at whose death (he died at Dieppe) it would pass into private hands, or the Minime Convent, and be lost sight of.

The narrative is highly interesting as exhibiting the state of some of the West India Islands two hundred and fifty years ago, many of them being then uninhabited by Europeans; and of the condition of Mexico, and of the Spanish policy there, where no foreigner was then permitted to set his foot. Gage, who travelled some five and twenty years after Champlain, bears witness to the difficulty of proceeding thither, being obliged to hide himself in an empty biscuit-cask to avoid the search of the Spanish officials, till the vessel in which he had embarked should sail.

The account of the capture of Porto-rico, by the Earl of Cumberland, and the state in which it appeared, after the English had abandoned the island, is curious; and the combat with the Anglo-Franco-Flemish fleet, amusing. The idea of the junction of the Pacific and Atlantic Oceans is also remarkable.

The accuracy of Champlain's observations of all that he saw, is evident; as to the hearsay descriptions, we may entertain doubts of the fidelity of his informant, but not of the good faith of the narrator. He had a certain amount of credulity in his character, the more remarkable in a man of such natural penetration and sagacity; but the belief in strange monsters was prevalent before, during, and for a long time after, his epoch; and it was the more to be excused from the hermetically closed state of the Spanish colonies, and the strange stories to which the consequent mystery gave rise. The curious details of the "Brief Discourse" seemed worthy of the attention of the geographer, the naturalist, and of the inquiring general reader. As the founder of the capital of our principal North American colony, Champlain's name is, in some sort, associated with English adventure. With that idea, permission was requested of M. Féret, to translate this narrative into English, which was most kindly and unhesitatingly granted by him. In the translation, endeavour has been made to preserve Champlain's style, as much as possible. The drawings are fac-similes of those in the manuscript. Discoverers are general benefactors: after a time, all nations profit by their labours. In Champlain's case, we are the principal gainers; but for his indomitable courage, enterprise, and determination, Quebec might never have existed, the colonization of Canada have been indefinitely retarded, and instead of a valuable country, advanced in civilization, and sufficing to itself, England might have conquered only a small colony struggling for existence, or scattered and insignificant settlements, feebly subsisting on a precarious and badly organized trade with native tribes. For nearly a century Champlain's predecessors had endeavoured, with all means and appliances, to found colonies in various parts of North America; all failed, and, for long after his time, Canada remained in a semi-torpid state. It required the solid foundations laid down by Champlain, to enable the young settlement to pass through the struggles of its infancy and arrive at maturity. None were found capable of carrying out his views for years after his death. Had he died earlier, no one could have replaced him; had he not lived, in all probability expedition after expedition would, as before, have been sent out with the same success which had attended all previous attempts, from Cartier to De la Roche.

Notes have been made on the various subjects which appear to require some explanation.

BIOGRAPHICAL NOTICE OF CHAMPLAIN.

It will be well, perhaps, to preface the notice of Champlain's career with a rapid sketch of the various expeditions, discoveries, and attempts at colonisation, of the French in North America, from the discoveries of Sebastian Cabot, in 1497, to the beginning of the seventeenth century.

The errors, disasters, and failures of his predecessors will throw out in stronger relief the sound common sense and sagacity, the determined courage and unfaltering resolution, and the prudent wariness, which enabled Champlain to note and avoid their errors, to meet and to overcome difficulties, to foresee and to prepare for possible evil contingencies.

It is certain that the French were among the first, if not the very first, who followed in the track, and profited by the discovery, of Cabot. The Basques, Bretons, and Normans, as early as 1504, practised the cod fishery along the coast and on the Great Bank of Newfoundland [2]—the ancestors, probably, of the Basques and Bretons who, a century later, so stoutly resisted the pretensions of the companies which were then forming, to the exclusive privilege of the fishery and trade in those parts.

In 1506, Jean Denys, of Harfleur, published a map of the newly known country, and, two years after, a pilot of Dieppe, named Thomas Aubert, commanding a vessel named the "Pensée," belonging to Jean Ange, father of the celebrated Vicomte de Dieppe, brought a North American Indian with him to France. [3]

In the year 1518, the Baron de Léry undertook a voyage to North America with the intention of forming a settlement; but, being detained at sea for a long time, was obliged to return to France without accomplishing his object, leaving on the Isle des Sables (Sable Island) and at Campseau (Canso) his cattle and pigs, which multiplied considerably, and were subsequently of the greatest service to certain of the Marquis de la Roche's people, who, about eighty years later, were left on Sable Island, without any other resource but fish and the flesh of the cattle they found there. [4]

In 1524, Francis I sent Giovanni Ferazzano, a Florentine, on an expedition of discovery to the coast of North America. The only document extant of this (first) voyage is a letter from Ferazzano to the king, dated the 8th July, 1524, [5] wherein he supposes that His Majesty is acquainted with his progress, the events of the voyage, and the success of this first attempt. In the following year he again sailed, and in March arrived at the coast of Florida. He ranged the coast from about the 30th to the 50th degree north latitude, as far as an island which the Bretons had before discovered. [6] Ferazzano took possession, in the name of the most Christian king, of all the country which he visited. The next year he undertook a third voyage, of which nothing authentic was ever known, save that he perished in it. [7]

In 1534, Jacques Cartier, of St. Malo, [8] sailed thence on the 20th April, with two vessels of the burthen of sixty tons each, furnished by Philippe Chabot, admiral of France, and the Comte de Brion, for the purpose of continuing the discoveries of Ferazzano, and on the 10th May arrived at Cape Bonavista, in Newfoundland. After some discoveries in that island he proceeded to the southward, and entering the great gulf, explored a bay, which he named La Baye des Chaleurs. The rigour of the season prevented his pursuing his discoveries that year, and he returned to France.

At the instance of Charles de Moïry, sieur de la Maillères, then vice-admiral of France, Cartier returned in the following year to the gulf, to which he gave the name of Saint Lawrence, subsequently extended to the great river which flows into it, and which the natives called the river of Canada. On the 15th August, he discovered the island of Naliscolet, calling it Isle de l'Assomption, now Anticosti. On the 1st September he arrived at the Saguenay river, flowing into the St. Lawrence. He ascended the latter stream to an island about a hundred and twenty leagues from the sea, which he named Isle d'Orléans, and wintered at a little river which he called Ste. Croix, afterwards rivière St. Charles. He then continued his voyage up the St. Lawrence to a place called Hochelaga, a large Indian village on an island at the foot of a mountain which he called Mont Royal, and which, altered to Montréal, is now the name of the whole island. Finding it impossible (according to his report) to surmount the rapids (Sault St. Louis), he returned to his vessels, but was obliged again to winter on the banks of a small river falling into the Ste. Croix, and which he named "the river Jacques Cartier." The greater part of his people died of scurvy, and Cartier, discontented and disappointed at the little progress he had made, and grieved for the loss of his people, returned to France. "And thinking the air was so contrary to our nature that we could hardly live there, having so suffered during the winter from the disease of the scurvy, which he called 'mal de terre,' he so made his relation to the king and the vice-admiral de Maillères, who not looking deeply into the matter, the enterprise was fruitless. And, to say truth, those who have the conduct of discoveries are often the cause of the failure of the best plans, if their reports are too implicitly trusted; for in thus entirely confiding in them, enterprises are judged to be impossible, or so traversed by difficulties, that they cannot be carried out, save with almost insupportable expenses and pains." [9]

In 1541, Jean François de la Roque, sieur de Roberval, a gentleman of Picardy, was named viceroy of Nouvelle France, and renewed the attempt to form a colony in Canada. He first sent out Cartier as his deputy, to commence a settlement in the island of Mont Royal, and despatched one of his pilots, Jean Alphonse, of Saintonge, one of the best French navigators of his time, to reconnoitre the coast beyond Labrador, and to endeavour to find a shorter passage for Eastern commerce than round Cape Horn or the Straits of Magellan; but, meeting with great obstacles and risk from the ice, Alphonse was obliged to return. The proposed settlement had no better success. Cartier remained nearly eighteen months abandoned to his own resources, as De Roberval, who was to have shortly followed him, delayed his departure, and when at last he set out on his voyage, he met Cartier on his way back to France, having lost many of his people, and suffered extreme distress from famine. De Roberval wished to force him to return to Canada, but Cartier refused.

The next expedition was that of Jean Ribaut, of Dieppe, a Protestant, and one of the best sea captains in France. He was despatched under the auspices of the Admiral de Coligny to establish a colony in that part of Florida visited by Ferazzano in his second voyage. Ribaut set sail on the 18th February, 1562, and landed at a cape which he named Cape François. Pursuing his course towards the north, he disembarked at the "Rivière de Mai," setting up a stone pillar with the arms of France affixed, in token of taking possession of the country. Continuing about sixty leagues more to the northward, he built a fort, which he styled Charles fort, on about the spot where Charleston was subsequently founded by the English. The fort finished, Ribaut found that his provisions were running short, and that he could not that year make the purposed settlement. He therefore left eighteen men in the fort, under the command of a Captain Albert, with all the supplies that he could spare, and set sail for France in July, promising to return to revictual his people and establish the colony. Unfortunately, on his arrival in France he was employed in the war which had just broken out with Spain, and could not accomplish his promise.

Captain Albert and his men, trusting to Ribaut's coming back with ample stores, did not trouble themselves to clear and cultivate land, so as to be prepared in case of delay or accident, but consumed their provisions without order or care, so that in a short time they were reduced to great scarcity. The men mutinied, hung one of their comrades for some trifling cause, and becoming more violent from want and impunity, killed their commander Albert, electing in his place one Nicolas Barré, "a good sort of a man!" No succour arriving, they built a small vessel to endeavour to return to France, and put to sea with the scanty remains of their stock of provisions. In a very few days that was exhausted, and the famine became so terrible and reduced them to such extremity that they were obliged to cast lots which of them should be killed to support the others. "And," says Fournier, "what is greatly to be admired, the lot fell on the man who had been the cause of the mutiny against Captain Albert." Fortunately, the survivors were picked up by an English ship and carried to England.

In 1564 René de Laudonnière was sent to Florida by Admiral de Coligny. He sailed on the 22nd of April, and duly arrived at the Rivière de Mai, where he built a fort, which he named La Caroline, rechristened by the Spaniards "San Matteo." As in the case of Captain Albert, a conspiracy was formed against Laudonnière, his men mutinied, and threatened to kill him if he would not allow them to go to sea and pillage the Virgin Islands and the coast of St. Domingo: Laudonnière was forced to consent. The mutineers fitted out a small vessel, captured and plundered some Spanish ships, but after cruising for some time were obliged to return to La Caroline, where Laudonnière, resuming his authority, had four of them hanged. In addition to these troubles, before the winter was past, their provisions began to fail, and after subsisting for more than six weeks on roots, and no supplies arriving from France, they determined to build a vessel, so as to be able to return there in August; but the famine becoming more and more severe, the men were too weak to finish their barque. Many went among the Indians, who mocked and ill treated them, upon which they attacked the savages and obtained some maize, which strengthened and gave them courage to work at their vessel. They then prepared to demolish the fort before setting sail for Europe; but while thus occupied, four ships were seen off the coast, which proved to be English, who, on seeing the extremity to which the French were reduced, assisted them with provisions, and helped them to complete their vessel. When ready to embark, Laudonnière again descried some ships approaching the coast; this time they were French, commanded by Ribaut, who was bringing succour and the means of increasing the settlement.

Ribaut had been again despatched by the Admiral de Coligny with six ships and about six hundred men, chiefly Protestants, to complete the establishment of the long-desired colony. He set sail from Dieppe in June, 1565, and arrived at his destination on the 25th August. The Spaniards had doubtless been informed of this expedition, as before Ribaut could disembark his men and stores, a squadron of large ships was seen in the offing. He sent his son to reconnoitre, following shortly with his other vessels. A violent tempest arose, his ships were driven on shore, and many of his men drowned. With the remainder he retired to his little fort, almost without arms or ammunition. The Spaniards (although then at peace with France) stormed it, and massacred all in it, men, women, and children. Ribaut, although promised his life, was at last stabbed in cold blood by a Spanish captain, named Vallemande, and his body treated with atrocious barbarity,—his head and face were flayed; the skin, with the hair and beard attached, dried, and sent to the nearest Spanish colony. The Spaniards then hung the bodies of the slain, and all the French whom they could catch, on the nearest trees, with an inscription to the effect that "these men are not hung as Frenchmen, but as heretics."

Laudonnière with a few men escaped into the woods, and returned after some time to France. The son of Ribaut also, escaping both the storm and the Spanish squadron, arrived there in safety. The king of France made some remonstrances about this horrible affair to his brother sovereign, the king of Spain, who disavowed the deed, but gave no redress.

Ribaut was, however, well avenged by one of his own creed. In 1567, Dominique de Gourgues, a Calvinist gentleman of Gascony, fitted out two (some say three) ships, at his own cost, and proceeded to Florida. Assisted by the natives, with whom he formed an alliance, he attacked and took by assault the Spanish forts, treating the Spaniards as they had treated the French, by hanging them all on the same trees, altering the inscription to the purport that "these men are not hung as Spaniards, but as traitors, robbers, and murderers." He then demolished the forts, and returned to France in 1568, performing the voyage, it is said, in seventeen days.

The king of Spain in his turn complained, and De Gourgues, disavowed and threatened with condign punishment by his sovereign, was obliged to absent himself. He seems, however, to have kept his ire warm against the Spaniards, as in 1582 we find him in the service of Don Antonio, of Portugal, who named him admiral of the fleet which he was equipping against Spain; but, on the point of sailing, De Gourgues was seized with a mortal malady, and died,—thus disappointing the hopes of his old enemy the king of Spain, who had offered a large sum for his head.

In the year 1591, a voyage to Canada was undertaken by the sieur du Court Pré Ravillon, in a vessel called the Bonaventure, to endeavour to establish a trade in moose-skins and teeth. Whether he succeeded in his adventure or not, history is silent.

The Marquis de la Roche fitted out some vessels in 1591, embarking a number of men and a large quantity of stores of all kinds requisite for forming a colony in Canada. Not having, it appears, any personal knowledge of the country or of navigation, he engaged a Norman pilot, of the name of Chédotel, for the voyage. The details of this enterprise are not very clear, but it is certain that the expedition reached the Isle des Sables, and, for some reason or other, seventeen of the people were sent on shore and abandoned. The poor fellows remained there for seven years, living in holes in the ground, and subsisting on fish and the cattle which they found wild in considerable numbers—the descendants of those left there in 1518 by the Baron de Léry. [10]

At the expiration of seven years, the pilot Chédotel was condemned by the Parliament of Rouen to go and fetch away the unfortunate men,—with the condition, however, that he was to have half of all the property, hides, oil, seal and black fox skins, etc., which the wretched creatures might have collected during their banishment.

On their arrival in France, the poor men were presented to the king, Henry IV, who ordered the Duke de Sully to give them some relief,—which the worthy Duke did, to the amount of fifty crowns each, "to encourage them to return there!"

The poor Marquis de la Roche, unfortunate in his expedition, was equally so at court in his endeavours to obtain the aid which the king had promised him. "It being denied him," says Champlain, "at the instigation of certain persons who had no wish that the true worship of God should increase, or to see the Catholic, Apostolic, and Roman religion flourish in those parts."

The Marquis took all this so much to heart that he fell sick and died, having consumed all his property, and wasted his time and labour, in vain.

In the year following (1599), the sieur Chauvin, de Ponthuiet, captain in the Royal Marine, at the persuasion of Captain du Pont Gravé of St. Malo, (both Protestants), obtained a privilege for ten years, at the charge of forming a company for the colonization of Canada. Having equipped his vessels, he gave the command of one of them to Du Pont Gravé, and proceeding to the river St. Lawrence, arrived in safety at Tadoussac, at the junction of the Saguenay with that river. One of the objects which they were bound mainly to follow was the propagation of the Roman Catholic religion among the savages. Chauvin's people were for the most part Catholics, but the chiefs were Calvinists, which was not precisely adapted for the fulfilment of the projected purpose, "but that," again says Champlain, "was what they thought of the least."

Chauvin resolved to remain at Tadoussac, in spite of the remonstrances of Du Pont Gravé, who wished him to proceed higher up the river, having already been to "Three Rivers" in a previous voyage, trading with the Indians. M. de Monts (of whom we shall hear more hereafter), who had made the voyage with them for his pleasure, agreed with Du Pont Gravé, but Chauvin was obstinate, and set about erecting a habitation in the most disagreeable and unproductive spot in the country,—full of rocks, fir and birch trees, the land unfit for cultivation, and the cold so excessive, that "if there be an ounce of cold forty leagues up the river, there is a pound at Tadoussac." [11]

Chauvin posted sixteen men at a little stream near the house, to which they might retire upon occasion. The stores (little enough) were at the mercy of all, and soon began to run short, whereupon Chauvin returned to France, taking Du Pont Gravé and De Monts with him.

The men remaining at the intended settlement, quickly consumed the little provision left, and "the winter coming on soon taught them the difference between France and Tadoussac,—it was the court of king Petault, where every man commanded." [12] Indolence and carelessness, with sickness, soon did their work, and they were reduced to the necessity of giving themselves up to the Indian tribes around, who received them kindly. Many died, and all suffered extremely.

Chauvin, in 1600, prepared another expedition, which from the same causes was as fruitless as the first. He fitted out a third on a larger scale, but was not able to carry out his new plans, being attacked by a malady "which sent him to the other world." [13]

We have now arrived at the period of Champlain's first connection with Canadian discovery and colonization. The difficulties, dangers—not to say horrors—of the previous expeditions were enough to deter any but the most confident and resolute from attempting such an apparently hopeless task; but the hour and the man were come, and from the date of Chauvin's death a new era was to arise for Canada, and French colonization in North America was at last—to be.

Samuel Champlain, descended from a noble family of Saintonge, was born at Brouage, [14] a place formerly of some importance in that province, now an obscure town of the department of the Charente Inférieure. Of the date of his birth and of his earlier career there is no account extant; from the events of the last thirty-five or thirty-six years of his life we may, however, form a correct judgment of his attainments, which, in navigation, in military matters, and in general knowledge, were evidently of no common order. That he had early distinguished himself is also clear, and that his services were appreciated we may gather from the high favour with which he was regarded by the king, and from the friendship and constant protection with which he was honoured by one of the best and bravest, as well as most intelligent and devoted followers of Henry IV,—the Sieur Aymar de Chastes, governor of the town and château of Dieppe, who commanded the fleet appointed to cruize on the coast of Brittany during the latter years of the war with the League and the Spaniards, [15] and under whose orders Champlain had served. On Champlain's return from the voyage to the West Indies, of which the narrative is now for the first time published, he learned that Chauvin was dead, and that his friend, Mons. de Chastes, undeterred by the previous failures and disasters, had resolved to undertake the establishment of a colony in Canada, and even to proceed thither and devote the remainder of his well-spent life to the prosecution of the enterprise. The cause and manner of Champlain's embarking in the undertaking cannot be better narrated than in his own words.

"The fourth enterprise was that of the Sieur Commander de Chastes, a very honourable man, a good catholic, and worthy servant of the king, whom he had faithfully served on many signal occasions, and although his head was charged with grey hairs as with years, he resolved to proceed thither in person, and dedicate the remainder of his life to the service of his God and of his king, by fixing his residence and living and dying there gloriously: so he hoped, if God had not withdrawn him from this world sooner than he thought. He had very Christian designs, to which I can bear good witness, he having done me the honour of communicating somewhat of them. Soon after the death of Chauvin he obtained a new commission from the king, and as the expenses were very great, he formed a company with several gentlemen and with the principal merchants of Rouen and other places, on certain conditions: this being done, vessels were prepared, as well for the execution of the main design, as for discovery and peopling the country. Du Pont Gravé, as one who had already made the voyage and noticed the faults of the past, was (with commission from his majesty) chosen to proceed to Tadaussac, thence to go and examine the Sault St. Louis and the country beyond, in order to make a report on his return for the better preparation of a second voyage, when the said commander, De Chastes, would quit his government (of Dieppe), and, with the permission of his majesty, who truly loved him, proceed to the country of New France.

"While this was going on, I found myself at court, being freshly returned from the West Indies, where I had been nearly two years and a half, after the Spaniards had quitted Blavet, where, during the wars, I had served His Majesty under Messeigneurs the Maréchal d'Aumont de St. Luc and the Maréchal de Brissac."

"Going from time to time to see the said sieur de Chastes, judging that I might serve him in his design, he did me the honour, as I have said, to communicate something of it to me, and asked me if it would be agreeable to me to make the voyage to examine the country, and see what those engaged in the undertaking should do. I told him that I was very much his servant, but that I could not give myself license to undertake the voyage without the commands of the king, to whom I was bound, as well by birth as by the pension with which His Majesty honoured me to enable me to maintain myself near his person, [16] but that, if it should please him to speak to the king about it, and give me his commands, that it would be very agreeable to me, which he promised and did, and received the king's orders for me to make the voyage and make a faithful report thereof; and for that purpose M. de Gesvres, secretary of his Commandments, sent me with a letter to the said Du Pont Gravé, desiring him to take me in his ship, and enable me to see and examine what could be done in the country, giving me every possible assistance."

"Me voilà expédié," continues Champlain, who immediately left Paris, and embarking with Du Pont Gravé, had a favourable voyage to Tadoussac, from whence they proceeded up the St. Lawrence in small vessels of twelve to fifteen tons burthen. At Sault St. Louis, Du Pont Gravé and Champlain, with five men, continued with great difficulty about a league further, to the foot of the rapids; where, finding it impossible to proceed with their skiff, on account of the rocks and rushing waters, all they could do was to land and examine the course and difficulties of the rapids, explore the surrounding country, and obtain accounts from the Indians as to the inhabitants, the productions, and the sources of the principal rivers, particularly of the St. Lawrence.

Champlain prepared a petit discours, or report, with an exact chart of all that had been seen and explored, and they then returned to Tadoussac, having made but little progress; rejoining their people, who had been employed in the interim in trading with the natives, they set sail for France.

When Champlain arrived at Honfleur, he learned the death of his friend and patron, the commander De Chastes, "which greatly afflicted me, well knowing that it would be difficult for another to undertake the enterprise without being opposed, unless it should be some nobleman, whose authority was capable of overcoming envy."

From Honfleur he proceeded directly to Paris, to present his "discours fort particulier," and the Map which he had made, to the king, who was much gratified, and promised not to abandon the design, but rather to pursue and favour it.

After the death of Monsieur de Chastes, the Sieur de Monts, [17] who had already been to Canada with Chauvin, desirous of following the example of Monsieur de Chastes, completed the arrangements with the merchants of Rouen, Dieppe, La Rochelle, etc., which had been prepared by his predecessor, for the formation of a company for colonization in New France; but not on the St. Lawrence, the specimen he had seen of the country when with Chauvin having taken away all desire to return there, particularly as he wished to settle more to the southward, in a milder and more agreeable climate.

De Monts, who was of the "pretended-reformed religion," undertook to establish the Roman Catholic and Apostolic religion in his colony, but every one was to be free to live according to his creed.

All preliminaries being settled, De Monts fitted out three ships, with all things necessary, not only for trading in peltries at Tadoussac, but for establishing a settlement elsewhere; taking out a number of gentlemen, and all kinds of artisans, with soldiers and others of both religions, not forgetting priests and ministers.

Being ready to depart, De Monts proposed to Champlain to accompany him, and the desire to revisit and see more of the country having grown stronger within him, he readily promised to go, always with the king's permission, which was willingly granted; being ordered, moreover, by his Majesty to make to him a faithful report of all that he should see and discover.

They all embarked at Dieppe in 1603: one vessel proceeded to Tadoussac; another, commanded by Du Pont Gravé, went to Campseau (Canso) and along the coast towards the island of Cape Breton, to look after certain adventurers trading there in contravention of the king's prohibition. De Monts, with Champlain, took his course to the coast of Acadia, and the weather being very favourable, in a month arrived off Cape la Héve. De Monts continued along the coast, seeking some convenient spot for his settlement, sending Champlain also with a pilot to examine the coast for the same purpose. They discovered a number of ports and rivers, and De Monts at last fixed on an island which he thought well adapted to his purpose; the situation strong, the land good, and the temperature mild. He therefore set about discharging his vessels and building shelter for his people, and when all that was done he sent back the ships with Mons. de Paitrincourt, who had replaced Du Pont Gravé as his lieutenant, and who had gone out to see the country with the intention of settling there.

During this time (fully three years) Champlain occupied himself in exploring the whole coast of Acadia (Nova Scotia), from Cape la Héve, in latitude 45° 5′ examining all the bays, creeks, mouths of rivers, and islands of the great Baye Françoise (so named by him), now the Bay of Fundy, coasting on to "Cape Fortuné," in latitude 41° 20′ (now Cape Cod), and a few leagues farther, to a headland, which, with a great shoal near it, he called "Mallebarre", from the dangers he had there experienced. To the northward he examined the land from Cape la Héve to Cape Canso and Cape Breton, and, his arduous labours terminated, he returned with De Monts to France in 1607.

On their arrival, they found that great complaints had been made by certain Bretons, Basques, and others, of the excesses committed by the captains of De Monts' vessels while on their cruise, and of the ill-treatment they had sustained from them and their crews, who had seized their property, detained their persons, and deprived them of all traffic that had hitherto been free to them; so that, if the king did not interfere and take some order about it, all that navigation would be lost, the customs diminished, themselves ruined, and their wives and children, poor and miserable, obliged to beg their bread. It seems, though, that the poor Bretons and their companions were able to bribe pretty highly; as, in consequence of this outcry, and the intrigues of some influential persons at court, who promised to equip and keep three hundred men in the country, the commission or privilege of De Monts was revoked, "as the price of a certain sum, which a certain person received, without the king's knowing anything about it," says Champlain.

Thus was De Monts rewarded for having expended upwards of one hundred thousand livres, and passed more than three years of great suffering, from long duration of the snows and extreme cold, and having lost more than half his people by the dreaded "maladie de terre", or earth sickness.

As compensation, however, for his losses, the Royal Council generously granted him six thousand livres; not in ready money, but to be paid by such vessels as should traffic in peltry, etc., in the new country; but De Monts was obliged to abandon even this mockery of a grant, finding the expense of collecting greater than the receipts. Champlain at this exclaims indignantly: "Thus were affairs managed in the Council of his majesty; may God pardon those whom He has called to Himself, and amend the living! Hé! bon Dieu! who would ever undertake anything, if all can be revoked in such a fashion, without carefully examining affairs before deciding. Those also who know least cry out the loudest, and pretend to know more than men of tried experience." He adds that there was one great defect in De Monts' expedition—the mixture of creeds, "as two contrary religions never produce much fruit for the glory of God among the heathen they wish to convert." "I have seen," says he, "the minister and our curé fight with their fists about differences of religion, and," he continues slyly, "I do not know which was the bravest or hit the hardest blows, but I do very well know that the minister complained sometimes to Mons. de Monts of having been soundly beaten; and in this way they cleared up the points of controversy. I leave you to think if it was very pleasant to behold. The savages were sometimes on one side, sometimes on the other; and the French, divided according to their different belief, said everything that was bad, both of one and the other religion. These quarrels were really the means of rendering the infidel more hardened in his infidelity."

In the following year (1608) De Monts, desirous of making another attempt, consulted with Champlain, who advised him to proceed direct to the river St. Laurence, with which he was well acquainted from the experience of his previous voyage. De Monts, adopting his advice, applied again to the king, who granted him another commission authorising him to make the desired settlement; and to enable him the better to bear the expenses, interdicted the trade in peltry to all others for one year.

Upon this De Monts fitted out two vessels at Honfleur, and named Champlain his deputy or lieutenant in New France. One of the ships was commanded by Du Pont Gravé, who sailed first for Tadoussac, and Champlain followed with all things necessary for the intended settlement, arriving happily at Tadoussac. He then landed his people and stores, and proceeded up the river to seek for a convenient spot for his purpose, and finding at the narrowest part of the stream a place called by the natives Quebec, which seemed suitable, he there resolved to establish his colony, and accordingly transported thither all his men and goods with as little delay as possible. He then immediately caused dwellings to be erected, gardens prepared and planted, and land cleared and sown.

It was on the 3rd of July, 1608, that Champlain first arrived at Quebec; the remainder of the season and the winter were fully occupied with the necessary works of lodging the people, apportioning and clearing land, getting supplies of firing, etc., and exploring the country in the more immediate neighbourhood. On the 18th of May in the next year, Champlain proceeded to examine the river above the new settlement. At the little island of St. Eloy, near the river St. Marie, he fell in with a body of two or three hundred Indians, "Algenquins and Ochotiquens," who were on their way to Quebec to beg his assistance (which they reminded him he had promised ten moons before to the son of their chief) against the Iroquois, with whom they were at deadly feud. Champlain promised his aid, and returned with them to the settlement, where they remained for five or six days feasting and rejoicing. From thence he wrote to Du Pont Gravé, who was at Tadoussac, begging him to join him as soon as possible; and so soon as he arrived Champlain again left Quebec with the Indians, and on the 1st of June arrived at Saint Croix with a boat furnished with all things necessary for the expedition. From thence he continued to the Iroquois river, but finding that he could not pass the first rapid with his boat, as the natives had assured him, he resolved to pursue the journey in the canoes of the Indians. The greater part of his men refused to follow him, but, resolved to fulfil his promise, and desirous of visiting a great lake and beautiful country in the enemy's territory, which had been described to him by his allies, he determined on proceeding, with only two of his men, who volunteered to accompany him.

On the 2nd of July, the expedition left the rapids and ascended the Iroquois river to the lake above mentioned, where they were met by some two hundred of the enemy; a battle ensued, in which Champlain, at one shot of his arquebuss loaded with four balls, killed two of their chiefs and wounded another, which equally astonished both his friends and the enemies, who seeing their chiefs fall, fled, abandoning the field of battle and their village to the victors, who, after making good cheer, singing, and dancing, set out on their return with some ten or twelve prisoners.

Champlain gave his name to the lake on whose borders the action was fought, which it still retains.

On the way back, his Indian allies began tormenting one of their prisoners with the usual refinements of cruelty; which considerably disgusted Champlain, whom they requested "to do as they did." He angrily refused, but offered to put the poor wretch out of misery by shooting him at once with his arquebuss. Seeing that he was irritated, they told him he might do so, "and," says he naïvely, "so I did, without his seeing anything."

They soon arrived at Quebec, where he gave them "bread and peas and paternosters," to ornament the skulls of their enemies, as rejoicing on their return. The next day Champlain went with them in their canoes to Tadoussac, in order to witness their ceremonies; and does not omit to mention how the women stripped themselves stark naked, and threw themselves into the water to meet the canoes, taking the enemies' heads to hang round their necks as precious ornaments. His Indian friends also made him a present of some of their weapons and one of the heads "to show to his king," which to please them he promised.

From this first battle Champlain seems to have imbibed a taste for fighting the Iroquois (though why he mixed in the quarrel at all he does not explain), as in 1610 he again started from Quebec, with a boat and some of his people for the mouth of the Iroquois river, to join about four hundred Algenquins and others in another attack on their mortal enemies. They found the Iroquois intrenched in a "fort" or stockade, and after a sharp fight, in which Champlain was wounded by an arrow in the ear and neck, and one of his men in the arms, they stormed the "fort," assisted by the men whom he had left in the boat, but who, hearing the firing, thought it shame to remain idle while their comrades were fighting. On leaving the Algenquins, they insisted on his taking one of their young men with him as hostage for a young French lad whom he left with them, at his own desire, to learn their language, etc.

While Champlain was thus busily occupied, Mons. de Monts, who was then governor of Pons, in Saintonge, having remained at Paris to settle some private affairs, was again attacked and worried by the complaints of his former opponents, "the Bretons, Basques, and Normans," and, they again getting the ear of persons in power, De Monts was for the second time deprived of his privilege, and this time without any compensation. He wrote an account of the whole business to Champlain, who immediately returned to France, and, after having informed De Monts of his labours at Quebec, made a full report of all to the king, who received both him and it with much satisfaction.

De Monts endeavoured by every possible means to obtain a third commission, but his enemies were too powerful, and so managed matters that all his attempts and labour were in vain. Nevertheless, being extremely desirous of settling in the new country, he resolved, with or without commission, to continue his establishment there, and explore the country inland on the upper part of the St. Laurence; and for the better execution of the project he again equipped two ships, in conjunction with a company formed under the auspices of Father Coton (confessor to Henry IV) and of Madame de Guercheville, and which had obtained certain privileges for the establishment of a Jesuit mission in New France. [18] The vessels being ready, Champlain and Du Pont Gravé embarked with labourers and artisans of all kinds, and arriving at Tadoussac and Quebec, found all things in good and flourishing condition.

In 1611, in the early spring, Champlain started from Quebec in order to meet the Indians with the young Frenchman, and give back the hostages left at the settlement; but not finding them, he continued to explore the country as far as Mont Royal, or Montreal. Shortly after the natives arrived, and after exchanging presents, he took leave of them, trusting another lad to their care, with particular instructions as to the observations he was to make while with them. He returned to Quebec in June, and finding matters proceeding regularly he sailed for France, arriving at La Rochelle on the 11th of August.

On the 5th of March of the next year (1612), Champlain again embarked at Honfleur for Quebec, arriving on the 7th of May, and finding all who had wintered there in health and prospering. The winter had been so mild that the river had not been frozen, "the trees also began to reclothe themselves with leaves, and the fields to be enameled with flowers."

On the 23rd, he left Quebec for the Sault St. Louis with two canoes, having with him only four men, one of whom was a certain Nicolas Vignan, "the most impudent liar that had been seen for a long time," as will presently appear. One of Champlain's cherished projects was to endeavour to penetrate to the Arctic Sea by means of some of the rivers tributary to the St. Lawrence, which, by the account of the natives, had their sources in great lakes, from which other streams flowed towards the north.

This man Vignan had formerly wintered with the natives, and had been sent on journeys of exploration by Champlain on various occasions. He had returned to Paris, where, in the commencement of the present year (1612), he had assured Champlain that he had seen the Northern Sea; that the Algenquin river issued from a lake, which by another river discharged itself into the said sea, and that in seventeen days he might go to it from Sault St. Louis. He added that he had seen the wreck of an English ship which had been lost on the coast, and that eighty men had escaped to land, where they had all been killed by the savages. He had been shown their heads, which had been skinned (scalped) according to their custom; and the Indians wished to present them to Champlain, with a young English boy whom they had preserved.

"This news," says Champlain, "rejoiced me greatly, thinking I had found near me that which I had sought far off; so I conjured him to tell me the truth, that I might inform the king. If his relation was false he would put a rope round his neck, while if what he said was true he would assuredly be well recompensed. He assured me of the truth of his statement with more oaths than ever, and to play his part better, he gave me an account of the country, which, he said, he had made as well as he could." All these details, the assurance of the man, and the air of simplicity which Champlain thought he perceived in him, combined with a knowledge of the voyage which the English had made to Labrador near that time, where they had wintered about the 63° of latitude and 250° of longitude, and had actually lost some vessels, induced him to give credence to the man's story, and make a report of it to the Chancellor. He also presented him to the Maréchal de Brissac and other high personages, who strongly recommended Champlain to look after the matter in person. Upon this advice he procured a passage for Vignan, in a vessel belonging to a Sieur Georges of La Rochelle, who, asking him why he was going out, etc., was also told by Vignan that he was going to show the Northern Ocean, which he had seen, to Champlain, and made a formal declaration to that effect before a notary of the town.

On taking leave of his companions before quitting Quebec, as before mentioned, Champlain again told Vignan that if his tale was not exactly true he had better not attempt the journey, as he would incur much risk; when Vignan again declared, on peril of his life, that all that he had averred was true.

On Monday, 27th May, Champlain accordingly left the island of Ste. Hélène on the expedition to discover the Northern Ocean, with four French and one Indian. The route that he followed is not clearly indicated; it is presumed that he ascended the Chaudière river to a lake, where he landed on an island, which he named Isle Sainte Croix. On the 6th of June he left this island, in company with a number of the natives who had joined him. About ten leagues further they arrived at some rapids, where the Indians purposed to leave their canoes, when a great dispute arose between them and Vignan, who declared there was no danger in passing them. The Indians told him he must be tired of life, and advised Champlain not to believe him, "for he spoke not the truth." Champlain followed the advice of the natives, and well it was for him, as Vignan sought all kinds of difficulties, either to get rid of, or to disgust him with the enterprise, as he afterwards confessed. Continuing his journey he fell in with a tribe of Indians, who wondered much how he had surmounted the dangers and difficulties of the rapids and the route, "saying he and his people must have fallen from the clouds," and wishing to know what his object was. Champlain told him that he had come to help them in their wars, and for that purpose he wished to proceed further on to visit and arrange with some other chiefs, which rejoiced them greatly; so that they gave him two canoes to carry him on to the village of a great chief named "Tessouat," about eight leagues distant. This chief received him very well, though much astonished to see him, saying "he thought it was a dream, and could not believe what he beheld!"

On the following day a great council was held in the wigwam of Tessouat, with a preliminary feast, which gave Champlain occasion to protest against the Indian "cuisine," "because they cooked so dirtily." He asked them for fish and flesh, that he might prepare his dinner after his own fashion, "and for drink," says he, "we had fine clear water."

After much smoking and talking about his intentions of helping them to make war on their enemies, the Indians promised him four canoes, which gave him great joy; "forgetting all my past troubles in the hope of beholding that much desired sea"; but he had rejoiced rather too soon, as his interpreter shortly after hastened to tell him that the Indians had again consulted together, and had come to the conclusion that if he undertook the desired journey, then both he and they would die, so would not give the four canoes; but that if he would defer the expedition to the next year, they would go with him.

Champlain, very much grieved at this change, sought the chiefs, and told them boldly, that he "had hitherto considered them as men, and truthful, but that now they showed themselves to be children, and lying!" and that if four canoes were too many, to give two, and four of their people only. The Indians again represented the difficulties of the way, of the rapids, and the hostility of the people on the route, and said that it was for fear of losing him that they refused: to which he replied, that he had a man with him, "showing them my impostor," who had already been through the country, and had met with neither the difficulties nor hostility that they mentioned. It seems that Vignan had wintered with this very Tessouat and his tribe, so that he had fallen into a trap; and the old chief turning to him, said, "Nicolas, is it true that you have said that you had been to the Nibericini?" Vignan was a long time before answering, but at length said, "Yes, I have been;" on which the Indians rushed at him with loud outcries, "as if they would eat him up or tear him to pieces"; and Tessouat exclaimed, that he was an impudent liar, well knowing that every night he had slept at his side with his (Tessouat's) children, and rose every morning with him, so that if he had been with those people, it must have been during his sleep. "Let him be made to name the chiefs whom he had seen, and describe the rivers, the rapids, the lakes, and the country that he had passed," said the chief. Still Vignan affirmed anew, with many oaths, the truth of all that he had before said, and swore that he would proceed if the savages would give the canoes.

After some anxious private consideration of the probabilities and doubts, Champlain again called Vignan, and told him that the time was passed for dissimulation, and that now he must speak the truth, and he would forget the past; but that if he went further and found the statement false, he would assuredly have him hung or strangled; whereupon Vignan threw himself on his knees, and confessed that all that he had said in France and since was false; that he had never seen the Northern Sea, or been beyond the village of Tessouat, and had invented the whole story in order to return to Canada. Champlain, enraged, ordered him never to appear before him again, and immediately informed the Indians of the imposture; they proposed that Vignan should be left to them, and they would take care that he should tell no more lies, which Champlain declined. Finding his hopes thus frustrated and his journey at an end, on the 10th of June he took leave of Tessouat, and set out on his return, during which he met with nothing remarkable, save a false alarm of an attack of the enemy, and witnessing the offerings of the savages to the spirit of the Chaudière rapid. He arrived at the Sault St. Louis on the 17th, accompanied by certain of his Indian friends, with whom he made an agreement that they should not trade without his permission. He made Vignan again confess his lies in presence of his countrymen; and, on his promising that he would retrieve his fault by making a journey to the Northern Ocean and bring back news of it in the following year, Champlain pardoned him. He then proceeded to Tadoussac, and, having nothing further to do that year in the country, sailed for France on the 8th of August, and in due time arrived at St. Malo.

I have dwelt somewhat at length on this episode of Vignan's imposture, as it preeminently shows the enterprising, persevering, and resolute character of Champlain, combined with a generous and forgiving disposition. Few at that time would have blamed him for inflicting summary justice on the liar who had so deceived him, or have condemned him had he left Vignan to the tender mercies of Tessouat and his tribe. The condition of pardon is also characteristic,—condemnation to perform the journey pretended to have been made, thus turning the imposture to some advantage.

On his arrival in France, Champlain found the affairs of the new company in great disorder, from the detention of its chief protector, Monseigneur le Prince de Condé, who had been created Viceroy of Canada, "and this," says he, "made me judge that the envious would not delay to vomit their poison, and that they would now do that which before they dared not; for the head being sick, the members cannot be healthy." After strange and scandalous intrigues which led to lawsuits, and consequently to greater confusion, the associates of the company began to perceive that, with all these cabals, the colony would be ruined and the company broken up, unless they sent aid in men and materials to continue the buildings and clearance of land.

Monsieur de Monts, always desirous to forward the interests of his favorite settlement, drew up articles by which the company should be obliged to furnish men, warlike stores, and provisions sufficient for two years, while the new lands were being cleared and cultivated; these articles were approved and laid before the Royal Council. "But," says Champlain, "I know not by what chance, all went off in smoke, and God did not permit the said articles to be accomplished."

During this time (in 1615) Champlain was at Honfleur, preparing for another voyage, when a certain Boyer, one of the company, "as malicious as he was litigious," attempted by chicane to deprive him of the post of lieutenant for Monsieur le Prince, which had been granted to him by letters patent, dated 15th October, 1612. "But all that did not touch me; having served as I had done, they could neither take away my charge, nor the appointments to which they had voluntarily obliged themselves when I had arranged their association." This attempt to deprive him of his well-earned honours, seems to have served as a lesson to Champlain not to engage himself in any way in the service of, or take share in, any of the companies which were purely formed for prosecuting the colonization and trade of New France, until the monopoly of the whole intercourse was centred in a society, formed subsequently in 1627, under the auspices and especial favour of the de facto sovereign of France, Cardinal Richelieu. As lieutenant of the viceroys, he maintained a neutral position, powerful enough to control hostility, without subjecting himself to the influence of the cabals which perpetually divided the parties, Jesuits, Recollets, merchants, etc., who struggled for the chief power in the various associations.

On the 24th of April, 1615, Champlain left Honfleur with four missionaries (Jesuits) on board his vessel, and arrived without accident at Tadoussac on the 25th May. He proceeded immediately to the Sault St. Louis, when his first care was to arrange a treaty with the friendly Indians to assist them in their wars, on condition of their facilitating his enterprises of discovery, and with the view of advancing the progress of Christianity among them. By helping them to slay their enemies, he hoped to induce them to worship his God!

The Indians were to furnish two thousand five hundred warriors; and Champlain was to take as many men as he could, and besides, to give his allies some instruction in discipline, etc., which they received with great satisfaction, but, as by and by will be seen, by which they profited little.

Having arranged this matter, Champlain returned to the settlement to provide for the good conduct of all affairs during his proposed absence, and, on the 9th of June, started with an interpreter and another European, "myself third," he says, and ten savages, and by the Rivière des Prairies pursued his route to the Algenquin country; from thence he continued by land to the lake of the Nipiserini (Lake Nipissing) in 45¼° of latitude, where he arrived on the 26th of the same month, and remained two days; from thence he descended a river (Rivière des François) to the great Lake Attigouantan (Lake Huron), where he met some three hundred natives, with whom he "contracted friendship," making the chief a present of a hatchet, "with which he was as contented and joyful as if I had given him some rich present." The next day he continued his route along the shores of the lake to a village called Cahiagué, where the "army" was to rendezvous, having overtaken on the way thirteen or fourteen Frenchmen who had started before him from the Rivière des Prairies. He arrived at Cahiagué on the 17th of August, and was received with great gratitude and rejoicing by the Indians, who informed him that another and very warlike nation, the Entouhoronins(?), would join them with five hundred fighting men against the common enemy,—the Iroquois. The greater part of the "army" being assembled, they started together from the village on the 1st of September, and pursued their route, hunting as they went. On the 9th of October their scouts took eleven prisoners, "four women, one girl, three boys, and three men;" whereupon one of the chiefs began tormenting a female prisoner by cutting off one of her fingers; at which Champlain indignantly interfered, and blamed the chief, "Captain Yroquet," severely, representing that it was unworthy of a warrior, as he called himself, to behave cruelly to women, "who have no defence but their tears, and who, on account of their 'imbècilité et foiblesse' should be humanely treated," and that if such cruelties were continued, he could neither assist nor favour them in the war; so seeing that Champlain was seriously displeased, "Captain Yroquet" promised in future to spare the women, and only torment the men! On the following day, about three o'clock, they arrived before the enemy's fort, and commenced skirmishing, driving him into his entrenchments; after which the "allies" withdrew out of the enemy's sight, which seems to have angered Champlain extremely, moving him "to use and say rude and angry words to incite them to do their duty," not according to their councils, but in conformity with his notions. He proposed to construct a "cavallier," a sort of high platform, to overlook the enemy's palisades, in which five or six arquebusiers being placed would soon dislodge the foe; also "mantelets," or large shields, to protect them from arrows or stones. This being done, they attacked the fort, his arquebusiers doing great execution; but his allies seconded him so badly, making all kinds of blunders, that, after three hours combat, two of their chiefs and about fifteen of their men being wounded, and Champlain himself hurt in the leg and knee by arrows, they withdrew, in spite of all his remonstrances, and to his great indignation and disgust, saying, that when the five hundred promised men should arrive, they would attack the enemy again. The skirmishing continued till the 9th, in which the enemy seems to have had the best of it, as Champlain and his men were always obliged to bring off their friends, the enemy retreating at sight of them, dreading their firearms, "urging, by firm persuasion, that we ought not to mix in their quarrels," which was perfectly true. Seeing that the five hundred promised warriors did not arrive, the allies resolved on retreat, carrying off Champlain in a sort of basket on a man's back, "so tied and hampered," says he, "that I lost patience, and as soon as I had strength to support myself, I got out of that prison, or rather, of that Gehenna!" On their way back, they hunted a great deal, the savages being better, according to his notions, at that sport than at fighting. Champlain's explorings were very nearly being here ended, as one day having followed a curious bird too eagerly, he lost himself in the woods, and wandered about for three days and nights, subsisting on such game as he met with; at last he resolved to follow the course of some river or brook on the chance of its leading him to the river on whose banks the Indians were to encamp. Fortunately, he succeeded, and joined them in safety, but almost exhausted. They then all started on their return to the village (Cahiagué), where they arrived on the 23rd.

After recruiting his strength, Champlain resolved on visiting, during the winter, the tribes and country which the summer and the war had prevented his exploring. He accordingly started on the 17th of January (1616) for that purpose, but when he had arrived at the "Pisirinii" nation (Nipissing), he heard that a violent quarrel had broken out between his friends, the Algenquins, and their allies, which determined him to retrace his steps immediately, and endeavour to arrange the matter in dispute. He got back to the village on the 15th of February, and managed with great difficulty, by dint of persuasion, to patch up a sort of hollow truce, the Algenquins retiring to their own village, "saying they would no more winter there."

During the four or five months that he remained in the Indian territory, Champlain diligently examined the country, and studied the manners, customs, mode of life, ceremonies, and form of the assemblies of the natives, all of which he describes in his usual forcible and plain style. He left Cahiagué on the 20th May, and accompanied by many of the Indians arrived, after forty days journey, at Sault St. Louis, where he found Du Pont Gravé, who had just arrived from France with two ships, and who had despaired of again seeing him, having been told by some natives that he was dead. From thence he proceeded to the main settlement at Quebec. After three days sojourn there he went on to Tadoussac, and from thence embarked with Du Pont Gravé on the 3rd of August. On the 10th September, 1616, he arrived at Honfleur, "where," he says, "we rendered thanks and praises to God for having preserved us from the many perils and hazards to which we had been exposed, and for having brought us back in safety to our country; to Him, then, be glory and honour for ever! So be it."

In 1617 Champlain again visited his colony, where he found all in a prosperous condition; he therefore returned to France in the fall of the year, his presence in Paris being apparently more required than in Quebec, from the cabals, intrigues, and suits in which the company was continually engaged. The difficulties were materially increased by the pretensions of the States of Brittany to liberty of trade with New France, and which had been ratified by the Royal Council; but Champlain bestired himself so actively, and pressed the associates to action so strongly, that the permission was withdrawn, and the Bretons prohibited from the traffic without the consent of the company.

In the year 1618 Champlain continued to urge the associates to greater activity and exertion, advising them to send out more men and materials than by their articles they were strictly bound to do, as the troubles which existed in France prevented the king from detaching any men for that service. The colony would otherwise languish, and the advantages they had already gained would be lost. The company objected, the unsettled and changeable state of affairs in France, and that which had happened to Mons. de Monts might well happen to them also; but Champlain shewed them that matters were much changed, and the cases widely different, that Mons. de Monts was but a private gentleman, who had not influence enough to oppose hostility in the council of his majesty; but now the company had a prince of the blood as chief and protector, who was viceroy of the country to boot, and who could defend them against all and every one, always under the king's good pleasure. By dint of perseverance and solicitation he prevailed on the associates to assemble, and come to an agreement as to the number of persons and the necessary supplies which should be sent out. And a curious and interesting list it is, compared with the requirements of modern Quebec.

"List of persons to be sent to, and supported at, the settlement of Quebec for the year 1619:—

"There shall be eighty persons, including the chief, three Recollets Fathers, clerks, officers, workmen, and labourers.

"Every two persons shall have a mattress, a paillasse, two blankets, three pair of new sheets, two coats each, six shirts, four pair of shoes, and one capote.

"For the arms:—Forty musquets, with their bandaliers, twenty-four pikes, four arquebuses à rouet (wheel-lock) of four to five feet, one thousand pounds of fine powder, one thousand pounds of powder for cannon, six thousand pounds of lead, and a match-stump.

"For the men, a dozen scythes with their handles, hammers, and other tools; twelve reaping-hooks, twenty-four spades, twelve picks, four thousand pounds of iron, two barrels of steel, ten tons of lime (none having been then found in this country), ten thousand curved, or twenty thousand flat tiles, ten thousand bricks to build an oven and chimneys, two mill-stones (the kind of stone fit for that purpose was not discovered till some years afterwards).

"For the service of the table of the chief:—Thirty-six dishes, as many bowls and plates, six saltcellars, six ewers, two basins, six pots of six pints each, six pints, six chopines (about half a pint), six demy-septiers (about two gallons), the whole of pewter; two dozen tablecloths, twenty-four dozen napkins.

"For the kitchen:—A dozen of copper boilers (saucepans[?]) six pair andirons, six fryingpans, six gridirons.

"Shall also be taken out—Two bulls of one year old, heifers, and as many sheep as convenient; all kinds of seeds for sowing.

"The commander of the settlement shall have charge of the arms and ammunition which are actually there, and of those which shall afterwards be sent, so long as he shall be in command: and the clerk or factor who shall reside there shall take charge of all merchandise, as well as of the furniture and utensils of the company, and shall send a regular account of them, signed by him, by the ships.

"Also shall be sent, a dozen mattresses complete, like those of families, which shall be kept in the magazine for the use of the sick and wounded, etc., etc.

"Signed at Paris the 21st day of December, 1618, and compared with the original (on paper) by the undersigned natives, in the year 1619, the 11th day of January.

"Guerreau. "Forcy."

This list was laid by Champlain before the Council of State, which highly approved of it, acknowledging the zeal and goodwill of the company, and refusing to listen to other proposals made by three of their opponents of Brittany, La Rochelle, and St. Jean de Luz. "There was also great talk," says Champlain, "of augmenting the population, which nevertheless came to nothing. The year passed away and nothing was done, nor in the following year either; so that people began again to cry out and abuse the society, which made great promises, but performed nothing." It appears that some of the associates were of the "pretended Reformed religion," who, at heart, were strongly opposed to the Roman Catholic religion being implanted in the settlement. From this there arose so many divisions and broils, that what one party desired, the other would not listen to; so that what with their intestine discord and the prosecution of the Rochellois, who were continually infringing on their privileges, the unfortunate company was in a state of confusion, becoming daily "worse confounded."

However, the company having obtained other decisions of the council in their favour, made fresh preparations, and got a vessel in readiness; then set about quarrelling with Champlain, who was getting ready to sail with his family, saying, that they had advised together; that the Sieur du Pont-Gravé should have the command in the settlement over their people; and that he, Champlain, should employ himself in making discoveries, which was his special business, and which he had engaged to do. "In one word," he says, "they thought to keep the government to themselves, and establish a sort of republic of their own, making use of the commission of his majesty to accomplish their own ends, without anybody being able to control them." All this was done at the instigation of Boyer, before-mentioned, who, in all this chicanery, lived by the discords which he fomented. But the associates reckoned without their host. "They no longer considered their articles towards the king, Monseigneur le Prince, and me," writes Champlain, "and they esteem as nothing the contracts and promises which they have signed." So he wrote first to the company, and then went to Rouen (the chief seat of the company), with all his followers; there he produced their articles, and showed them that, as lieutenant of the prince, he had the right to command the settlement, and all the people there, or who might be sent, saving their chief clerk and people of the magazine, so far as trading affairs went; and as for discoveries, they were not to make laws for him; that he should set about them whenever circumstances should seem to him propitious, as he had done before; and that he was not obliged to do anything that was not in the articles, and they said nothing about discoveries. As for Du Pont-Gravé, he was his friend, and he respected him as a father; but that he would not suffer that which by right belonged to him (Champlain) to be given to another; that the pains, risks, and fortunes of life which he had incurred in the discoveries of lands and people, of which they derived the benefit, had gained him the honours which he possessed; that Du Pont-Gravé and he had always lived together in good friendship, and he wished to continue on the same terms; but he would not make the voyage, save with the same authority as before. Moreover, he would render the company liable for all expenses, damages, and interests that might be occasioned by delay; "and upon that," he adds, "I presented to them this letter from his majesty:—

"By the King.

"Dear and well-beloved:—On the report made to us that there has hitherto been bad management in the establishment of the families and workmen sent to the settlement of Quebec, and other places of New France; We write to you this letter, to declare to you our desire that all things should proceed better in future; and to tell you, that it will give us pleasure that you should assist, as much as you conveniently can, the Sieur Champlain in the things requisite and necessary for the execution of the commands which he has received from us, to choose experienced and trusty men to be employed in the discovery, inhabiting, cultivating, and sowing the lands; and do all the works which he shall judge necessary for the establishment of the colonies which we desire to plant in the said country, for the good of the service and the use of our subjects; without, however, on account of the said discoveries and settlements, your factors, clerks, and agents in the traffic of peltry, being troubled or hindered in any way whatever during the term which we have granted you. And fail not in this, for such is our pleasure. Given at Paris the 12th day of March, 1618.

(Signed) "Louis.

(And below) "Potier."

This letter, it might be supposed, would have settled the matter, but the associates were stiff-necked; so Champlain made his protest and proceeded to Paris. The vessel sailed without him, and Du Pont-Gravé commanded, and wintered that year at the settlement, while Champlain pleaded his rights before the king and the Council of State. "Nous voilà à chicaner," says he; and with his characteristic activity and energy, he followed the council to Tours, and, after many and long debates, obtained a judgment, ordering that he should have the command, not only at Quebec, but over all other settlements in New France, and prohibiting the company from troubling or interfering with him in the functions of his charge, under penalty of damages, fines, expenses, etc.; "and which judgment," he adds, "I caused to be signified to the associates in full Exchange at Rouen: they threw the blame on Boyer, saying they had not consented, but I knew better." About this time Monseigneur the Prince de Condé, with the king's permission, resigned the viceroyalty of New France to the Duc de Montmorency, high-admiral of France, who seems to have paid a round sum for the honour. [19] Champlain was continued in the lieutenancy of the country, and was ordered by the new viceroy to proceed to Quebec, to fortify himself there as well as he could, and to let him know all that should occur, so that he might take order accordingly. Monsieur Dolu, Grand Audiencier of France, an able and well-meaning man, was named intendant of the province, "who," says Champlain, "burned with ardour to do something for the advancement of the glory of God, the good of the country, and to place our society in a better position to do well than heretofore. I saw him on the matter, and gave him a memoir for his instruction."

Champlain accordingly left Paris with his family, and everything necessary for the voyage, but at Honfleur the company, grievously annoyed at the overthrow of their plans, again made some difficulties about the command which he was to exercise. He immediately wrote to the viceroy and to the new intendant, Monsieur Dolu, who sent instantly peremptory notice to the associates, "that the king and governor had determined that Champlain should have the entire and absolute command in the colony, and over all and everything in it, excepting always their mere merchandise, of which their people might dispose; and if they would not obey the orders of his majesty, Champlain was to stop their ships till the said orders were executed;" which at last brought them to their senses.

At the same time the king did Champlain the honour to write to him, with his own hand, the following letter.

"Champlain,—Having been informed of the commands which you have received from my cousin, the Duke, of Montmorency, admiral of France, and my viceroy in New France, to proceed to the said country and be his lieutenant, and care for all that shall present itself for the good of my service, I have been pleased to write you this letter to assure you, that the services that you may render me on this occasion will be very agreeable to me, above all if you maintain the said country in its obedience to me, causing the people there to live, as much as you can, in conformity with the laws of my kingdom, and taking requisite care for the Catholic religion, in order, by that means, to attract the Divine benediction on you, which will cause your undertakings and actions to succeed, to the glory of God, whom I pray to have you in His holy keeping.

"Louis..

(And below) "Brulart.

"Written at Paris, the 7th day of May 1620."

In the course of May 1620, Champlain at last again set sail for New France with his family, and after being nearly two months at sea, cast anchor in July opposite the mill of Baudé, about a league from Tadoussac, where, as usual, his first care was to return thanks to God for the preservation of himself and his family, who had suffered much from the perils of a bad voyage. He found there a vessel, on board of which was his wife's brother, the Sieur Boullé, who was greatly surprised at seeing his sister, marvelling how she had ventured to pass the dangerous sea. Champlain also learned that the old opponents of the company, the Rochelle people, had sent two vessels, of seventy and eighty-five tons respectively, to trade, in spite of the king's prohibition; that they had obtained a great quantity of peltry and other merchandise, and, what was worse, had supplied the natives with firearms and powder and ball.

Champlain is very bitter against the Rochellois (who were Protestants), calling them "meschans larrons"—wicked rascals, "who came into the country to suborn the savages, and hold very pernicious and bad discourse about our religion, in order to render us odious!"

On the 11th of July Champlain left Tadoussac for Quebec, with his family, three missionaries, whom he had brought out with him, his brother-in-law, Boullé, and Guers, his commissary, and immediately on arriving he proceeded to the chapel to give thanks to God. On the morrow, after mass, "a sermon of exhortation" was preached by a Recollet father, explaining to all their duty towards the king and the Duke de Montmorency, and to Champlain as their lieutenant; after which Guers, the commissary, read publicly the king's and the viceroy's commissions, appointing Champlain to the sole command of the colony; "which being done, every one cried 'Vive le roy,' the cannon was fired in token of joy, and thus I took possession of the settlement and the country."

Champlain, thus fairly installed in his government, immediately bestirred himself to bring matters to some state of order, which, during his absence in France, had fallen into confusion and neglect,—the buildings almost in ruins, the gardens unenclosed, and the land badly and scantily cultivated. In a short time, however, the houses were rapidly and solidly restored, and the settlement resumed an appearance of progress and prosperity. His next care was to erect a fort on the heights which commanded the narrowest part of the river, notwithstanding the objections which were made by the associates and their agents. Guers, the commissary, was sent with six men to Trois Rivières, where Du Pont Gravé and the clerks of the company were, to see how affairs were going on in that quarter. The change of viceroy and alteration of the arrangements were so displeasing to some of the company's people, that Du Pont Gravé resolved on returning to France with some of the disaffected, and Champlain remained to govern his little colony, which then consisted of sixty persons, men, women, priests, and children, of whom ten men were employed in the religious seminary, but at the expense of the mission. He continued to occupy himself with building and fortifying with his accustomed activity, but he was not permitted to remain long untroubled. In the spring of 1621 a vessel arrived from France commanded by a Captain de May, who brought letters announcing a complete change in the intentions of the viceroy and in the affairs of the company, and which soon converted the tranquillity of the settlement into something approaching to open rebellion.

The letter of the viceroy was as follows.

"Monsieur Champlain,—For many reasons I have thought fit to exclude the former company of Rouen and St. Malo from the trade with New France, and to assist you and provide you with everything necessary, I have chosen the Sieurs de Caen, uncle and nephew, and their associates; one is a good merchant, the other a good naval captain, who can aid you well, and make the authority of the king respected in my government. I recommend you to assist him and those who shall apply to you on his part, so as to maintain them in the enjoyment of the articles which I have granted them. I have charged the Sieur Dolu, intendant of the affairs of the country, to send you a copy of the treaty by the first voyage, so that you may know to what they are bound, in order that they may execute their engagement, as, on my part, I desire to perform what I have promised. I have taken care to preserve your appointments, as I believe you will continue to serve the king well. Your most affectionate and perfect friend,

"Montmorency.

"From Paris, 2nd February, 1621."

The king also honoured him with a flattering letter in these terms:

"Champlain,—I have perceived by your letters of the 15th of August, with what affection you work at your establishment, and for all that regards the good of my service; for which, as I am thankful to you, so I shall have pleasure in recognizing it to your advantage whenever the occasion shall offer; and I have willingly granted some munitions of war, which were required to give you better means to subsist and to continue in that good duty, which I promise myself from your care and fidelity.

"Louis.

"Paris, this 24th February, 1621."

The letters of the intendant, M. Dolu, informed him that he must stop the trading of the clerks of the old company and seize all the merchandise, on account of the claims which the king and Monsieur de Montmorency had against them for not having fulfilled their engagement of sending out people and "material," to which, by their articles, they were bound. That, as for the Sieur de Caen, although he was of the contrary religion, yet he gave hopes of becoming a Catholic, but that Champlain was not to suffer the practice of his actual faith either by sea or land. De Caen wrote that he had arrived with two vessels, well armed and equipped with every necessary, and was the bearer of letters from the viceroy and M. Dolu, enjoining Champlain to change or do nothing without communicating to him (De Caen), who had force enough with him, being also furnished with orders in his favour, to seize the ships and merchandise of the old company, and in the mean time Champlain was to take charge of the peltry, etc., till they could be legally seized and taken.

The clerks of the company, however, were not disposed to give up their property so easily, unless Champlain could shew some letter or order of the king to that effect, which he could not do. He promised them not to make any innovation until De Caen should arrive with the commands of his majesty, which must be obeyed, and in the meantime Captain De May should not be allowed to trade. This latter was despatched by Champlain to inform De Caen of what had occurred, and of the state in which matters were, and to beg him to send some men to reinforce him. De May returned on the 3rd June, bringing ten men with him, and the intelligence of the arrival of Du Pont Gravé from France in a vessel of one hundred and fifty tons, and sixty-five men, accompanied by all the clerks of the old company. This singularly complicated matters, and obliged Champlain to act with great circumspection, lest the people of the old company, being in the majority, should turn the tables and seize the vessel and cargo of De May. So he placed his brother-in-law, Boullé, with De May and sixteen men, and plenty of provisions, arms, and ammunition, in the little fort which he was building; continuing the works, also, as fast as possible, so as to be in a fit state of defence. "And then," says Champlain, "Nous parlerons à cheval!" He removed into the village or town of the settlement, which was protected by the fort, giving De May certain orders how to act in case of need.

On the 7th June the old company's clerks arrived, wherefore Champlain made his men stand to their arms as a measure of precaution, and after some debate, as De Caen had not arrived or forwarded his commission, and as Champlain had no positive orders to the contrary, they were allowed to proceed with their goods up the river to trade. The clerks then asked for arms, and wished that the peltry already in the magazine should be given up to them; but to both Champlain demurred, saying that as they had not brought him any provisions or munitions for the settlement, he must keep both weapons and skins, in order to defend himself, or exchange the peltry for food in case of need. He thus with great prudence kept matters in equilibrium for the moment, sending again to De Caen to hasten his arrival with reinforcements and the orders of the king.

On the 13th, Du Pont Gravé arrived at Quebec, with goods and twelve men. Champlain told him the arrangement he had made with the clerks, on which Du Pont Gravé continued his route to Trois Rivières to trade with the Indians, confiding in Champlain's promise to do justice to all till the king's commands should arrive. De Caen, on the 15th, wrote to Champlain to go to him at Tadoussac (which he then refused), and to give notice to the Indians of his arrival, and warn them that they were not to trade with any others. To make the confusion complete, on the 17th, Champlain received letters stating that the old company had obtained a judgment authorizing them to trade for the year 1621, conjointly with the new company (De Caen's). As De Caen did not arrive, and the departure of the clerks, Du Pont Gravé, and his people, for the upper part of the river had, for the present, removed all danger from the fort and settlement, Champlain resolved to go down to Tadoussac, leaving De May in command. On his arrival he had long "discourse" with De Caen, wherein he gave him very good counsel as to the obedience to be given to the orders of the king and governor; which De Caen promised, but wished the peltry, etc., which had been already collected to be delivered to him. Champlain declined, unless he could produce specific orders to that effect, which De Caen averred that he had, but would not produce; and getting angry, and consequently obstinate, declared that, if his wish was not complied with, he would seize Du Pont Gravé's ship, by force, if necessary. Champlain replied, that in that case he should take the vessel under his protection and safeguard, so that the forms of justice might be preserved, and that De Caen, having superior force, might afterwards do as he pleased on his own responsibility; and therefore sent to take possession of the ship. De Caen then also sent a force to occupy the vessel, declaring he would punish those who should resist; on which Champlain, under protest of the employment of "force majeure", withdrew, thus preserving his prerogative while matters were in suspense, without having recourse to violence.

But while the partisans of the two companies were thus contending for the trade, neither making much progress, one of Champlain's abominations, a little Rochellois vessel, came in quietly, and carried off great part of the object in dispute—trading with the natives, selling powder and guns and warlike stores, and packing up peltry under their very noses; and when at last Champlain and De Caen in great indignation sent to catch the interloper—the bird had flown. De Caen, however, seems to have gained but little by the great fuss that he made, for after sending in some arms and ammunition to the settlement (which, by the way, Champlain plainly hints were not by any means all that had been sent), and settled his affairs for a time, he left for France on the 18th August, and Du Pont Gravé shortly followed him, leaving Champlain once more to finish building his fort and rule his little colony in peace.

The end of all this turmoil was, that the rival companies "amalgamated" in the following year.

Being now tranquil, and free to occupy himself without interruption for the good of the settlement and the country, Champlain passed the year 1622 and the following in building—not forgetting his favourite fort—in clearing land, establishing fisheries, and in strengthening and consolidating the trade. He also made peace between the friendly tribes of Indians and their old enemies the Iroquois, and having assured the good order of the colony, and his fort being nearly finished, he resolved to return to France for a time with his family. He accordingly embarked at Tadoussac on the 21st of August, 1624, and on the 1st of October entered the harbour of Dieppe. After a two days repose he proceeded with his suite to St. Germains, to give a report to the king and the viceroy of his proceedings, and of the events which had occurred during his four years absence. He found the two companies again at loggerheads, and their continued disputes so worried the Duke de Montmorency, that he gave up the viceroyalty—"qui luy rompuist plus la teste, que ses affaires plus importantes"—to the Duke de Ventadour (for "a consideration," however, according to the practice of the time), who, "animated by the zeal and affection which he had to see the glory of God flourish in those barbarous lands," sent out six Jesuits in the following year at his own expense. [20]

The new viceroy also appointed Champlain his lieutenant in New France, and he remained in Paris partly to give the duke some insight into the affairs of the colony, partly for his private affairs; the Sieur De Caen also received a commission (or had it renewed), from the new governor, and prepared to continue his voyages; but he seems to have had a taste for disputes and litigation, as he contrived to pick a quarrel with the united companies, in which, however, he got the better of them, and was permitted to send out vessels; one of the conditions being, "that the command should be given to a catholic."