A JOURNAL OF THE FIRST VOYAGE OF VASCO DA GAMA IN 1497-99. (continued 2)

[The Merchandise removed to Calecut, June 24.]

On Sunday, the 24th of June, being the day of St. John the Baptist, the merchandise left for Calecut. The captain then ordered that all our people should visit that town by turns, and in the following manner:—Each ship was to send a man ashore, on whose return another should be sent. In this way all would have their turn, and would be able to make such purchases as they desired. These men were made welcome by the Christians along the road, who showed much pleasure when one of them entered a house, to eat or to sleep, and they gave them freely of all they had. At the same time many men came on board our ships to sell us fish in exchange for bread, and they were made welcome by us. Many of them were accompanied by their sons and little children, and the captain ordered that they should be fed. All this was done for the sake of establishing relations of peace and amity, and to induce them to speak well of us and not evil. So great was the number of these visitors that sometimes it was night before we could get rid of them; and this was due to the dense population of the country and the scarcity of food. It even happened that when some of our men were engaged in mending a sail, and took biscuits with them to eat, that old and young fell upon them, took the biscuits out of their hands, and left them nothing to eat.

In this manner all on board ship went on land by twos and threes, taking with them bracelets, clothes, new shirts, and other articles, which they desired to sell. We did not, however, effect these sales at the prices hoped for when we arrived at Moncobiquy [Moçambique], for a very fine shirt which in Portugal fetches 300 reis, was worth here only two fanôes,181 which is equivalent only to 30 reis, for 30 reis in this country is a big sum. And just as we sold shirts cheaply so we sold other things, in order to take some things away from this country, if only for samples. Those who visited the city bought there cloves, cinnamon, and precious stones; and having bought what they desired they came back to the ships, without any one speaking to them.

When the captain found the people of the country so well disposed, he left a factor with the merchandise, together with a clerk and some other men.

[Diogo Dias Carries a Message to the King, August 13.]

When the time arrived for our departure the captain-major sent a present to the king, consisting of amber, corals, and many other things. At the same time he ordered the king to be informed that he desired to leave for Portugal, and that if the king would send some people with him to the King of Portugal, he would leave behind him a factor, a clerk and some other men, in charge of the merchandise. In return for the present he begged on behalf of his lord [the King of Portugal] for a bahar182 of cinnamon, a bahar of cloves, as also samples of such other spices as he thought proper, saying that the factor would pay for them, if he desired it.

Four days were allowed to pass after the dispatch of this message before speech could be had with the king. And when the bearer of it entered the place where the king was, he (the king) looked at him with a “bad face,” and asked what he wanted. The bearer then delivered his message, as explained above, and then referred to the present which had been sent. The king said that what he brought ought to have been sent to his factor, and that he did not want to look at it. He then desired the captain to be informed that as he wished to depart he should pay him 600 xerafins,183 and that then he might go: this was the custom of the country and of those who came to it. Diogo Dias, who was the bearer of the message, said he would return with this reply to the captain. But when he left [the palace] certain men followed him, and when he arrived at the house in Calecut where the merchandise was deposited, they put a number of men inside with him to watch that none of it was sent away. At the same time proclamation was made throughout the town prohibiting all boats from approaching our ships.

When they [the Portuguese] saw that they were prisoners, they sent a young negro who was with them along the coast to seek for some one to take him to the ships, and to give information that they had been made prisoners by order of the king. The negro went to the outskirts of the town, where there lived some fishermen, one of whom took him on board, on payment of three fanôes. This the fisherman ventured to do because it was dark, and they could not be seen from the city; and when he had put his passenger on board he at once departed. This happened on Monday, the 13th August, 1498.

This news made us sad; not only because we saw some of our men in the hands of our enemies, but also because it interfered with our departure. We also felt grieved that a Christian king, to whom we had given of ours, should do us such an ill turn. At the same time we did not hold him as culpable as he seemed to be, for we were well aware that the Moors of the place, who were merchants from Mecca and elsewhere, and who knew us, could ill digest us. They had told the king that we were thieves, and that if once we navigated to his country, no more ships from Mecca, nor from Quambaye [Cambay], nor from Imgros,184 nor from any other part, would visit him. They added that he would derive no profit from this [trade with Portugal] as we had nothing to give, but would rather take away, and that thus his country would be ruined. They, moreover, offered rich bribes to the king to capture and kill us, so that we should not return to Portugal.

All this the captain learnt from a Moor of the country,185 who revealed all that was intended to be done, warning the captains, and more especially the captain-major, against going on shore. In addition to what we learnt through the Moor, we were told by two Christians that if the captains went ashore their heads would be cut off, as this was the way the king dealt with those who came to his country without giving him gold.

Such then was the state of affairs. On the next day [August 14] no boats came out to the ships. On the day after that [August 15] there came an almadia, with four young men, who brought precious stones for sale; but it appeared to us that they came rather by order of the Moors, in order to see what we should do to them, than for the purpose of selling stones. The captain, however, made them welcome, and wrote a letter to his people on shore, which they took away with them. When the people saw that no harm befell them, there came daily many merchants, and others who were not merchants, from curiosity, and all were made welcome by us and given to eat.

On the following Sunday [August 19] about twenty-five men came. Among them were six persons of quality, and the captain perceived that through these we might recover the men who were detained as prisoners on land. He therefore laid hands upon them, and upon a dozen of the others, being eighteen186 in all. The rest he ordered to be landed in one of his boats, and gave them a letter to be delivered to the king’s Moorish factor, in which he declared that if he would restore the men who were being kept prisoners he would liberate those whom he had taken. When it became known that we had taken these men, a crowd proceeded to the house where our merchandise was kept, and conducted our men to the house of the factor, without doing them any harm.

On Thursday, the 23rd,187 of the same month, we made sail, saying we were going to Portugal, but hoped to be back soon, and that then they would know whether we were thieves. We anchored about four leagues to the leeward of Calecut, and we did this because of the headwind.

On the next day [August 24] we returned towards the land, but not being able to weather certain shoals in front of Calecut, we again stood off and anchored within sight of the city.

On Saturday [August 25] we again stood off and anchored so far out at sea that we could scarcely see the land. On Sunday [August 26] whilst at anchor, waiting for a breeze, a boat which had been on the lookout for us approached, and informed us that Diogo Dias was in the king’s house, and that if we liberated those whom we detained, he should be brought on board. The captain, however, was of opinion that he had been killed, and that they said this in order to detain us until they had completed their armaments, or until ships of Mecca able to capture us had arrived. He therefore bade them retire, threatening otherwise to fire his bombards upon them, and not to return without bringing him [Dias] and his men, or at least a letter from them. He added that unless this were done quickly he intended to take off the heads of his captives. A breeze then sprang up, and we sailed along the coast until we anchored.

[The King sends for Diogo Dias.]

When the king heard that we had sailed for Portugal, and that he was thus no longer able to carry his point, he thought of undoing the evil he had done. He sent for Diogo Dias, whom he received with marked kindness, and not in the way he did when he was the bearer of [Vasco’s] present. He asked why the captain had carried off these men. Diogo Dias said it was because the king would not allow him and his to return to the ships, and detained them as prisoners in the city. The king said he had done well. He then asked whether his factor had asked for anything,188 giving us to understand that he was ignorant of the matter, and that the factor alone was responsible for this extortion. Turning to his factor, he asked whether he was unaware that quite recently he had killed another factor because he had levied tribute upon some merchants that had come to this country? The king then said: “Go you back to the ships, you and the others who are with you; tell the captain to send me back the men he took; that the pillar, which I understood him to say he desires to be erected on the land shall be taken away by those who bring you back, and put up; and, moreover, that you will remain here with the merchandise.” At the same time he forwarded a letter to the captain, which had been written for him by Diogo Dias with an iron pen upon a palm-leaf, as is the custom of the country, and which was intended for the King of Portugal. The tenor189 of this letter was as follows:—

“Vasco da Gama, a gentleman of your household, came to my country, whereat I was pleased. My country is rich in cinnamon, cloves, ginger, pepper, and precious stones. That which I ask of you in exchange is gold, silver, corals and scarlet cloth.”

[Off Calecut, August 27-30.] On Monday, the 27th of this month, in the morning, whilst we were at anchor, seven boats with many people in them brought Diogo Dias and the other [Portuguese] who were with him. Not daring to put him on board, they placed him in the captain’s long boat, which was still attached to the stern. They had not brought the merchandise, for they believed that Diogo Dias would return with them. But once the captain had them back on board, he would not allow them to return to the land. The pillar190 he gave to those in the boat, as the king had given orders for it to be set up. He also gave up, in exchange, the six most distinguished among his prisoners, keeping six others, whom he promised to surrender if on the morrow the merchandise were restored to him.

On Tuesday [August 28], in the morning, whilst at anchor, a Moor of Tunis,191 who spoke our language, took refuge on board one of our ships, saying, that all he had had been taken from him, that worse might happen, and that this was his usual luck. The people of the country, he said, charged him with being a Christian, who had come to Calecut by order of the King of Portugal; for this reason he preferred going away with us, rather than remain in a country where any day he might be killed.

At ten o’clock seven boats with many people in them approached us. Three of them carried on their benches the striped cloth which we had left on land, and we were given to understand that this was all the merchandise which belonged to us.192 These three came to within a certain distance of the ships, whilst the other four kept away. We were told that if we sent them their men in one of our boats they would give our merchandise in exchange for them. However, we saw through their cunning, and the captain-major told them to go away, saying that he cared nought for the merchandise, but wanted to take these men to Portugal.193 He warned them at the same time to be careful, as he hoped shortly to be back in Calecut, when they would know whether we were thieves, as had been told them by the Moors.

On Wednesday, the 29th [of August], the captain-major and the other captains agreed that, inasmuch that we had discovered the country we had come in search of, as also spices and precious stones, and it appeared impossible to establish cordial relations with the people, it would be as well to take our departure. And it was resolved that we should take with us the men whom we detained, as, on our return to Calecut, they might be useful to us in establishing friendly relations. We therefore set sail and left for Portugal, greatly rejoicing at our good fortune in having made so great a discovery.

On Thursday [August 30], at noon, being becalmed about a league below [that is, north of] Calecut, about seventy boats approached us.194 They were crowded with people wearing a kind of cuirass made of red cloth, folded. Their weapons for the body, the arms and the head were these195.... When these boats came within the range of our bombards, the captain-major ordered us to fire upon them. They followed us for about an hour and a half, when there arose a thunderstorm which carried us out to sea; and when they saw they could no longer do us harm they turned back, whilst we pursued our route.

[Calecut and its Commerce.]

From this country of Calecut, or Alta India,196 come the spices which are consumed in the East and the West, in Portugal, as in all other countries of the world, as also precious stones of every, description. The following spices are to be found in this city of Calecut, being its own produce: much ginger and pepper and cinnamon, although the last is not of so fine a quality as that brought from an island called Çillan [Ceylon],197 which is eight days journey from Calecut. Calecut is the staple for all this cinnamon. Cloves are brought to this city from an island called Melequa [Malacca].198 The Mecca vessels carry these spices from there to a city in Mecca199 called Judeâ [Jidda], and from the said island to Judeâ is a voyage of fifty days sailing before the wind, for the vessels of this country cannot tack. At Judeâ they discharge their cargoes, paying customs duties to the Grand Sultan.200 The merchandise is then transshipped to smaller vessels, which carry it through the Red Sea to a place close to Santa Catarina of Mount Sinai, called Tuuz,201 where customs dues are paid once more. From that place the merchants carry the spices on the back of camels, which they hire at the rate of 4 cruzados each, to Quayro [Cairo], a journey occupying ten days. At Quayro duties are paid again. On this road to Cairo they are frequently robbed by thieves, who live in that country, such as the Bedouins and others.

At Cairo the spices are embarked on the river Nile, which rises in Prester John’s country in Lower India, and descending that river for two days they reach a place called Roxette [Rosetta], where duties have to be paid once more. There they are placed on camels, and are conveyed in one day to a city called Alexandria, which is a sea-port. This city is visited by the galleys of Venice and Genoa, in search of these spices, which yield the Grand Sultan a revenue of 600,000 cruzados202 in customs duties, out of which he pays to a king called Cidadym203 an annual subsidy of 100,000 cruzados for making war upon Prester John. The title of Grand Sultan is bought for money, and does not pass from father to son.

[The Voyage Home.]

I now again speak of our voyage home.

Going thus along the coast we kept tacking, with the aid of the land and sea breezes, for the wind was feeble. When becalmed in the day we lay to.

On Monday, September 10, the captain-major landed one of the men whom we had taken, and who had lost an eye, with a letter to the Çamolin, written in Moorish [Arabic] by one of the Moors who came with us.204 The country where we landed this Moor was called Compia,205 and its king, Biaquolle, was at war with the King of Calecut.

On the following day [September 11], whilst becalmed, boats approached the ships, and the boatmen, who offered fish for sale, came on board without exhibiting any fear.

[Santa Maria Islands.]206

On Saturday, the 15th of said month, we found ourselves near some islets, about two leagues from the land. We there launched a boat and put up a pillar on one of these islets, which we called Santa Maria, the king having ordered three pillars (padrãos), to be named S. Raphael, S. Gabriel, and Santa Maria. We had thus succeeded in erecting these three, scilicet, the first, that of S. Raphael, on the Rio dos bons signaes; the second, that of S. Gabriel, at Calecut; and this, the last, named Santa Maria.

Here again many boats came to us with fish, and the captain made the boatmen happy by presenting them with shirts. He asked them whether they would be glad if he placed a pillar upon the island. They said that they would be very glad indeed, for its erection would confirm the fact that we were Christians like themselves. The pillar was consequently erected in much amity.

[Anjediva, September 20 to October 5.]207

That same night, with a land breeze, we made sail and pursued our route. On the following Thursday, the 20th of the month,208 we came to a hilly country, very beautiful and salubrious, close to which there were six small islands.

There we anchored, near the land, and launched a boat to take in water and wood to last us during our voyage across the Gulf, which we hoped to accomplish, if the wind favoured us. On landing we met a young man, who pointed out to us a spring of excellent water rising between two hills on the bank of a river. The captain-major gave this man a cap, and asked whether he was a Moor or a Christian. The man said that he was a Christian, and when told that we too were Christians he was much pleased.

On the following day [September 21] an almadia came to us with four men, who brought gourds and cucumbers. The captain-major asked whether cinnamon, ginger, or any other spices were to be found in this country. They said there was plenty of cinnamon, but no other kind of spice. The captain at once sent two men with them to the mainland to bring him a sample, and they were taken to a wood where a large number of trees yielding cinnamon were growing, and they cut off two big branches, with their foliage. When we went in our boats to fetch water we met these two men with their cinnamon branches, and they were accompanied by about twenty others, who brought the captain fowls, cow-milk and gourds. They asked the captain to send these two men along with them, as there was much dry cinnamon not far off, which they would show them, and of which they would bring samples.209

Having taken in water we returned to the ships, and these men promised to come on the ensuing day to bring a present of cows, pigs and fowls.

Early on the next morning [September 22] we observed two vessels close to the land, about two leagues off, but took no further notice of them. We cut wood whilst waiting for the tide to enable us to enter the river to take in water, and being thus engaged it struck the captain that these vessels were larger than he had thought at first. He therefore ordered us into the boats, as soon as we had eaten, and sent us to find out whether these vessels belonged to Moors or Christians. After his return on board, the captain-major ordered a mariner to go aloft and look out for vessels, and this man reported that out in the open sea and at a distance of about six leagues he saw eight vessels becalmed. The captain, when he heard this, at once gave orders to sink these vessels. They, as soon as they felt the breeze, put the helm hard a-lee, and when they were abreast of us, at a distance of a couple of leagues, and we thought they might discover us, we made for them. When they saw us coming they bore away for the land. One of them being disabled, owing to her helm breaking, the men in her made their escape in the boat, which they dragged astern, and reached the land in safety. We, who were nearest to that vessel, at once boarded her, but found nothing in her except provisions, coco-nuts, four jars of palm-sugar, and arms, all the rest being sand used as ballast. The seven other vessels grounded, and we fired upon them from our boats.

On the following morning [September 23], whilst at anchor, seven men in a boat visited us, and they told us that these vessels had come from Calecut in search of us, and that if they had succeeded in taking us we should have been killed.210

On the following morning, having left this place, we anchored at a distance of two bombard-shots from the place at which we had been at first, and close to an island, where we had been told that water would be found.211 The captain-major at once sent Nicolau Coelho in an armed boat in search for this watering place. He came there upon the ruins of a large stone church which had been destroyed by the Moors, with the exception of a chapel which had been roofed with straw. This, at least, was told us by the natives of the country, who prayed there to three black stones which stood in the middle of the chapel.212 Beside this church we discovered a tank of the same workmanship as the church itself—that is, built of hewn stone—from which we took as much water as we needed. Another tank, of large size and four fathoms deep, occupied the highest part of the island. On the beach, in front of the church, we careened the Berrio and the ship of the captain-major. The Raphael was not drawn up on the beach, on account of difficulties which will be referred to further on.

Being one day in the Berrio, which was drawn up on the beach, there approached two large boats, or fustas,213 crowded with people. They rowed to the sound of drums and bagpipes, and displayed flags at the masthead. Five other boats remained on the coast for their protection. As they came nearer we asked the people whom we had with us who they were. They told us not to allow them to come on board, as they were robbers who would seize us if they could. The people of this country, they said, carried arms and boarded vessels as if they came as friends, and having succeeded, and feeling strong enough, they laid hands upon them. For this reason they were fired upon from the Raphael and the captain-major’s ship, as soon as they came within range of our bombards. They began to shout “Tambaram,”214 which meant that they were Christians, for the Christians of India call God “Tambaram.” When they found that we took no notice of this, they fled towards the land. Nicolau Coelho pursued them for a short distance, when he was recalled by a signal flag on the ship of the captain-major.

On the following day, whilst the captain and many of our people were on land, careening the Berrio, there arrived two small boats with a dozen well-dressed men in them, who brought a bundle of sugar-cane as a present for the captain-major. After they had landed they asked permission to see the ships. The captain thought they were spies, and grew angry. Just then two other boats, with as many people, made their appearance, but those who had come first, seeing that the captain was not favourably disposed towards them, warned these new-comers not to land, but to turn back. They, too, re-embarked at once, and went away.

Whilst the ship of the captain-major was being careened there arrived a man,215 about forty years of age, who spoke Venetian well. He was dressed in linen, wore a fine touca on his head, and a sword in his belt. He had no sooner landed than he embraced the captain-major and the captains, and said that he was a Christian from the west, who had come to this country in early youth; that he was now in the service of a Moorish lord,216 who could muster 40,000 horsemen; that he, too, had become a Moor, although at heart still a Christian. He said that, being one day at his master’s house, news was brought that men had arrived at Calecut, whose speech none could understand, and who were wholly clad; that when he heard this he said that these strangers must be Franks, for this is the name by which we [Europeans] are known in these parts. He then begged permission of his master to be allowed to visit us, saying that a refusal would cause him to die of sorrow. His master thereupon had told him to go and tell us that we might have anything in his country which suited us, including ships and provisions, and that if we desired to remain permanently it would give him much pleasure. When the captain had cordially thanked him for these offers, which appeared to him to have been made in good faith, our visitor asked as a favour that a cheese be given him, which he desired to take to one of his companions who had remained on the mainland, as a token that all had gone well. The captain ordered a cheese and two soft loaves to be given to him. He remained on the island, talking so much and about so many things, that at times he contradicted himself.

Paulo da Gama, in the meanwhile, had sought the Christians who had come with this visitor, and asked who he was. They said he was a pirate (armador), who had come to attack us, and that his ships, with many people in them, had remained on the coast. Knowing this much, and conjecturing the rest, we seized him, took him to the vessel drawn up on the beach, and there began to thrash him, in order to make him confess whether he was really a pirate, or what was the object with which he had come to us. He then told us that he was well aware that the whole country was ill-disposed towards us, and that numbers of armed men were around, hidden within the creeks, but that they would not for the present venture to attack us, as they were expecting some forty vessels which were being armed to pursue us. He added that he did not know when they would be ready to attack us. As to himself he said nothing except what he had said at first. Afterwards he was “questioned”217 three or four times, and although he did not definitely say so, we understood from his gestures that he had come to see the ships, so that he might know what sort of people we were, and how we were armed.

At this island we remained twelve days, eating much fish, which was brought for sale from the mainland, as also many pumpkins and cucumbers. They also brought us boat-loads of green cinnamon-wood with the leaves still on. When our ships had been careened, and we had taken in as much water as we needed, and had broken up the vessel which we had captured, we took our departure. This happened on Friday, October 5.218

Before the vessel referred to was broken up, its captain offered us 1000 fanões for it, but the captain-major said that it was not for sale, and as it belonged to an enemy he preferred to burn it.

When we were about two hundred leagues out at sea, the Moor whom we had taken with us declared that the time for dissembling was now past. It was true that he had heard at the house of his master that we had lost ourselves along the coast, and were unable to find our way home; that for this reason many vessels had been despatched to capture us; and that his master had sent him to find out what we were doing and to entice us to his country, for if a privateer had taken us he would not have received a share of the booty, whilst if we had landed within his territory we should have been completely in his power, and being valiant men, he could have employed us in his wars with the neighbouring kings. This reckoning, however, was made without the host.

[The Voyage across the Arabian Sea.]

Owing to frequent calms and foul winds it took us three months less three days to cross this gulf,219 and all our people again suffered from their gums, which grew over their teeth, so that they could not eat. Their legs also swelled, and other parts of the body, and these swellings spread until the sufferer died, without exhibiting symptoms of any other disease. Thirty of our men died in this manner—an equal number having died previously—and those able to navigate each ship were only seven or eight, and even these were not as well as they ought to have been. I assure you that if this state of affairs had continued for another fortnight, there would have been no men at all to navigate the ships. We had come to such a pass that all bonds of discipline had gone. Whilst suffering this affliction we addressed vows and petitions to the saints on behalf of our ships. The captains had held council, and they had agreed that if a favourable wind enabled us we would return to India whence we had come.

But it pleased God in his mercy to send us a wind which, in the course of six days, carried us within sight of land, and at this we rejoiced as much as if the land we saw had been Portugal, for with the help of God we hoped to recover our health there, as we had done once before.220

This happened on January 2, 1499.221 It was night when we came close to the land, and for this reason we put about ship and lay to. In the morning [January 3] we reconnoitred the coast, so as to find out whither the Lord had taken us, for there was not a pilot on board, nor any other man who could tell on the chart in what place we were. Some said that we must be among certain islands off Moçambique, about 300 leagues from the mainland;222 and they said this because a Moor whom we had taken at Moçambique had asserted that these islands were very unhealthy, and that their inhabitants suffered from the same disease which had afflicted us.

[Magadoxo.]

We found ourselves off a large town, with houses of several stories, big palaces in its centre, and four towers around it. This town faced the sea, belonged to the Moors, and was called Magadoxo.223 When we were quite close to it we fired off many bombards,224 and continued along the coast with a fair wind. We went on thus during the day, but lay to at night, as we did not know how far we were from Milingue [Malindi] whither we wished to go.

On Saturday, the 5th of the month, being becalmed, a thunderstorm burst upon us, and tore the ties of the Raphael. Whilst repairing these a privateer came out from a town called Pate225 with eight boats and many men, but as soon as he came within reach of our bombards we fired upon him, and he fled. There being no wind we were not able to follow him.

[Malindi.]

On Monday, the 7th [of January]226 we again cast anchor off Milindy, when the king at once sent off to us a long boat holding many people, with a present of sheep, and a message to the captain-major, bidding him welcome. The king said that he had been expected for days past, and gave expression to his amicable and peaceable sentiments. The captain-major sent a man on shore with these messengers with instructions to bring off a supply of oranges, which were much desired by our sick. These he brought on the following day, as also other kinds of fruit; but our sick did not much profit by this, for the climate affected them in such a way that many of them died here. Moors also came on board, by order of the king, offering fowls and eggs.

When the captain saw that all this attention was shown us at a time when we stood so much in need of it, he sent a present to the king, and also a message by the mouth of one of our men who spoke Arabic, begging for a tusk of ivory to be given to the King [of Portugal], his Lord, and asking that a pillar be placed on the land as a sign of friendship. The king replied that he would do what was asked out of love for the King of Portugal, whom he desired to serve; and, in fact, he at once ordered a tusk to be taken to the captain and ordered the pillar to be erected.227

He also sent a young Moor,228 who desired to go with us to Portugal, and whom he recommended strongly to the captain-major, saying that he sent him in order that the King of Portugal might know how much he desired his friendship.

Vasco da Gama’s Pillar at Malindi. (From a photograph by Sir John Kirk.)

The Figure-head of the S. Raphael.

We remained five days at this place enjoying ourselves, and reposing from the hardships endured during a passage in the course of which all of us had been face to face with death.

[Malindi to São Braz.]

We left on Friday [January 11], in the morning, and on Saturday, which was the 12th of the month, we passed close to Mombaça. On Sunday [January 13] we anchored at the Baixos de S. Raphael,229 where we set fire to the ship of that name, as it was impossible for us to navigate three vessels with the few hands that remained to us. The contents of this ship were transferred to the two other ships. We were here fifteen days,230 and from a town in front of us, called Tamugate,231 many fowls were brought to us for sale or barter in exchange for shirts and bracelets.

On Sunday, the 27th, we left this place with a fair wind. During the following night we lay to, and in the morning [January 28] we came close to a large island called Jamgiber [Zanzibar], which is peopled by Moors, and is quite ten leagues232 from the mainland. Late on February 1, we anchored off the island of S. Jorge, near Moçambique and left at once. On the following day [February 2], in the morning, we set up a pillar in that island, where we had said mass on going out. The rain fell so heavily that we could not light a fire for melting the lead to fix the cross, and it therefore remained without one. We then returned to the ships.

On March 3 we reached the Angra de São Braz, where we caught many anchovies, seals and penguins, which we salted for our voyage. On the 12th we left, but when ten or twelve leagues from the watering-place the wind blew so strongly from the west, that we were compelled to return to this bay.

[São Braz to the Rio Grande.]

When the wind fell we started once more, and the Lord gave us such a good wind that on the 20th we were able to double the Cape of Good Hope. Those who had come so far were in good health and quite robust, although at times nearly dead from the cold winds which we experienced. This feeling, however, we attributed less to the cold than to the heat of the countries from which we had come.

We pursued our route with a great desire of reaching home. For twenty-seven days233 we had the wind astern, and were carried by it to the neighbourhood of the island of São Thiago. To judge from our charts we were within a hundred leagues from it, but some supposed we were quite near. But the wind fell and we were becalmed. The little wind there was came from ahead. Thunderstorms,234 which came from the land, enabled us to tell our whereabouts, and we plied to windward as well as we could.

On Thursday, the 25th of April, we had soundings of 35 fathoms. All that day we followed our route, and the least sounding we had was 20 fathoms. We nevertheless could get no sight of the land, but the pilots told us that we were near the shoals of the Rio Grande.235

[Here the Journal ends abruptly. The succeeding events may be shortly stated. Vasco da Gama and Coelho were separated in a storm, according to Resende. Coelho continued his voyage, arriving at Cascaes, below Lisbon, on July 10, 1499. Vasco da Gama, having waited one day for his consort, proceeded to the island of São Thiago, placed João de Sá in charge of the S. Gabriel, and chartered a caravel in which he conveyed his dying brother Paulo to the island of Terceira. João de Sá arrived soon after Coelho, and certainly anterior to August 28th, on which day the king addressed a letter to the Cardinal Protector of Portugal (see Appendix). Paulo died a day after he had landed at the Angra of Terceira, and was buried in the church of the Monastery of S. Francisco.236 A resident of Terceira, one Arthur Rodriguez, at once started in a caravel to carry the news of Vasco da Gama’s arrival to Lisbon.

The date of Vasco da Gama’s return to Lisbon is not known with certainty. The commission appointed in 1871 to remove the remains of Vasco da Gama from the church of Vidigueira to Belem made every effort to ascertain the exact date, but in vain; and whilst Barros, Goes, and Pero Barretto de Resende state that it happened on August 29th, Castanheda fixes upon September 8th, and a MS. in the Torre do Tombo, consulted by Texeira de Aragão, has September 18th. Herculano, in a note to the second edition of the “Roteiro”, is content with saying that it happened at the end of August or at the beginning of September. Texeira de Aragão assumes (on the ground of a vague expression in De Barros) that he reached Terceira on August 29th, arrived at Lisbon on September 9th, and made his triumphal entry into the town on September 18th. This assumption is partly supported by the statement of Barros that Vasco da Gama, after his arrival at Belem, on account of the loss he had suffered in the death of a beloved brother, spent nine days in retirement.237

I am myself inclined to believe that Vasco da Gama reached Lisbon on August 29th, and made his triumphal entry on September 8th.]

[THE KINGDOMS TO THE SOUTH OF CALECUT.]

The following are the names of certain kingdoms on the coast to the south of Calecut, together with the productions of each, and what they are worth, all of which I have learnt in the most trustworthy manner from a man who spoke our language and who had come to those parts from Alexandria thirty years before.238

Calecut, where we were. The articles of merchandise mentioned below are sent to it, and the vessels of Mecca take their cargoes to that city. The King, who is called Çamolim, can muster 100,000 fighting men, including auxiliaries, for the number under his proper jurisdiction is very small.

In the following we give the articles of merchandise brought thither in the vessels of Mecca, and their value throughout this part of India239:—

Copper, of which the frazila of nearly 30 pounds is worth 50 fanãos or 3 cruzados.

Stone of Baqua,240 which is worth its weight in silver.

Knives, worth one fanão each.

Rosewater, worth 50 fanãos the frazila.

Alum, worth 50 fanãos the frazila.

Camlot, worth 7 cruzados the piece.

Red cloth, worth 2 cruzados the pequy241 of three spans (palmas).

Quicksilver, worth 10 cruzados the frazila.

Quorongoliz [Corongolor]242 is a Christian country and the king is a Christian. Its distance from Calecut by sea, and with a favourable wind, is 3 days. The king can muster 40,000 fighting men. There is much pepper, the frazila being worth 9 fanãos, whilst at Calecut it is worth 14.

Coleu [Colam, Coulão]243 is Christian. Its distance from Calecut by sea, and with a good wind, is 10 days. The king can muster 10,000 men. There is much cotton-cloth in this country, but little pepper.

Caell [Cael],244 the king of which is a Moor, whilst the people are Christians. Its distance from Calecut, by sea, is 10 days. The king can assemble 4,000 fighting men, and owns 100 war-elephants. There are many pearls.

Chomandarla [Choramandel]245 is inhabited by Christians, and the king is a Christian. He can muster 100,000 men. There is much lac here, worth half a cruzado the frazila, and an extensive manufacture of cotton cloths.

Ceylam [Ceylon] is a very large island inhabited by Christians under a Christian king. It is 8 days from Calecut, with a favourable wind. The king can muster 4,000 men, and has moreover many elephants for war as well as for sale. All the fine cinnamon of India is found here, as well as many sapphires, superior to those of other countries,246 besides rubies, few but of good quality.

Camatarra [Sumatra] is Christian. It is 30 days from Calecut with a favourable wind. The king can muster 4,000 fighting men, and has 1,000 horsemen and 300 war-elephants. In this country much spun247 silk is found, worth 8 cruzados the frazila. There is also much lac, worth 10 cruzados the bahar of 20 frazilas [208 kilo.].

Xarnauz248 is Christian and has a Christian king. Its distance from Calecut is 50 days with a good wind. The king can muster 20,000 fighting men and 4,000 horse, and owns 400 war-elephants. In this country is found much benzoin,249 worth 3 cruzados the frazila, as also much aloes,250 worth 25 cruzados the frazila.

Tenacar251 is Christian with a Christian king. It is 40 days’ sail from Calecut, if the wind is favourable. The king can muster 10,000 fighting men and possesses 500 fighting elephants. In this country is found much Brazil-wood252 which yields a red dye, as fine as kermes, and is worth 3 cruzados the bahar, whilst at Quayro [Cairo] it fetches 60. There is likewise a little aloes.

Bemgala [Bengal].253 In this kingdom there are many Moors and few Christians, and the king is a Christian. He can muster 20,000 fighting men on foot and 10,000 horse. In this country there is much cloth made of cotton and of silk, and much silver. The distance from Calecut is 40 days’ sail, with a favourable wind.

Melequa [Malacca] is Christian with a Christian king. It is 40 days’ sail from Qualecut [Calecut], with a good wind. The king can muster 10,000 fighting men, including 1,200 horse. All cloves254 come from here, being worth on the spot 9 cruzados the bahar,255 as also nutmeg, which is worth the like amount. There is also much porcelain, much silk and much tin, of which last they coin money; but this money is heavy and of little value, 3 frazilas being worth only 1 cruzado. There are many big parrots in this country, whose plumage is red, like fire.

Peguo [Pegu] is Christian and has a Christian king. The inhabitants are as white as we are. The king can muster 20,000 fighting men, scilicet 10,000 horse and the others on foot, besides 400 war-elephants. This country produces all the musk256 of the world. The king possesses an island about four days’ sail, with a good wind, from the mainland. In this island there are animals like deer, who have pouches containing this musk, attached to their navels. At a certain period of each year they rub themselves against trees, when the pouches come off. It is then that the people of the country gather them. Their abundance is such that they give you four large pouches, or ten to twelve small ones, which would fill a large chest, for one cruzado. On the mainland many rubies257 and much gold are found. For ten cruzados as much gold may be bought here as for twenty-five at Calecut. There is also much lac and benzoin of two kinds, white and black. The frazila of white benzoin is worth three cruzados, of black only a cruzado and a half. The silver to be obtained here for ten cruzados is worth fifteen at Calecut.

The distance of this country from Calecut is thirty days with a fair wind.

Bemguala [Bengal]258 has a Moorish king, and is inhabited by both Moors and Christians. Its distance from Calecut is thirty-five days with a fair wind. There may be 25,000 fighting men, scilicet 10,000 horse and the remainder on foot, as also 400 war-elephants. In this country the following merchandise is found:—much corn and much cloth of great value. Cloth which may be bought here for ten cruzados is worth forty at Calecut. There is also much silver.

Conimata259 has a Christian king and Christian inhabitants. It is fifty days’ sail from Calecut, with a good wind.

The king can assemble five or six thousand men, and owns one thousand fighting elephants. In this country there are many sapphires and much brazil-wood.

Pater260 has Christian inhabitants and a Christian king, and there is not a single Moor. The king can assemble four thousand fighting men, and has a hundred war-elephants. In this country is found much rhubarb, the frazila on the spot being worth nine cruzados. There are also many spinel rubies and much lac, a bahar of which is worth four cruzados. The distance from Calecut is fifty days with a fair wind.

About Elephants.

How the Elephants fight in this country.

They make a house of wood holding four men, and this house is put on the back of the elephant with the four men in it. The elephant has attached five naked swords to each of his tusks, being ten for the two tusks. This renders him so redoubtable that none awaits his attack if flight is possible. Whatever those seated on the top order to be done is done as if he were a rational creature, for if they tell him “kill this one, or do this thing or another”, he does it.

How they capture Elephants in the Primeval Forests.

When they wish to capture a wild elephant they take a tame female, and dig a large hole on the track frequented by elephants, and cover its mouth with brushwood. They then tell the female “Go! and if you meet with an elephant, entice him to this hole, in such a way that he falls into it, but take care that you do not fall into it yourself.” She then goes away, and does as she has been told, and when she meets one she draws him on in such a way that he must fall into the hole, and the hole is so deep that unaided he could never get out of it.

How they are got out of the hole and broken-in.

After the elephant has fallen into this hole, five or six days are allowed to pass before he is given anything to eat. When that time has elapsed, a man brings him a very small supply of food, the supply being increased from day to day until he eats by himself. This is continued for about a month, during which time those who bring him food gradually tame him, until at last they venture to descend into the hole. This is done for several days until he permits the man to put his hands upon his tusks. He then goes into the hole and puts heavy chains around the legs, and whilst in this condition they train him so well that he learns all but to speak.

These elephants are kept in stables like horses, and a good elephant is worth 2,000 cruzados.261

Prices at Alexandria.262

[Value per Pound.]

£.s.d.

One quintal of cinnamonis worth25cruzados, 2 5

One”quin”al ofcloves”20cruz” 111

One”quin”al ofpepper”15cruz” 15

One”quin”al ofginger”21cruz” 20

(At Calecut one bahar, equal to 5 quintals, is worth 20 cruzados) 05

One quintal of nutmegis worth16cruz” 017

One”quin”al oflac”25cruz” 025

One”quin”al ofBrazil-wood”10cruz” 0110

One ratel of rhubarb”25cruz” 5160

One mitikal of musk”1cruz” 5054

One ratel of aloe-wood”2cruz” 0194

One ratel of benzoin”1cruz” 098

One quintal of frankincense”2cruz” 002½

(At Mecca the bahar is worth 2 cruzados) 000½

[A VOCABULARY OF MALAYALAM.]

This is the Language of Calecut.263

See, look!nocane [nōkka].

Hearest thou?que que ne [kēlka].

Take him awaycriane.

To drawbalichene [walikkān].

Ropecoraoo [kayara].

Largelylacany.

Give mecornda.

To drinkcarichany [kutippān].

Eattinane [tinmān].

Takey na.

I do not wish tototenda.

To gomareçane.

Go away!poo [pō].

Come here!baa [bā or wā].

Be silent!pote.

Rise!legany.

To throwcarecane [karikkān].

To speakpara ne [parane, speak thou].

Mad, sillymoto.

Seriousmonday decany.

Lamemura call [murakāl].

To fallbiamçe.

Many, muchbalidu [walare].

Badbetall [chītta].

Windclarle [kātta].

Littlechiredu [chiratu?].

Give himcriane.

Timber, woodmara [maram].

Stonecalou [kallu].

Teethfaley.

Lipsçire [chīra?].

Nosemuco [mūkka].

Eyescana [kanna].

Foreheadnecheim [nīcha?].

Hairtalanay [talla].

Headtabu.

Earscadee [chewi].

Tonguenaoo [nākka].

Neckcaestez.

[Breast]mulay [mula].

Breastsnane.

Armscarit.

Stomachbarri [wayara].

Legscali [kāla].

—canay.

—seyrim.

—cudo.

Hands lamguajem [kai].

Fingersbeda.

—cula.

Fishminy [mīna].

Mastmana.

Light, firetiir [tī].

To sleepteraquy.

Manamoo [āna].

Womenpena [penna].

Chin, beardtari.

Lobsterxame.

Parrottata [tatta].

Dovescayninaa.

—baly.

To kissmucane.

To bitecanchany [katikkān].

To see, looknoquany [nokkuwān].

To hearçegade [kēlkawān].

To beatcatane.

Woundmorubo.

Swordbatany.

Shieldcutany.

Bowcayny.

Arrowambum [anpa].

Spearconcudoo.

To shoot with a bowheany.

Sunnerara.

Moonneelan.

Heavenmana.

The earthcaraa.

The seacaralu.

Shipcapell [kappal].

Boatçambuco.

Nighterabut.

Daypagalala.

Eattinane [tinmān].

—matara.

To mountarricany.

To be on footanicany.

To go, travelnarecane.

To embracetraigany.

Blowstalancy.

To mourn, wailque ne.

To raisealagany.

To dancecanechane.

To throw with stones or woodouriany.

To singfareny.

Rainma jaa [mara].

Watertany [tanni].

Blindcuruge [kurutan, blind man].

Maimed of a handmuruquay [murukai].

—panany.

Take!ennay.

Let us go!pomga [pomka].

Eastcareçache [kirakka].

Westmecache [patinynyara].

Northbarcangache [watakka].

Southtycamgarche [tekka].

Dognaa [nāya].

Bitchpena [pennāya].

Young manhum nee.

Girlco poo.

Housepura [pura].

Needlecu doo.

Rodparima.

Oartandii [tandu].

A great gunve dii.

Top-sailtalii.

Halyardanguaa.

Anchornapara.

Flagçoti [koti].

Rudder, helmxoca.

Pilotcu pajaoo.

Shoecacu paja.

Captupy [topi].

The following are some of the Names [of Persons].

Tenae.Aja paa.Anapa.

Pumi.A rreco.Canapa.

Paramganda.A xirama.Gande.

Uja pee.Cuerapa.Rremaa.

Quilaba.Cutotopa.Mamgala.

Gouaa.