Volume 9 / Part 2 / Book 3 — CHAPTER XI. (continued 8)

[Footnote 249: This is obviously a misprint for Delee, meaning Delhi; but it is more probable that Alexander never was beyond the Punjab.--E.]

In the course of my journey, I was robbed of my money, but not of all, having some concealed in certain secret corners. This was done at the city of Diarbekir in Mesopotatamia, by a Turkish horse soldier, whom they call a spahee. Since my arrival here, there was sent to this king the richest present I ever heard of. It consisted of various things, the whole amounting to the value of ten of their lacks, a lack being £10,000 sterling. Part of this present consisted of thirty-one elephants, two of which were more gorgeously adorned than any thing I ever saw, or shall see in the course of my life. They had each four massy chains all of beaten gold, around their bodies, with two chains of the same about their legs, furniture for their buttocks of the same rich material, and two golden lions on their heads.

S.2. Letter from Agra, the Capital of the Great Mogul, to his Mother, dated 31st October, 1616.

Most dear and well-beloved Mother,

This city is the metropolis of the whole dominions of the Great Mogul, and is at the distance of ten days journey from Ajimeer, whence I departed on the 12th September this year, after having abode there twelve months and sixty days. This my long stay in one place, was for two principal causes; one being to learn the languages of these countries through which I am to pass between this country and Christendom, namely, Persian, Turkish, and Arabic, which I have competently attained to by labour and industry, being as available to me as money, and the chiefest, or rather the only means to get me money if I should happen to be in want; and, secondly, that, by the help of the Persian, I might get myself access to the Mogul, and be able to express my mind unto him about what I proposed to lay before him. During all this time, I abode in the house of the English merchants, my dear countrymen, not expending any money at all for lodging, diet, washing, or any other thing.

I attained to a reasonable skill in the Persian tongue, by earnest study in a few months, so that I made an oration to the king in that language, before many of his nobles; and afterwards discoursed with him very readily. The copy of this speech I have sent you, as a novelty, though the language may seem strange and uncouth to an Englishman; and I have sent you herewith a translation, which you may shew along with the Persian original to some of my learned friends of the clergy, and also of the laity, who may take some pleasure in reading so rare and unusual a tongue. The Persian is this that follows:

Hazaret Aallum-pennah, Salamet: fooker Darceish, ce jehaun-gesht hastam; ke mia emadam az wellageti door, yanne as muik Ingliz-stan, ke kessanion pesheen mushacar cardand, ke wellageti mazcoor der akeri magrub bood, ke mader hamma jezzaereti dunia ast, &c.[250]--The English of it is this:

"Lord protector of the world, all hail! I am a poor traveller and world-seer, who am come here from a far country called England, which ancient historians thought to have been situated in the farthest bounds of the west, and which is the queen of all the islands in the world. The causes of my coming hither are four. First, that I might behold the blessed countenance of your majesty, whose great fame has resounded over all Europe, and through all the Mahometan countries. When I heard of the fame of your majesty, I made all possible haste hither, and cheerfully endured the labour of travelling, that I might see your glorious court. Secondly, I was desirous of seeing your majesty's elephants, which kind of beasts I have not seen in any other country. Thirdly, that I might see your famous river the Ganges, the captain of all the rivers in the world. Fourthly, to entreat your majesty, that you would vouchsafe to grant me your most gracious phirmaund, that I may travel into the country of Tartaria to the city of Samarcand, to visit the blessed sepulchre of the Lord of the Corners,[251] whose fame, by reason of his wars and victories, is published over the whole world, so that perhaps he is not altogether so famous in his own country of Tartary as in England. I have a strong desire to see the sepulchre of the Lord of the Corners for this cause, that, when in Constantinople, I saw a notable old building in a pleasant garden near the said city, where the Christian emperor, Emanuel, made a sumptuous banquet to the Lord of the Corners, after he had taken Sultan Bajazet in a great battle near the city of Brusa, when the Lord of the Corners bound Sultan Bajazet in golden fetters, and put him into an iron cage. These causes have induced me to travel thus far from my native country, having come a-foot through Turkey and Persia into this country, my pilgrimage having extended so three thousand miles, with much labour and toil, such as no mortal man hath ever yet performed, to see the blessed countenance of your majesty, since the first day of your being inaugurated in your imperial throne."

[Footnote 250: The whole discourse, of which the following paragraph in the text is the translation, is contained in the Pilgrims: But doubting its accuracy, as that book is most incorrectly printed throughout, the editor requested the favour of the late learned professor of oriental languages in the University of Edinburgh, Dr Alexander Murray, to revise and correct this first sentence, which he most readily did, adding the following literal translation: "Presence, [or face.] of the world--protector, salutation to thee: A poor dervish and world-wanderer I am; that I have come from a kingdom far, to-wit, from the kingdom of Ingliz-stan, which historians ancient, relation have made, that kingdom said, in the end of the west was, which the mother of every island of the world is," &c.]

[Footnote 251: This is the title given to Tamerlane in this country, in the Persian language, meaning that he was lord over the four corners of the earth, that is, the highest and supreme monarch of the world.--Purch.]

When I had ended my speech, I conversed with him for a short space in Persian, when, among other things, he told me that he could do me no service in regard to my proposed journey to Samarcand, as there was no intimacy between him and the princes of the Tartars, so that his commendatory letters would avail me little. He also added, that the Tartars bore so deadly a hate against all Christians, that they would certainly kill any who might venture into their country, wherefore he earnestly dissuaded me from this proposed journey, as I valued my life and welfare. At last, he concluded his discourse by throwing down to me, from a window in which he stood, that looked into the street, an hundred pieces of silver, worth two shillings each or ten pounds in all, which were thrown into a sheet hanging by the four corners.

I had conducted this affair so secretly, by the help of the Persian which I had learnt, that neither our English ambassador, nor any other of my countrymen, excepting one special and private friend, knew any thing at all about the matter till I had thoroughly accomplished my design. For I well knew, if the ambassador had got the smallest notice of my purpose, that he would have counteracted me, as indeed he signified to me after I had effected my purpose, alledging that this might redound to the discredit of our nation, for one of our country to present himself in that poor and beggarly manner before the king, to crave money from him by flattery. But I answered our ambassador so resolutely, that he was glad to let me alone. Indeed, I never had more need of money in all my life than at this time, having only to the value of twenty shillings remaining, owing to my having been stripped of almost all my money by a miscreant Turk, in a city called Imaret, in Mesopotamia.

After my interview with the Mogul, I went to visit a certain noble and generous Christian of the Armenian nation, two days journey from court, to observe certain remarkable matters at that place; and, by means of my knowledge of the Persian language, he made me very welcome, entertaining me with much civility and kindness; and, at my departure, gave me very bountifully twenty pieces of the same coin as the king had done, worth forty shillings of our money. About ten days after this, I departed from Ajimeer, the court of the Great Mogul, to resume my pilgrimage, after my long rest of fourteen months, proposing to go back into Persia. On this occasion, our ambassador gave me a gold piece of this king's coin, worth twenty-four shillings, which I shall save till my arrival in England, if it be possible. I have thus received in benevolences, since I came into this country, twenty marks sterling,[252] bating two shillings and eight-pence, besides £1:13:4 sterling, in Persian money, from Lady Shirley, upon the confines of Persia. At this present, being in Agra, whence I write this letter, I have about twelve pounds, which, according to my manner of living on the way, at two-pence a-day, will very competently maintain me during three years travel, considering the cheapness of all eatables in Asia. Drink costs me nothing, as I hardly ever drink any thing beyond pure water during my pilgrimage.

[Footnote 252: Twenty marks are £15:6:8 sterling.--E.]

I mean to remain in Agra for six weeks longer, waiting an excellent opportunity of going to the famous river Ganges, about five days journey from hence, to see a memorable meeting of the idolatrous people of this country, called Banians, of whom to the number of 400,000 go thither, on purpose to bathe and shave themselves in the river, and to sacrifice a world of gold to that same river, partly in stamped coin, and partly in great massy lumps and wedges, thrown into the river as a sacrifice, besides many other strange ceremonies, worthy of being observed. So notable a spectacle is no where to be seen, neither in this the greater Asia, nor in the lesser, now called Natolia. This shew is made once in every year, on which occasion people flock thither from almost a thousand miles off, worshipping the river as a god and saviour; a most abominable and impious superstition of these brutish heathens, aliens from Christ. As soon as I have seen this ceremony, I propose, by God's help, to repair to Lahore, twenty days journey from hence, and so into Persia, &c.

Your dutiful, loving, and obedient son, Now a desolate pilgrim in the world, THOMAS CORYAT.

S.3. Some Observations concerning India, by Thomas Coryat.[253]

Whereas in this country the beggars beg from a Christian in the name of Bibbee Maria, and not of Hazaret Eesa, we may gather that the Jesuits have preached our Lady Mary more than the Lord Jesus.

[Footnote 253: Purchas informs us, that these were taken from certain notes written by Coryat, given him by Sir Thomas Roe; "whence, omitting such things as have been given before from the observations of Sir Thomas Roe himself, I have inserted a few."--Purch.]

A great rajah of the Hindoos, who was a notorious atheist, and a contemner of all diety, and who boasted that he knew of no God except the king, and neither believed nor feared any other, happened one day to sit dallying among his women, when one of them plucked a hair from his breast, which hair being fast-rooted, plucked off along with it a small bit of skin, so that a small spot of blood appeared. This small scar festered and gangrened incurably, so that in a few days his life was despaired of, and being surrounded by all his friends, and several of the courtiers, he broke out into these excellent words:--"Which of you would have thought that I, a warrior, should not have died by the stroke of a sword, a spear, or an arrow? But now am I enforced to confess the power of the great God I have so long despised, who needs no other lance to slay so blasphemous a wretch and contemner of his holy majesty, such as I have been, than a small hair."

Akbar Shah, the former king, had learnt all manner of sorceries; and being once in a strange humour to shew a spectacle to his nobles, he brought forth his favourite Sultana before them, and cut off her head with a sword in their presence. Seeing them struck with horror and amazement at this action, by virtue of his exorcisms and sorceries, he caused her head to fix on again, and no sign remained of any wound.

The same prince, who was very fortunate during his reign, shewed the utmost attention and respect to his mother, of which he one day gave the following striking instance:--Being on a journey between Lahore and Agra, on which occasion his mother accompanied him, being carried in a palanquin, and having to pass a river, he took one of the poles of the palanquin on his own shoulder, commanding his greatest nobles to do the same, and in this manner carried her across the river. He never denied her any request that ever she made, except one, and this was, that our Bible might be hung about the neck of an ass, and so beaten about the town of Agra. The reason of this strange request was, that the Portuguese had taken a ship of theirs, in which they found a copy of the Koran, or bible of the Mahometans, which they tied about the neck of a dog, and beat the dog about the streets of Ormus. But he denied her this request, saying, That if it were evil in the Portuguese to have so done with the Koran, it did not become a king to requite evil with evil, as the contempt of any religion was contempt of God, and he would not be revenged upon an innocent book. The moral of this is, that God would not permit the sacred book of his law and truth to be contemned among the infidels.

One day in every year, for the amusement of the king's women, all the tradesmen's wives are admitted into the Mahal, having each somewhat to sell, after the manner of a fair, and at which the king acts as broker for his wives, no other man being present, and by means of his gains on this occasion, provides his own supper. By this means he attains to a sight of all the pretty women of the city; and at a fair of this kind he got his beloved Noor Mahal.

After Shaof Freed had won the battle of Lahore by a stratagem, all the captains of the rebel army, to the number of two thousand, who had been taken by the king, were hung up upon flesh-hooks, or set upon stakes, forming an avenue for the king's entrance into Lahore. On this occasion, his son Curseroo, [Cusero] who had been made prisoner, rode beside him, bare-footed, on an elephant, and the king asked him how he liked that spectacle? To this the prince answered, That he was sorry to see so much cruelty and injustice in his father, in thus executing those who had only done their duty, as they had lived on his bread and salt: but that his father had done justly if he had pardoned these brave men, and punished him, who was their master, and the author of this rebellion.

Sultan Cusero has only one wife, owing to the following circumstance: During his confinement, the king proposed to make a hunting progress of four months, and consulted how he might keep his son in safe custody during his absence. He at length determined to build a tower in which to immure him, having neither door nor window, and only a few small holes to let in air, and these so high as to be beyond reach. Into this tower were to be put along with the prince all sorts of provisions and necessaries, with a few servants to attend him. While this was building, the wife of Cusero fell at the king's feet, and would not leave him till she obtained his consent to be shut up along with her husband. The king endeavoured to persuade her to enjoy her liberty, but she utterly refused any other comfort than to be the companion of her husband's miseries. Among these, this was the greatest, that if any of those who were to be shut up along with him, to the number of fifty in all, should happen to die during the king's absence, there were no means either to remove or bury the body, as no person was to be allowed to come near the tower.

It is a frequent custom of the present Mogul, when he happens to be awake in the night time, he calls for certain poor old men, making them sit beside him, and passes his time in familiar discourse with them, giving them clothes and bountiful alms when he dismisses them. At one time, when residing at Ajimeer, he went a-foot on pilgrimage to the tomb of a saint or prophet called Haji Mundin, and there kindled a fire with his own hands, under an immense Heidelbergian equipolent brass pot, in which victuals were cooked for five thousand poor persons. When the victuals were ready, he took out the first platter with his own hands, and served the mess to a poor person. Noor Mahal took out and served the second, and the rest was served by the other ladies of his court.--Crack me this nut, all ye papal charity-vaunters.

One day an Armenian procured a nobleman to present him to the king, as one who desired to become an Mahometan; on which the king asked him, if he had been converted from hope of preferment; to which the Armenian answered, that be had no such motive. Some months afterwards, the new convert craved some courtesy from the king, which he denied, saying, "I have already done you the greatest of all favours, in allowing you to save your soul; but you must provide for your own body the best way you can." The king likes not those who change their religion, being himself of none but according to his own fancy, and freely allows therefore of all religions in his dominions. Of which I may give the following notable example:

He had an Armenian in his service, named Scander, whom he one day asked if he thought any of the padres had ever converted a single Mahometan to be a true Christian, for conscience sake, and not for money. Scander answered, with great confidence, that he had one as his servant, who was a sincere Christian, and would not be of any other for any worldly consideration. The king immediately caused this man to be sent for, and bidding Scander depart, he examined the convert as to his reasons for having become a Christian. In reply, he quoted certain feeble jesuitical reasons, declaring his determination to be of no other religion, though the king made him many fair speeches and large offers to return to Mahometism, offering him pensions, and the command of horse. He said he had now only four rupees a month, which was a poor recompense for becoming a Christian, but if he would recant, he would give him high dignities and large means. The fellow answered, that he had not become a Christian for such small wages, as he was able to earn as much in the service of a Mahometan; but was a Christian in his heart, and was determined so to continue. Finding this method ineffectual, the king turned his tune, and tried him with threats of severe punishment, unless he returned to the faith of Mahomet. But the proselyte manfully declared he would suffer any thing, being ready to endure whatever the king was pleased to order. Upon this declaration, when all the by-standers expected present and severe castigation, the king suddenly changed his manner towards him, highly commending his constancy and resolution, bidding him return to his master, and to serve him faithfully, and ordered him an allowance of one rupee a-day for his integrity.

About two months afterwards, the king returned from hunting wild-hogs, an animal which is held in abhorrence by all Mahometans, and which kind of venison, therefore, the king was in use to distribute among the Christians and Rajaputs. On this occasion, the king sent for the converted catechumen above mentioned, and commanded him to take up a hog for his master, which no Mahometan will touch. He did so, but on going out of the court gate, he was so hooted at by the Mahometans, that he threw down his burden in a ditch, and went home; concealing what had passed from his master. Some four days afterwards, the Armenian being on duty in presence of the king, he asked him if the hog he had sent him was good meat. The Armenian replied, that he had not seen or heard of any. The king therefore immediately ordered the convert to be sent for, who confessed that he had not carried home the hog, as being mocked by the Mahometans for touching so great an abomination, he had for shame thrown it away. On this the king observed, "By your Christian law there is no difference of meats. Are you ashamed of your law, or do you outwardly forsake it to flatter the Mahometans? I now see that you are neither a good Christian nor a good Mahometan, but a knave dissembling with both. When I believed you sincere, I gave you a pension, which I now take from you for your dissimulation, and I farther condemn you to receive an hundred stripes." These were presently paid him, instead of his money; and the king desired all to take warning by this example, that, having given liberty of conscience to all religions, he would have all to adhere to what they professed.

SECTION IX.

ACCOUNT OF THE WRONGS DONE TO THE ENGLISH AT BANDA BY THE DUTCH, IN 1617 AND 1618.[254]

INTRODUCTION.

This section contains a letter from Mr Thomas Spurway, merchant or factor, addressed from Bantam, "To the Honourable and Right Worshipful the East India Company of England, touching the wrongs done at Banda to the English by the Hollanders; the former unkind disgusts and brabling quarrels now breaking unexpectedly out into a furious and injurious war." Such is the account given of this section by Purchas, who farther informs his readers, "That the beginning of this letter was torn, and therefore imperfect in his edition; but, what is here defective, was to be afterwards supplied from the journals of Nathaniel Courthop, and other continuations of these insolences of the Dutch at Banda, by Mr Hayes, and others." These journals of Courthop and Hayes are so intolerably and confusedly written, and so interlarded with numerous letters about the subject of these differences with the Dutch, that we have been reluctantly under the necessity of omitting them, being so monstrously inarticulate as to render it impossible to make them at all palatable to our readers, without using freedoms that were altogether inadmissible in a work like the present.

[Footnote 254: Purch. Pilgr. I. 608.]

From this letter, and other information of a similar nature, it appears that the attempts to form establishments for trade at Banda and the Molucca islands were found to be difficult or impracticable, owing to the opposition of the Dutch, who were much stronger in that part of India, and had not only conceived the plan of monopolizing the spice trade, but even avowed their determination to exclude the English and all other European nations from participating in any share of it. We do not pretend, in our Collection, to write the history of the English East India Company, but merely to give a series of the voyages which contributed to the establishment of that princely association of merchant adventurers. Yet it seems proper, occasionally at least, in the introductions to leading voyages, like the present, to give some short historical notices of the subject, for the materials of which we are chiefly, if not solely, indebted to the Annals of the Company, a work of meritorious and laborious research, already several times referred to.

Under the difficulties which had long attended the exertions of the English to acquire a share in this peculiarly called spice trade, the agent and commercial council of the English company at Bantam, gave authority to the commanders of the Swan and Defence to endeavour to obtain from the native chiefs of the islands of Puloroon and Puloway, a surrender of these islands to the king of England, with the stipulation of paying annually as a quit-rent, a fruit-bearing branch of the nutmeg tree; yet stipulating that these islanders were to continue entirely under the guidance of their own laws and customs, providing only that they should engage to sell their spices exclusively to the agents of the English company, who were, in return, to supply them with provisions and Hindoostan manufactures at a fair price, in exchange for their peculiar productions, nutmegs and mace. They were likewise authorised, if they procured the consent of the natives, to establish fortified stations, or factories, at Puloroon, Puloway. Pulo-Lantore, and Rosinging, or Rosengin.[255] The views of the Bantam factory on this occasion seem to have been generally judicious, as to the measure they now authorised, but exceedingly ill judged in attempting to execute so very important a purpose with a force entirely inadequate to that with which it had to contend.

[Footnote 255: An. of E.I. Co. I. 187.]

The Dutch had expelled the Portuguese, at that time the subjects of their tyrannical oppressors, the Spaniards, from a great portion of the spice islands, in which warlike measure, and its consequences, they had always to support a considerable force, both naval and military, in these seas, and in various forts upon these islands; and besides, that they felt their preponderance from these circumstances, and used it very naturally for their own exclusive benefit, they alleged, and with no small appearance of equity, that the English had no right to enjoy the advantages of a trade, which they, the Dutch, had conquered from the Portuguese and Spaniards. This opposition of interests proceeded in the sequel to great extremities, in which the greatly superior power of the Hollanders in these seas, enabled them effectually to oppress the English, in what are peculiarly called the spice islands, and even to expel them from all participation in that trade, as will appear in some of the subsequent sections of this chapter.

It would be not only premature in this place, but incompatible with the nature of our work, which is intended as a Collection of Voyages and Travels, to attempt giving a connected history of these dissensions between the Dutch and English in Eastern India, which will be found detailed in the Annals of the English Company. It is hardly possible, however, to refrain from one observation on the subject,--that the Dutch company, and the government of Holland, appear to have mainly proceeded, in their hostile opposition to the English East India trade, on their knowledge of the pusillanimous character of King James, which he vainly thought to veil under the pretensions of loving peace, but which the Dutch, as will be seen in the present section, clearly understood, and openly expressed, as the childhood of St George, the tutelary martial saint of England. Beati pacifici, his favourite adage, is an excellent Christian and moral sentiment, but is incompatible with the unavoidable exigencies of government, at least as they were then situated.--E.

May it please your Worships,

We arrived at Macassar on the 19th of November, 1616, from Bantam, with the Swan and Defence, under the command of Captain Nicholas Courthop, who sailed in the Swan, of which ship Mr Davis was master, the other being commanded by Mr Hinchley. We remained there for the purpose of taking in an hundred quoines[256] of rice. On the 4th December, we saw a large Dutch ship in the offing, which came to anchor about five leagues off, and on the 5th they sent their skiff ashore, which made directly for the English house, having eight men on board. As soon as we perceived this boat coming ashore, we ran to the sea side; but, before we got there, two of her men were landed, whom we acquainted with the danger they were in, as the king of Macassar, and all the other kings thereabouts, were become their mortal enemies, because of the many injuries done them by the Hollanders, who had forcibly carried away a principal sabander, and other persons belonging to Macassar, for which they were determined upon revenge; and, therefore, that they might all expect to be put to death, unless the king could be prevailed upon to spare them. The Dutchmen were so much alarmed at this intelligence, that they wished to have gone back to their boat, but the Macassers had already gathered about us, and laid hands upon them.

[Footnote 256: The amount or quantity of these quoines are no where stated, or even hinted at; but, from circumstances in the sequel, they appear to have been considerable.--E.]

I, and other English, immediately went in all haste to the king, acquainting him with what had happened, lest, if the Dutch had intended any treachery, he might have suspected us as being accessary. The king gave us thanks, and desired us to take the two Dutchmen who had landed to our house, that we might learn from them their intentions in coming here. This we did, and they informed us that they belonged to a fleet lately fitted out from Holland, and had lost company of their consorts. One of these called himself John Staunch, and reported himself to be an under-factor. The other was an English sailor. Perceiving themselves to be in great danger, they earnestly entreated us to stand their friends and procure their liberty. We promised to do every thing we could for them. Soon after this, the kings of Macassar and Talow, together with about 2000 attendants, came to the sands near the sea side, where they held a council upon these men. The king of Talow was clear for putting them to death, but we used our interest so successfully for them, that they were commanded to be gone instantly in their boat; The king of Macassar observing, that these were too few for satisfying his revenge, and that he should wait for one more ample. So they departed and went to their ship.

Next day another boat was observed coming towards the shore from the same ship; and, on the king being informed of this, he gave immediate orders for twenty proas and corracorras to be manned and launched. This was done immediately, and the whole made towards the Dutch boat, which was rowing for the land directly towards our house. On observing the native craft endeavouring to intercept them, the Dutch turned their boat, and rowed back to regain their ship; but the Macassars soon got up, boarded them on both sides, and slew every man of the Hollanders, being sixteen in number. There were at this time near 5000 people at the sea side, and we were commanded to keep the house.

The name of this Dutch ship was the Endraught, and imagining that we were bound for Banda or the Moluccas, she remained at sea waiting for us. We set sail from Macassar road on the 8th December, 1616, and when the Dutchmen, saw us under sail, they also weighed and kept company with us. We would gladly have gone from them, but could not, owing to the bad sailing of the Defence. They sent their boat to us, requesting we would spare them two quoines of rice, four tons of water, and some poultry, all of which we gave them, only taking payment for the rice, being forty dollars, giving the water and poultry freely. We asked why they had attempted to land the second time; when they told us their first boat had not then returned to the ship, so that they believed the Dutch factory had still remained at Macassar. But I believe it proceeded from obstinacy, believing their first boat had been denied access at our instigation, and meaning to make a second trial, when they hoped to have flattered the king to allow them to return, and reinstate their factory. For both their boats passed within musket-shot of our ships on their way to the land, yet did not go aboard to enquire what were the situation of affairs on shore, which if they had done, we should have forewarned them of their danger. They kept company with us till we came near Amboina, for which place they stood in, while we continued our course. We have since learnt that they gave out we had been the cause of their men being slain at Macassar, which is most false: For I solemnly protest that we used our best endeavours to save them, and if it had not been for us, the eight men in their first boat had also been slain.

The Swan and Defence arrived in the road of Puloroon on the 13th December. Next day the people of that island came on board, and conferred with us about surrendering the island to us. We represented that our nation had come often to their island, at great cost, and at their particular request, to settle a factory, and trade with them in a friendly manner, bringing them rice and other provisions, with cloth and sundry commodities, in exchange for their spices; that we had no desire to usurp over them, or to reduce them under bondage, as had been done formerly by the Hollanders and other nations; and that, if they would surrender their island of Puloroon to our sovereign the king of England, by a formal writing, and by the delivery of some earth, with a tree and fruits of the island, as true tokens of their fidelity, and thereafter a nut-tree yearly as an acknowledgment, we should settle a factory, and would furnish them with rice, cloth, and other commodities, both now and yearly afterwards. We also assured them, if we were once settled on the island, that sufficient supplies would come to them yearly, much better than now; and that we would use our utmost efforts, both by means of our men and ships, to defend them and ourselves from all enemies. We also demanded, whether they had come under any contract with the Hollanders, or had made them any surrender of their island. To this they unanimously replied, that they had made no such engagement, and never would, but held the Hollanders as their mortal enemies. This was earnestly declared to us, both by the men of Puloroon and by divers chiefs from Puloway, who had fled from that island on its forcible reduction by the Hollanders. And they all declared that the island of Puloway had been lawfully surrendered to Richard Hunt, for the king of England, before the Hollanders came into the road, the English colours having been hoisted in the castle, which the Hollanders shot down, using many disgraceful words of his majesty. They farther declared, that they defended their island for his majesty's use, as long as they possibly could; and, being constrained by force, they had fled to Puloroon, Lantor, and Serran.

After this conference had continued the whole day, the writings of surrender were drawn up, and confirmed by all the chief men of Puloroon and Puloway, and so delivered by their own hands to us, Nathaniel Cowthorp, Thomas Spurway, and Sophonie Cozocke, for his majesty's use. They also that same instant delivered to us a nutmeg-tree, with its fruit growing thereon, having the earth about its root, together with oilier fruits, and a live goat, in symbolical surrender of the sovereignty of the island, desiring us to hoist the English colours, and to fire a salute of ordnance. Accordingly, the colours were set up, and we fired thirty pieces of ordnance, as a mark of taking possession; and at night all the chiefs went ashore, parting from us on the most friendly terms.

On Christmas-day we descried two large Dutch ships edging towards Puloroon. On seeing our ships in the road, they bore away to leeward for Nero, and next day another of their ships hove in sight, which went to the same place. The 28th, a Dutch pinnace stood right over for Puloroon, and came bravadoing within gun-shot of our fort, having the Dutch colours flying at her poop; but presently tacked about, lowered her colours, and hoisted a bloody ensign instead, as if in defiance, and then stood over for Nero. By this bravado, we daily looked for their coming against us, according to their old injurious custom. We landed four pieces of ordnance on the 30th, besides two others formerly landed on the 25th, and set to work to construct fortifications for our defence. By the assistance of the Bandanese, we erected two forts, which were named the Swan and Defence, after our two ships, each mounted with three guns; the fort called the Swan being within caliver shot of the ships, and entirely commanding the road on the eastern side, where is the principal anchorage for the westerly monsoon.

The 3d of January, 1617, the three Dutch ships came from Nero into the road of Puloroon, being the Horne, of 800 tons, the Star, of 500 tons, and the Yaugar, of 160 tons. The Home anchored close by our ship the Swan, the Star close beside the Defence, and the Yaugar a-head of all, to cut off our intercourse with the shore. Our commission directed us, on receiving the surrender of Puloroon, and forming a settlement there, to give due notice thereof in writing to the Hollanders, warning them not to come there to molest us under the pretence of ignorance, as they had been formerly accustomed to do. We had accordingly a letter written to that effect, but knew not how to have it sent, not daring to dispatch it either by Englishmen or natives, for tear of being detained. On coming into the road, however, we sent George Muschamp aboard their admiral, the Star, to deliver the before-mentioned letter to Mynheer Dedall, the Dutch commander; and with a message desiring them to depart from the road of Puloroon before six glasses were run, as the islanders would not allow them to remain in the roads, or to come near their island, and would even have already fired upon them, if we had not prevailed upon them to forbear.

Soon afterwards, the Dutch commander, Dedall, came on board the Swan, attended by their chaplain, to enquire the reason of our message; when we told him that we suspected they came to injure us, as they had formerly done at Paloway, Cambella, and other places; and, as they had formerly turned the glass to Mr Ball, when in their power, threatening to hang him if he did not immediately cause the English to quit the land, we had now in like manner appointed a time for them to quit the roads. We also shewed him the instrument by which Puloroon was surrendered to us, and our consequent right to keep possession for the king of England, which we were determined upon doing to the utmost of our power, wishing them to be well advised in their proceedings, as they might expect to be shortly called to answer for their abusive words and injurious conduct to the English. We also demanded the restoration of Puloway, which had likewise been lawfully surrendered to the king of England. After this, we enquired if they had received any previous surrender at Puloroon, but they could not say they had any; and, when we shewed the formal surrender made to our king, which their chaplain perused, he acknowledged that it was a true surrender.

All this while the glass was running in the great cabin before their eyes, putting them in mind to be gone. We also told them plainly, that we believed their only purpose in coming here was to betray us, and to drive us from the island by treachery or force, of which scandalous conduct our nation had already had divers experience from theirs; wherefore we neither could nor would trust them any more, and we must insist upon their departure; as, when the glass was six times run out, they must expect to be shot at from the shore; and, if they fired in return against the islanders, or shewed any discourtesy or wrong to them, we should consider it as hostility to us, and would defend them, being now the subjects of our king. They desired to remain till next day, which we would not agree to, doubting that more of their ships might come to join them. They then desired to stay till midnight; which we agreed to, on condition that we saw them preparing to weigh their anchors, in which case we said that notice should be sent ashore to the Bandanese, not to fire upon them.

I also demanded to know from Dedall, what was their purpose in thus coming into the road of Puloroon, unless to molest us. He pretended that it was their usual custom in passing that island. But I told them that was not true, as the islanders had declared there never was any christian ship in their roads till we came. So he remained silent. They came to anchor in the roads this day about three in the afternoon, and departed about eleven at night. We have been since certainly informed, that their purpose was to have taken possession of our ships by treachery, or to have driven us out of the roads, and only gave up their intentions on seeing that we were fortified on shore. Had they then assailed us, we had little doubt of being able to have defended ourselves against them, as we had both forts in readiness, the cannon charged, and the gunners prepared to give fire, on the first signal from our ships.

A Dutch ship and pinnace came from Nero on the 10th January; the pinnace edging near the small island or high sand, called Nylacka. This island is uninhabited, but full of trees and bushes, being daily resorted to by the men of Puloroon for fishing; and as belonging to Puloroon, belonged now to the English. On coming near the island, the people in the pinnace were observed continually sounding, wherefore we made four shots towards her from Fort Defence; but, not intending to strike her, shot wide. At every shot, the pinnace answered with a base, or some such piece, firing into the small island among the trees and bushes, where were some Englishmen and Bandanese of Puloroon, who were in no small danger from the shot. Seeing they braved us in this manner, the gunner was desired to do his best, and his next shot fell close over the stern of the pinnace or frigate, which made her presently go away. Their purpose of coming thus to sound about the small island, seemed to be to look out for a landing-place; meaning to come there with their forces, and there to fortify themselves, on purpose to compel us to quit the large island.

On the 13th, Mr Davey complained that he was in want of water, and proposed to go over for that purpose to Wayre upon Lantore; but on the people of Puloroon being informed of this, they would by no means consent to his going out of the roads, and indeed neither would we, fearing the Hollanders might do us some injury in his absence. The people of Puloroon, said they would rather bring him water from Lantore, in their proas. I went on board Mr Davey to acquaint him with this; but he and his people would not consent, saying the Bandanese would bring them rain water, or such other as was unwholesome, and that they would only be six days absent, or eight at most.

At this time, the principal people of Wayre, a free town on the island of Lantore, and of the separate island of Rosinging, came over to us, to enter into a parley respecting the surrender of both to the sovereignty of his majesty; and the formal deed of surrender being agreed upon and drawn up, they desired that some Englishmen might go over to receive the same in a public manner from all their hands, and to witness the ceremonial. As Mr Davey still persisted to go over with his ship, it was resolved upon, that Messrs Sophonie Cozocke, George Muschamp, Robert Fuller, and Thomas Hodges, should go over in the Swan to Wayre and Rosinging, to see that business accomplished, while the Swan was procuring water; after which, it was appointed that Mr Cozocke was to return in the Swan, while the other three were to remain upon the island of Rosinging for possession, till farther orders. All business being there concluded to our satisfaction, several persons in Wayre and Rosinging desired to load nutmegs and mace in the Swan, and to have a passage for Puloroon, there to sell us their spices for rice and cloths. All this was agreed to, and twelve of these persons came on board, with a great quantity of nutmegs and mace.

The Swan then set sail for Geulegola, which is only a little way from Wayre, and there watered, after which she again set sail. When about eight leagues from the land, a Holland ship or two gave them chace. The people of the Swan now asked Mr Davey what he proposed to do. He answered, "They see my colours and I see theirs: I know them to be Dutch, and they know us to be English: I know of no injury I have done them, and I will continue my course for Puloroon." In short time, the Star, for such was the Dutch ship, got up within shot of the Swan, and without hailing, or giving the smallest intimation of her intention, let fly both with great guns and small arms in the most violent manner. The Swan received two or three great shot through and through before she replied, and even had some of her men slain. After this, as Mr Davey writes, the fight continued an hour and a half, during which five men were killed in the Swan, viz. Mr Sophonie Cozocke, merchant, who was driven to pieces by a cannon-ball, Robert Morton, quartermaster and drummer, Christopher Droope, Edward Murtkin, and a Bantianese passenger from Wayre. Three others were maimed, having lost arms or legs, with very little hopes of recovery; and eight others were wounded, most of them mortally. During the engagement, a Dutchman stood upon the poop of the Star with a drawn sword, calling out in the Dutch language, English villains and rogues, we will kill you all.

The people of the Swan were much discouraged, on seeing so many of their companions dead and wounded, insomuch that none of them would stand by the sails to trim the ship to the best advantage so that the Hollander lay upon her quarter pouring in great and small shot, and at last look her by boarding, both with soldiers and others. They immediately broke open and pillaged the cabins, plundered the men basely of their clothes and every thing else worth taking, and throwing overboard whatever did not please their fancies. Even the Spaniards never used more stern cruelty in their professed wars, than did now the Dutch to us, with whom they were in peace and amity. The Star had on board 160 men, mostly soldiers taken from the castles of Nero and Puloway, while the Swan had not above thirty able to stand to quarters, the rest being sick or lame, and all much worn out in toilsome labour at Puloroon, in landing the ordnance and constructing the two forts. Ten also of their complement had been left in Puloroon to defend the two forts, two of whom, Herman Hammond and John Day, were gunners. The Swan being thus taken and sore battered in the action, was carried away under the guns of the castle at Nero. The Dutch gloried much in their victory, boasting of their exploit to the Bandanese, saying, That the king of England was not to be compared with their great king of Holland: That Saint George was now turned a child, and they cared not for the king of England; for one Holland ship was able to take ten English ships. They landed all our men at Nero, and kept them all strict prisoners, many of them in irons.

The Swan left us at Puloroon on the 16th of January, and we expected her back in eight or ten days at farthest, but never heard of her till the 25th of February, when Robert Fuller came over to us from Rosinging and Wayre; to acquaint us that be had heard of an English ship being under the guns of Nero castle. We immediately sent away Robert Hayes, the purser of the Defence, accompanied by some of the chief men of Puloroon, with directions to land on that side of Lantore which was in friendship with us, and to go as near as possible to the Dutch ships with a flag of truce, to enquire into the matter. After staying almost two hours, there came at last a boat to fetch him off, but made him wade to the middle before they would take him in. Being taken on board one of the Dutch ships, the president and assistants of Nero met him, when he demanded to know why they had made prize of the Swan, what was become of her men, and wherefore they detained our ship and goods. They answered, that time should bring all to light. Still urging for an answer, they used many opprobrious words against the English, threatening to come over to Puloroon with their forces, and to drive us from there and other places. To this Hayes replied, that they had already done much more than they could answer for, and was obliged to come away without seeing any one belonging to the Swan. He could however see our poor ship all rent and torn, in view of the natives, as an ill-got and dishonourable trophy of Dutch treachery and ingratitude. In a short time after, they sent over a messenger to us with a letter, which we answered, as we did others afterwards, their messengers frequently coming over with flags of truce, all of which letters, together with the surrenders, I brought over with me to Bantam, and delivered to Captain Ball.

The Dutch continually threatened us, by their letters and messengers, that, as they had now taken tee Swan, they would soon come and take possession of the Defence, and drive us from the island of Puloroon. We always answered, that we expected them, and would defend ourselves to the last. They made many bravados, daily shooting off forty, fifty, or sixty pieces of ordnance at Nero and Puloway, thinking to frighten us. Also the people of Lantore brought us word that they were fitting out their ships, and shipping planks and earth, which we imagined was for land service. They had then seven ships, four gallies and frigates, and a great number of men, with all which force they threatened to come against us. We were told likewise, that they had endeavoured to prevail on their black slaves, by promise of freedom and great rewards, to come over secretly to Puloroon and set fire to the Defence. The Hollanders also, threatened that we should carry no spices from Puloroon or any other of the Banda islands. Thereupon, considering our engagements with the people of Puloroon, Wayre, and Rosinging, to all of whom we had trusted our goods, and that we had ready at Puloroon a good quantity of nutmegs and mace, and the threats of the Hollanders, we resolved to maintain the honour of our king and country, and to defend the interest of our employers, the honourable Company, to the utmost of our power. For this purpose, we determined to land all the guns, provisions, and stores, from the Defence, and to fortify the small island of Nylacka adjoining to Puloroon; which the Hollanders proposed to have fortified formerly; which, if they had done, would have commanded the road, and done us much injury, as the people of Puloroon would have been prevented from fishing, and English ships could not have come into the roads.

Having therefore landed all the ordnance of the Defence, except four pieces of cannon, and being busied in erecting a fortification with the assistance of the Bandanese, Mr Hinshley also, the master of the Defence, being ashore, and every one hard at work landing the things, except a few left on board to keep the ship, a conspiracy was entered into by some of the men on the 20th March, 1617; and that same night they cut the cables and so drove out to sea. Perceiving this from the small island, we immediately sent a boat after them, advising them to return with the ship: But the mutineers would neither listen to them, nor suffer the boat to come near the ship, pointing their pieces at them, and even fired one musket-shot to keep off the boat; which was therefore compelled to return to the small island. There went away in the Defence nine of our men, including John Christmas, the boatswain's mate, and we could distinctly see them next day going into Nero roads under sail, and come to anchor under the guns of the castle. As we afterwards learnt, some of the runaways went immediately on shore to inform the Dutch of their exploit, contending among themselves which of them had piloted the ship. They even brought a can of wine ashore with them, and drank to the Hollanders on landing.

The Dutch took immediate possession of the Defence, and brought all our rascally deserters into their castle, where they examined them as to our proceedings at Puloroon and Nylacka, in regard to our fortifications and means of defence. By this scandalous affair, we were in great danger of being all put to death by the Bandanese of Puloroon, as they suspected the desertion of our ships to have been a concerted matter between us and the Hollanders, on purpose to betray them. By this likewise, as our weakness was made known to the Hollanders, they might be encouraged to attack us. Indeed they made many violent threatenings of so doing, and we daily looked for their appearance; which, if they had so done, must have cost many lives, as we were greatly enraged against them for the capture of the Swan, and the severe usage of her people.

On the 23d of March, we sent a letter to the Hollanders at Nero, by Robert Fuller, who landed upon Lantore; but, owing to some difference between the people of that island and the Dutch, he could not be allowed to pass, so that he had to return. The 25th there came a messenger to us from Lawrence Ryall, the principal commander of the Hollanders, newly come to Nero from the Moluccas, desiring Mr Courthop and I would come in a proa to hold a conference with two of his principal merchants, half-way between Puloroon and Puloway; but we refused this request, being afraid of treachery. By this messenger we had a letter from Mr Davies, then a prisoner at Nero, intimating his disapprobation of our proceedings in keeping possession of Puloroon, alleging that our commission did not warrant us in so doing, and recommending a parley between us and the Dutch general, to prevent the loss of any more lives. It appeared that he was instigated to give us this advice by the Hollanders, who had made him believe that they had authority in writing from our king, to make prize of any English ships they found to the east of Celebes, as we afterwards learnt to our great surprise, since, if they actually had such authority we must have obeyed.

We wrote to Lawrence Ryall, by his messenger, that, if he would send over Henrick de Watterfoord and Peter de Yonge, two of his principal merchants, to remain as pledges in Nylacka, Mr Courthop and another should be sent to confer with him. We got back for answer, that the merchants we demanded as pledges could not be sent, as the one was gone to sea, and the other could not be spared, being their chief book-keeper; but offering us two other principal merchants, whom we agreed to accept. Accordingly, on the 6th April, the Dutch galley brought over these two, whom we lodged in a tent near the landing-place under a guard of twelve Englishmen to protect them from the Bandanese, as we did not think it right to bring them into our fort, that they might not have an opportunity of viewing our fortifications.

Mr Courthop went immediately over to Nero in their galley, and had a long conference with the Dutch, in which they used many threats, and complained of many injuries they pretended to have suffered from the English, but of which I shall only briefly treat, as the letter from Mr Courthop, which I brought over from Banda and delivered to Captain Ball, will certify your worships at large on this matter. They complained, that Sir Henry Middleton had used the Dutch colours, when in the Red Sea, pretending to be Holland ships, to their injury and discredit. To this Mr Courthop replied, that it was false, as he had sailed with Sir Henry, and never knew him to wear Dutch colours; which, moreover, Sir Henry was too much a gentleman to have done. They pretended to have our king's letter, authorizing them to capture any English ship seen to the eastwards of the Celebes. Mr Courthop urged them to produce this letter, on seeing which he declared his readiness to obey the authority of his sovereign, and to evacuate Puloroon; but they had none such to produce. They alleged many other things, equally false, and used many arguments to induce us to quit Puleroon. All this time, neither Mr Davies nor any other of the English in their hands were permitted to come near Mr Courthop.

Finding he could not prevail, Lawrence Ryall, the Dutch general, grew much discontented, throwing his hat on the ground and pulling his beard for sheer anger. At length Mr Courthop told him, that he could conclude nothing of his own authority, being joined with a council, but should relate every thing that had passed at Puloroon, which should be taken into consideration and an answer sent. I had advised him to say this, to get the easier away. Mr Courthop also urged them to restore our ship the Defence, with her men and goods; but they would not, unless we agreed to surrender Puloroon: offering, if we would deliver up Nylacka and our fort, in which we had twelve pieces of ordnance, that they would then restore both the Swan and Defence, with all our men and goods. Ryall then desired Mr Courthop to sign a note which he had drawn, acknowledging the proffers he had made, but this Mr Courthop refused.

They had so wrought upon Mr Davies, that they expected he might be able to prevail upon Mr Courthop to come into their terms, and now therefore brought him to Mr Courthop, with whom he had much discourse, and particularly urged the truth of the letter they pretended to have from the king of England, as before mentioned. When Mr Courthop told him what he had offered, in case that letter were produced, Mr Davies distinctly saw he had been imposed upon, and broke out into a rage against them, for having told so many falsehoods;[257] adding, that they had promised him and his men good treatment, but that his men complained of being in great want of food and clothing, and of general hard usage. They had sat in judgment upon him and his men, condemning them to remain as prisoners till they had orders from Holland as to their ultimate destination. He even said, that he was willing to continue in durance, provided we could keep them out of Puloroon. The conference being ended, Mr Courthop came back to Nylacka in the galley, and the pledges were restored.

[Footnote 257: Purchas, in a side note at this place, quaintly converts the name of the Dutch general into Lawrence Ly-all.--E.]

The eastern monsoon being now come, we fitted out a proa to send with dispatches to Bantam, giving an account of what had passed; and it was agreed that Mr Hinchley and I were to go, accompanied by four Englishmen and fourteen natives of Puloroon, of whom five were chiefs, or orancays, one of them being son to the sabander, who is the principal man of the island. We set sail from Puloroon on the 17th April, 1617, and when in sight of Bottone on our way for Macassar, we descried a large ship and a pinnace, which gave us chase under a press of sail, so that we had no means of escape, except by standing in for Bottone. After being chased half a day, we got near the town of Bottone by night, thinking the ships could not have got so far up the river; but seeing the ship and pinnace almost within musket-shot of us next morning, we presently landed most of what we had in the proa, taking refuge in the woods. Having so done, we went immediately to the king, to whom we gave a present of such things as we had, to the value of about thirty dollars, desiring his protection, which he promised in the kindest manner, and faithfully performed. He sent his servants along with us, to put all our things into a house, giving us also two houses for our lodging, desiring us to remain within, that we might not be discovered by our enemies.

Almost immediately afterwards, the Hollanders went to the king, giving him a present three times the value of ours, and enquired who we were that had landed. To which the king answered that he knew not who we were. On being asked by the king how long they meant to stay, the Dutch said they proposed remaining six days; of which the king sent us notice, advising us to keep close for that time, that we might proceed in greater security after they were gone. But at the end of these six days the Dutch said they would stay six days longer, pretending they had to repair one of their masts. Seeing their intention, and because our proa lay in view of the Dutch, we bought another proa, into which the king made all our things be carried by his slaves, causing them to navigate that proa past the Hollanders, and to carry her to the back of the island, whither he sent us over land under the protection of fifty men. We went immediately aboard, but remained under the island till near night, when we stood our course for Macassar, and saw no more of the Hollanders.

We arrived at Macassar on the 7th May, where we found the Attendance intending for Banda, but was unable to beat up, owing to the change of the monsoon. Having shipped in the Attendance 180 suckles of mace, purchased at Macassar, we sent the proa to Banjarmassen and Succadanea in Borneo, with advice that a supply of goods could not be sent there as expected, owing to the non-arrival of the Solomon, which had been long expected at Bantam. The 3d June we arrived at Bantam. As Captain George Barkley was dead, to whom Mr Ball succeeded as chief of the factory, I have delivered all the papers to him, and doubt not that your worships may receive them by the first conveyance. Those are, two surrenders, the letters from the Hollanders with our answers, and every thing relative to our proceedings in Banda.

When I left Puloroon, it was agreed that another proa was to be dispatched for Bantam in twenty days after our departure, lest we might have been pursued and taken by the Hollanders. Accordingly a proa[258] was sent, in which was laden 170 suckles of mace, containing 3366 cattees, each cattee being six English pounds and nearly two ounces, costing at the rate of one dollar the cattee;[259] which, had it gone safe, might have sold in England for £5000. In this proa there were eight Englishmen and thirty Bandanese, under the charge of Walter Stacie, who had been mate under Mr Hinchley in the Defence. His knowledge and care, however, did not answer expectation, for he ran the proa on the rocky shoals near the island of Bottone, where she bilged and lost all the mace, the men getting ashore. Stacie is much blamed by the rest, some of whom told him they saw land on the lee-bow, but he was peevish and headstrong, calling them all fools, and would not listen to them.

[Footnote 258: In a marginal note, this is called a junk.--E.]

[Footnote 259: From the statement in the text, the suckle appears to have been about 122 English pounds, and the quantity of mace accordingly, shipped on this occasion, about 185 cwt. or 9 1/4 tons.--E.]

May it please your worships to understand, that the Hollanders replied, when told that their vile abuses to us would lie heavy on them when known in Europe, "That they can make as good friends in the court of England as your worships; that this which they have done will oblige your worships and them to join, so that a gold chain will recompence all, and they have dollars enough in Holland to pay for a ship or two, providing they can hinder us from trading at Banda."

In regard to the trade of the Banda islands, Puloroon is reported to be the worst island. It is about eight English miles in circuit, and the small adjoining island of Nylacka is about a mile round. There is a tolerable quantity of nutmegs and mace grown on Puloroon, and considerably more might be got there if the island were well cultivated. Rosengin is a fine island, producing the largest nutmegs and best mace of all the Banda islands; and, if we hold possession of Puloroon, abundance of nutmegs and mace could be had from Rosengin, Lantore, and other places; as the natives would come over to us with their spices, provided we supply them with rice, cloth, salt, pepper, molasses, and other necessaries, and some Macassar gold, which passes as current in Banda as Spanish rials of eight, and at the same rate, though only worth at Bantam two shillings and fourpence or two and sixpence, for the piece called mass. Our cargo was small, having only 100 quoines of rice, and our cloth was much decayed, having lain two or three years at Macassar. If we had had three times as much, we could have sold it all at Puloroon for mace and nutmegs, being entreated for cloth and rice by people from Lantore, Rosengin and other places, but had it not, so that some returned home again with part of their spices. They came over to Puloroon in the night with proas and corracorras. The mace and nuts were very good, but must be injured by lying so long, owing to the molestations of the Hollanders, while we had no lime for preserving the nuts. The trade will turn out very profitable, if we may quietly possess the island of Puloroon; but we must buy rice at a lower rate than in Macassar, and I understand it can be had in Japan for about half the price.

In regard to our right to the Banda islands, especially Puloway, Captain Castleton might have made that secure, as I have often been told; and at all events, we have a much better right than the Hollanders, who by force of arms have dispossessed us. Except Puloroon be supplied this year, and the possession maintained, the English name will be utterly disgraced, with little chance of our ever being received there again. If we are able to hold it until your worships have determined what to do in the matter, we shall soon be able to procure there as much mace and nutmegs as the Hollanders; and it may also serve as an entrance into the Moluccas for cloves. The Hollanders pretend an exclusive right to the Bandas and Moluccas, in consequence of having the son of the king of Ternate in their hands as a prisoner. But the Bandanese deny that the king of Ternate has any right of dominion in their islands, every one of their islands being free, and governed by sabanders and orancays of their own appointment.

It is indispensible, that supplies of rice and other victuals, and cloth, should be sent for the English and Bandanese, and to bring away the nutmegs and mace we have there in godowns or warehouses. The Hollanders give out that they will take all your ships that go to those parts, so as to famish both the English and Bandanese; wherefore it requires earnest and speedy attention, that we may quietly enjoy our trade to these islands, which have been surrendered to us, and desire our trade. These are Puloway, Puloroon, Rosengin, and Wayre, which last is a town in Lantore. Puloway is reported to be a paradise, and the Hollanders allege that it is as much worth to them as Scotland is to his majesty. Even should your worships not be able to get Puloway restored, yet, if you enjoy the other three, we shall be able to procure enough of nutmegs and mace for the supply of England, and also for the trade of Surat and other places in India. Now is the time or never, considering the vile abuses and murders committed upon us by the Hollanders. At this time, the Charles and the Hope are bound home from Bantam, and I pray God to send them safe to London. I have sent your worships a brief abstract of our cargo for Banda, and of the sales made there. If I seem tedious, I humbly crave pardon; and, with my humble duty, beseeching the Almighty to prosper and give good success to all your designs, I humbly take leave,

being your worships most humble servant in all duty,

Thomas Spurway.

SECTION X.

FIFTH VOYAGE THE JOINT STOCK BY THE ENGLISH EAST INDIA COMPANY, IN 1617, UNDER THE COMMAND OF CAPTAIN MARTIN PRING.[260]

INTRODUCTION.

The fleet appointed for this voyage consisted of five ships; the James Royal of 1000 tons, Rowland Coytmore master; the Ann Royal of 900 tons, Andrew Shilling master; the Gift of 800 tons, Nathaniel Salmon master; the Bull of 400 tons, Robert Adams master; and the Bee of 150 tons, John Hatch master; the whole under the supreme command of Martin Pring, general, who sailed in the James Royal.--Purch.

[Footnote 260: Purch. Pilgr. I. 63.]

S.1. Occurrences on the Voyage out, and at Surat, Bantam, and Jacatra.

On Tuesday the 4th February, 1617, our fleet dropt down from Gravesend. Thursday the 6th, Mr deputy Maurice Abbot, with several of the commissioners, came aboard and mustered all our men, paying their harbour wages. These gentlemen left us next day, when all our men were entered upon whole pay. After much foul weather, we departed from the Downs on the 5th March. The 22d of June we Lad sight of Saldanha point, and anchored that same afternoon in the bay, whence we departed on the 13th July. The moon was totally eclipsed at night of the 6th August; it began at eight o'clock and continued till past eleven, being totally eclipsed for an hour and half. On the 25th August at night, between seven and eight o'clock, being in latitude 4° 20' S. the water of the sea seemed almost as white as milk, and so continued till morning, when it began to alter. Next night we found the water similar, but not altogether so white. Before day on the 30th, the water was again white, and likewise the next night; but on all these occasions we could find no ground.

On the night of the 8th September at twelve o'clock, our ship sprung a leak, which, when discovered, had raised the water in our hold six feet and a half. In four hours, with both pumps, the ship was freed, but we afterwards found that the water increased at the rate of a foot in the half hour. In the morning of the 9th, I summoned the chief commanders of the fleet on board, desiring them to send their carpenters to assist in searching for the leak, and some of each of their companies to aid our men in pumping. Some were set to rummage the hold in search of the leak, and others to stick our sprit-sail full of oakum, with which we made several trials under the ship's bilge, but could not find the leak. We at length found, by divers trials within board, that the leak was before the main-mast; and we, next morning, fitted the sprit-sail again, letting it down at the stern, and brought it forwards by degrees, and at length, by God's blessing, our leak was partly stopped, as the water only rose about six inches in a glass, which had before risen twelve inches. Bat within three glasses, the oakum being washed out, the leak increased as before. This night we got an additional pump from the Bull, to free the water from the fore part of our ship, where it stood eighteen inches deeper than in our well. The 11th, we again fitted our sprit-sail with oakum and let it down again, when it pleased God so to favour us, that in an hour after our ship was tighter than ever.

On the morning of the 12th we espied a sail, which the Gift came up with in the afternoon, being a Portuguese ship belonging to Don Pedro de Almeyda, from Mozambique bound for Diu, laden principally with about fifty quintals of elephants teeth. In the morning of the 20th the Bee rejoined us from Swally roads, informing us that the rest of our fleet was safe in that anchorage. They had brought in with them a junk and two other ships, which they had chased on the 16th. The junk was a great ship of Surat, belonging to the mother of the Great Mogul, burden about 1200 or 1400 tons, having in her above 1000 persons, and twenty-nine tons of silver, though some said a great deal more. The other two were English interlopers, called the Francis and the Lion: the former of 160 tons, belonging to-----, and commanded by Captain Neuce; and the latter of 120 tons, fitted out by Philip Bernardy, an Italian merchant in London, commanded by Thomas Jones, who had formerly been boatswain of the Hector.

This evening we anchored in the road of Swally, where we found the rest of our fleet, with the foresaid junk and the two English privateers. On oar arrival, we heard of two Dutch ships having been cast away at Gowdever;[261] the Rotterdam of 1000 tons, and a small pinnace. The 9th October, I sent up twenty-one chests of coral to Surat, which were landed two days before from the Ann; and at night I sent up eight tons and four hundredweight of elephants teeth, taken out of our Portuguese prize. This afternoon twenty sail of frigates from Goa arrived at the bar of Surat, commanded by the Captain-major Don Pedro de Asadedo, [Asovedo?] From one of these, five of the country people came ashore among our men, two of whom were taken by our guard, and confessed they came from Goa a month before, having orders from the viceroy to range the coast, to discover the English, when they were to return; but if the English were not on the coast, they were to proceed for Cambay, to capture the caffila, or convoy of country vessels.

[Footnote 261: This name is inexplicably corrupt.--E.]

In the morning of the 14th October, seventeen of the frigates departed for Cambay, passing fairly by us. This day likewise I sent fourteen tons of elephants teeth to Surat, under a guard of thirty-six men, who likewise conveyed our treasure to Ahmedabad; and, on the 17th, I sent other twelve tons four hundredweight of elephants teeth. This day the Portuguese frigates returned again, and passed in our sight to the southwards. Next day we sent off all the rest for our ivory; and on the 22d we landed sixteen chests of coral, and two of sea-horse teeth, out of the Bull.

The 14th November, a month's pay was distributed to all the ships companies, except the chief commanders and merchants, amounting to 3302 Spanish dollars. After this, the Bee was sent off for Jasques; and we landed from the other ships cloth, tin, cases of wine and strong waters, and all the rest of the presents that were in the cabin.

The 17th January, 1618, the Bee returned from Persia. This day seven Malabar junks were seen in the offing, two of which were brought in by the Francis, and two by the Bee. We departed from Swally roads on the 12th March, and anchored that same evening near the bar of Surat. The 17th, in the morning, the wind coming about northerly, the Ann departed for the Red Sea, and on the 18th I dispatched the Bull. At noon of this day, standing to the southward, we were in lat. 11° 25' N. the wind, as for four or five days before, being, at night, a slight breath from the land, and, by day, in the afternoon, a fresh breeze from the sea. In the forenoon of this day, we saw eight sail to the southward of us, and three between us and the land, besides two sallies and ten frigates. In the afternoon of the 28th, the Francis and the Bee being near the shore abreast of Calicut, the Zamorin sent off a boat desiring to speak with me, but I was too far shot to the southwards before the message reached me.

The 2d April we got in the morning into the bay of Brinjan, where we anchored in fourteen fathoms, within half a league of the town, a high peaked hill, like a sugar-loaf; bearing N.E. by E. by the compass, which is the best mark to know this place by, when the weather is clear. This is a good place for refreshments, having hens, cocoa-nuts, and goats in abundance, and plenty offish, together with excellent water springing from the rock; but we had to pay seventy dollars, a cloth vest, a fowling-piece, a mirror, and a sword, for leave to provide ourselves with water, and all too little to satisfy the governor, who, after receiving our money and giving us leave, came down with seven or eight hundred men, demanding more money, and if we had not kept a strong guard at the spring, would have put us from it after our money was paid. The 5th, the wind being fair off shore, we weighed anchor and departed, and in the evening were abreast of a headland eight leagues S.E. by E. from Brinjan, from which to Cape Comorin it is seven leagues E. two-thirds S. At six in the evening of the 7th, we had Cape Comorin N.N.E. one-third N. five leagues off, and had soundings in thirty fathoms. And on the 19th June we were in Bantam roads, when Captain Ball and Mr Pickham came on board.

On the 24th I visited the pangran, to accommodate matters for Captain Ball, who had arrested a Chinese junk for certain debts they owed our factory, making offer to restore the junk, if the pangran would give us justice, which he gave me his word to do. I went to him again on 6th July, accompanied by Mr Ball, Mr Rich, Mr Pickham, and several other merchants, when he was so inveterate against Mr Ball, that he refused to see him. On which I sent him word, that Mr Ball had brought the bills of our debt due by the Chinese, and was the only person among us who could explain the transactions between our factory and the Chinese, of which I was entirely ignorant. The messenger returned, saying that Mr Ball could not be received, on which we all left the court.

The 1st September, having the wind off the land, we weighed in the morning, and stood for point Ayre, keeping in seven fathoms till within three miles of the point, where one cast we had a quarter less seven, and the next cast only three fathoms. Some supposed we here touched, but it was not perceived by me. Off this point there is a shoal almost even with the surface of the water, but having seven fathoms within two cables length of its edge. This afternoon, while standing towards three Dutch ships that rode right in the fair-way, and when within a mile of them, our ship grounded; but, God be praised, we got her off again without any hurt, and so into the bay, where we again fell in with a shoal, of which we came within two cables length, which lies one and a half league from the Flemish islands. We got safely into the road of Jacatra, [now Batavia road] in the afternoon of the 2d September, having been providentially delivered from three several dangers the day before, of which may we be ever thankful.

The 19th, the Angel, a Dutch ship of 500 tons, came in from Amboina, laden with nutmegs and cloves, and departed again on the 25th. Early in the morning of the 26th, I went to visit the king, and found him in a good humour, and conferring with him upon some former business, we came to a conclusion before I left him, to the following purpose: That he was to give us a convenient piece of ground for building upon, for which we were to pay 1500 dollars, and were to be free from all customs on exports and imports on payment of 800 dollars yearly.

S.2. Dutch Injustice, and Sea-fight between them and Sir Thomas Dale.

The 27th of September, Mr Bishop arrived from Jappara in the roads in a proa, in which was a Cogee, bringing a letter from the Matron to Captain Ball, wherefore I sent him away to Bantam that night. He left two English behind him at Jappara, one of whom had fled from the Dutch. He likewise brought letters from several of our people who were prisoners in the Moluccas, and one of these was directed to me, from Mr Richard Tatten, in which he complained much of the gross usage of the Dutch, who would hardly allow them a sufficiency of rice to subsist upon, and who constantly clapped them in irons, on every idle rumour of the coming of our ships.

On the evening of the 30th October, Cornelius Marthen, who commanded the French ship taken by the Dutch, came into the roads, and came aboard my ship that same night. After some discourse, he told me we had six ships coming from England for these seas, commanded by Sir Thomas Dale, for some special business at the Moluccas, whither he was bound with the Stathouder, the Neptune, and this French prize, to wait the coming of good friends. The 27th, in the evening, we had four feet and a half water in our hold, which we freed in two hours with both our pumps, and kept under afterwards with one pump, till next morning about ten o'clock, when we let down a sail wadded with oakum, which fortunately stopped our leak. The 31st, I found an excellent place for putting our ship on the careen, on a small island within Taniam point, in the bay of Bantam, on which we made all preparations to remove to that place.

The Rose arrived from Tecoo on the 15th of November, bringing news that the Hollanders had established a Factory there soon after ours was dissolved. The 19th, the Moon, Clove, Samson, and Peppercorn arrived from England, and anchored between Vium point and Pulo Paniang. Perceiving the Clove to be admiral, I went first on board her, taking such fresh victuals as we could spare. I here found Sir Thomas Dale admiral, and Mr Jordain president, and learnt that they had lost company of the Globe to the westward of the Cape, and, what was far worse, they had left the Sun, the flag ship, in great danger of being cast away on the isle of Engano, the whole fleet having much difficulty to double that island. They had afterwards waited two days for the Sun, but she had been bilged on the rocks, as we afterwards learnt, to our great regret. In the morning of the 22d, these ships sailed into Bantam roads, and on passing the island where our ship lay, we saluted them with fifteen guns we had planted on the shore, and struck my flag in compliment to Sir Thomas Dale, who was admiral of that fleet.

Two boats arrived on the 28th from Engano, with sixty-eight men belonging to the Sun, bringing the lamentable news of the loss of that ship, with many of her company, on, that island. The 29th, the Globe arrived in the morning, and this day our leak broke out afresh, but was quickly stopped by removing the bonnet.[262] The 30th, our ship being entirely cleared from stem to stem, the carpenters went below to search for the leak; and as they passed forwards, removing the lining as they went, they found an auger hole left open in the middle of the keel, in the foremost room save one, which hole was four inches and three quarters about, and, had it sprung upon us while at sea and alone, would have tired out our whole company in twenty-four hours. In this the great mercy of God was manifest, that it never broke out upon us but when we had a fleet along with us for our aid.

[Footnote 262: Perhaps this means by shifting the wadded sail.--E.]

A fast being proclaimed to be held on board the fleet, and the exercise to be in the James on Sunday the 3d December, Mr Wren, the chaplain of the Sun, preached in the morning, and our own minister, Mr Copland, in the afternoon. This day the Bee sailed for Engano, in hopes to recover some money and goods belonging to the Swan, from the inhabitants of that island. The 4th, a Dutch ship, called the Black Lion, arrived from Patania, and rode to the westward of Pulo Paniang. As Mr Denton was well acquainted among the Dutch, he was sent aboard in the barge to enquire whence she came. On coming aboard, he met an old acquaintance, Hendrick Janson, who had been a long time chief factor for the Dutch in Patania. He, and another inferior factor, came aboard the Moon along with Mr Denton, where they were well entertained till Sir Thomas Dale came on board, and were soon after set ashore at Bantam. That same night we held a council, when it was determined to proceed before day with four ships, the Moon, Clove, Globe, and Samson, against the Black Lion, the better to prevent her escape. At break of day on the 6th, we were close around her, and after a short parley, they yielded their ship, on condition of being allowed to land with all their private property; and we brought her that same day near the island, among the rest of our fleet.

The Bee returned on the 14th, having been forced back by contrary wind, and unable to get through the straits. On the 16th, twenty Portuguese came on board the James Royal, who had fled from the Dutch at Jacatra, and whom we received kindly. This evening we were ready to sail, having eleven ships, great and small, and being in hopes to drive the Dutch from Jacatra. Our fleet consisted of the following ships:--The Moon, in which Sir Thomas Dale sailed as admiral; the Gift, in which I sailed as vice-admiral; the Unicorn, Clove, Globe, Samson, Pepper-corn, Thomas, Bee, Rose, and Black Lion. We left behind us the James Royal, the Advice, and our prize, because the James was not ready, and the other two had most of her provisions and stores on board.

We sailed in the morning of the 19th, and anchored that evening between Pulo Paniang and Pulo Tunda. In the evening of the 20th, we anchored with our whole fleet about a league to the northward of Hector island. This night we sent a barge to the Flemish islands, where they found no persons on the southern island: but there lay there a Dutch galley, which they set on fire, and so returned on board. That same evening we saw seven Dutch vessels in the bay of Jacatra. Early in the morning of the 21st, they all stood out towards us till near the islands, when they anchored all together, and we stood towards them in the afternoon, coming to anchor about a mile to windward of their fleet. In the evening, we held a consultation on board the Moon, when it was resolved to assault the Butch fleet in the following manner:--The Globe and Samson were appointed to assail the Sun, and the Thomas was to pass in between them, filled with combustible matter as a fire-ship, to set the Sun on fire. The Moon and Clove were to attempt the Golden Lion; the Gift and Bee were to assail the Angel; the Unicorn and Rose were to attack the Devil of Delft; and the Pepper-corn was ordered to surprise the burger-boat come from Jambee, which rode about three leagues from the rest, and whose boat, with thirteen men, had been intercepted by our barge, while making for the Dutch fleet, about seven this evening. This arrangement being written down, we departed, every man to his own particular charge.

After we were gone, the admiral, Sir Thomas Dale, sent his boat to the Thomas for three sackers, which kept them at work till next morning at eight o'clock, so that the Hollanders were all away before these guns were got on board the Moon. We were then all in a Burly-burly to weigh and get out to sea, that we might have sea-room, and the advantage of the turn of the tide, which we at length attained, getting without the isles of Point Aire. In the mean time, the Dutch fleet passing between these isles and the main of Java, anchored that night on the coast of Java, and our fleet in the offing, without the islands. On the 23d, in the morning, the Dutch fleet stood off to the westwards, close under Anti-Lackie, in which course the Devil of Delft borrowed so near, that she got aground, and remained fast for a quarter of an hour. On seeing this, we made towards them, but she was got off before we could get any thing near, when she and all the rest of their fleet stood to the northwards. As our fleet had the weather-gage, we paid room upon them[263] till we came within shot, and then the Moon, commanded by our admiral, Sir Thomas Dale, began the fight with the headmost ship of the enemy, called the San. The battle continued for the space of three hours, during which time we spent upon them some 1200 cannon-shot, when we left them for the night, they standing so for to the northwards, that they got the burger-boat again into their company, and then anchored about half a league from us to the westwards, where they remained all night.

[Footnote 263: This antiquated expression evidently means bearing down upon them to leewards.--E.]

Both fleets weighed anchor on the 24th, ours plying to the westwards to gain the wind, and the Hollanders ran in shore towards Point Aire. In the mean time, we descried three sail coming before the wind from the westwards, which at length we perceived to be the Little James, the Hound, and the Francis. By and bye we joined altogether, and chased the Dutch fleet through the bay of Jacatra, to its eastern point, where we all came to anchor for the night. During the night, the Dutch from Jacatra sent a junk filled with combustible matter, and on fire, which came so near our fleet that we were fain to weigh our anchors and get out of her way. The 25th, being Christmas-day, we again saw the Dutch fleet standing to the eastwards, and we sent our barge to follow them all night, to see what course they took, because we had left the James Royal in the bay of Bantam, with the Advice and our prize, which they might have surprised, if they got to Bantam before us, as there was no ship of force but the James, and she was unprepared, being busied in taking in her goods and stores, after being emptied to find her leak.

The 27th of December, after midnight, the Black Lion, our Dutch prize, was set on fire by the carelessness of three wicked fellows, and burnt to the water's edge. The president went ashore on the morning of the 30th, to wait upon the king of Jacatra, accompanied by Mr Henry Jackson, when an unfortunate shot carried away his leg, of which wound he died.[264]

[Footnote 264: It appears in the sequel that it was Jackson who lost his leg and life though the text leaves it dubious whether he or the president.--E.]

The 1st of January, 1619, the James Royal, the Advice, and the prize, joined us from Bantam. The 2d, Sir Thomas Dale went ashore to Jacatra to visit the king, and to learn what were his intentions respecting the Dutch fort. The king gave to both him and the president much satisfaction, in words at least, promising to grant the English any reasonable conditions, if they would assist him to surprise the Dutch castle. This morning, before day, the Francis departed for Puloroon, with provisions for the relief of Mr Nathaniel Courthop and his companions. The 6th we held a council of war aboard the Moon, when it was determined that we should land from our greater ships six pieces of large cannon, three culverines, and three demi-culverines, with a proportional store of powder and shot, to assist the king of Jacatra against the Dutch; that Sir Thomas Dale was to remain in that road with eight sail, to cover this business, while five ships, under my command, were to ply up for the straits of Sunda, to lie in wait for the Dutch ships.