Volume 9 / Part 2 / Book 3 — CHAPTER XI. (continued 10)

[Footnote 290: Let English Christians read, blush, and amend--Purch.]

We dined that day with the scrivano, and hired a house of Hassan Aga, one of our pledges, at seventy dollars the monsoon, or yearly rent, it being all the same. The scrivano insisted to swear himself our friend on his Koran, yet denied the present governor to be the person who captured Sir Henry Middleton, which we afterwards found to be Turkish faith, or absolute falsehood. We now agreed to pay at the rate of three in the hundred, ad valorem, both inwards and outwards, though the scrivano swore that all others paid five; all money, with silver and gold in bullion, to pass free of duty. We remained this night with the scrivano to supper, and gave him a present.

On the 29th of April we expected to have had our phirmaun publicly read before all the merchants, and proclaimed to the people; but most part of the day was spent in ceremony by the governor and other chiefs at the mosque, on account of the death of Sultan Achmet, the Grand signior, and the accession of his brother to the throne. They came riding past our house while we were sitting at a window which opened to the street, whence we made our obeisance to them, and they bowed in return. They were all in grand gala, having their horses richly caparisoned. At four in the afternoon we were sent for, but our linguist had got to a Jew house and was drunk with arrack, so we sent an apology, under pretence that Mr Salbank was indisposed, and promised attendance next day. On the 31st, the governor sent for us, and made our welcome known to all the merchants, causing his scrivano draw up a phirmaun as full as we could have wished, which he signed with his chop or seal in the afternoon at the house of the principal scrivano, entirely according to what was before agreed upon, by which we were to pay three per cent. for all we landed, excepting money, and the same for all we took on board, except victuals. We got afterwards a similar phirmaun from Mahomet, the pacha of Sinan: and Rejib Aga gave us a particular safe conduct for Mr Salbank and the rest.[291]

[Footnote 291: Copies, or translations rather, from the Arabic, are given in the Pilgrims of all these three phirmauns, which it was not thought necessary to insert.--E]

It was now agreed among ourselves that Mr Salbank and I were to remain ashore to conduct the business of sales and purchases, while Mr Barber staid on board to prepare and send such goods as we required. The 5th of May we went to the scrivano to get leave to make arrack for the use of our sick men; because, since our linguist and several of our people had got drunk in the house of a Jew, we had complained, and procured an order prohibiting the Jews from selling them any, and the governor had even strictly enjoined the Jews and Turks not to sell any more arrack or wine in the town. At our request through the scrivano, the governor granted leave for a Jew, nominated for the purpose to brew arrack at our house, but forbid any to be made elsewhere.

In the afternoon of the 8th, learning that the governor and principal men were sitting in form at the Alfandica, to receive the Surat captain who was then coming on shore, we went also to see the ceremonial of his reception. We found the governor at the upper end of a long room, sitting on a stone bench spread with carpets, having on the same bench with him various merchants and Turks of quality, to the number of about twenty. Opposite to him sat about as many in chairs, forming a lane down the room to a square platform raised three steps from the floor, railed in and matted, in which the scrivano and other officers of the customs sat on carpets. The governor bid us welcome, saying he had given orders to the chief broker to examine our goods and promote their sale. He then desired us to sit down, two merchants offering us their places, and called for coffee and tobacco to regale us.

About half an hour after, the nokhada, or captain of the Surat ship, came ashore. His boat was curiously painted, having a tilt of red silk, with many streamers, and sails of fine white calico. He was rowed by twenty of his servants, all dressed in fine white calico, and he was accompanied by a wretched band of music, consisting of drums, waits, and bad trumpets, the noise from which was augmented by the discharge of guns from his own great junk and those belonging to the town. Attended by a few slaves, decked out in silks and coarse sattins, he entered the lone room where we were, when the governor rose and saluted him, and placed him next himself on the stone bench. Many compliments of welcome passed between the nokhada and the other merchants; but in the height of his pride he overlooked us, and we him accordingly. Yet we thought he might have shewn us more respect, considering that Captain Shilling had sent his long-boat and men to free his junk of 400 or 500 tons, when aground, and had entertained him with much civility aboard our ship.

After some time spent in compliments, coffee was again brought in for all the company; after which six vests were produced, two of which were given to the Surat captain, and one each to his four principal merchants. When these were put on, and mutual salams or reverences given, they again sat down, like so many painted images, dressed up in coats of coarse gold and silver velvet. We here observed one usual custom of this town, at the arrival of any junk, and the landing of her nokhada or captain, that free liberty is given to all the mariners and passengers to bring ashore as much goods as each man can carry on his back, without payment of any duty; accordingly, at this time, about 300 persons belonging to this junk passed with their luggage to the captain's residence, unmolested.

On the 9th, our landlord and the scrivano told us that three junks from Diu, and four Malabar vessels, were at Aden, whence they were afraid to proceed without our pass or licence. Accordingly we sent them a free pass, signed by our captain and three merchants. In this, after reciting that we had found good usage from the governor and merchants at Mokha, we engaged to give them all freedom to pass quietly, assuring them of kind usage, provided they were not enemies to our sovereign or his subjects. A more general pass was afterwards granted by us for the quiet and free departure of all junks and other vessels, with their cargoes, mariners, and passengers.

On the 10th, the captain of the Dabul junk invited us to a banquet at his house, where we found the governor with about fifty principal persons, besides attendants, all of whom rose up to bid us welcome. Coffee, sherbet, and tobacco, were served round, with various fruits, as plums, apricots, and mangoes, and thinking these had been the feast, we were about to depart; but the governor and the Dabul captain desired us to remain, that we might eat bread and salt with them, which we did. The feast at last made its appearance, though late, being about sixty dishes of meats, baked, roasted, broiled, stewed, and boiled, but all mingled with rice and various kinds of sallads, in the fashion of India.

Our cargo consisted mostly of bad wares, which had lain in India till they were nearly spoiled, and so hung long upon our hands; wherefore we importuned the governor to dispeed our sales, which he charged the broker to do with all expedition. We also had leave granted to come and go between the ship and the shore at our pleasure, without demanding leave, contrary to the usual custom of the port, the water bailiff being ordered to give us no molestation. On the 20th, it was noticed that the monsoon had changed. The 24th, the scrivano observed to us that our sailors, on coming ashore, were in the custom of selling baftas and sword-blades in the bazar. He said the governor had promised liberty for the goods of these poor fellows to pass free of custom, and therefore they might freely bring them ashore for sale, but must sell them at our house, and not in the public bazar, which was a disgrace to us and our nation.

On the 31st, our ship was in great danger of being burnt. Some one happened to be smoking on the spritsail yardarm, when the burning tobacco fell out unobserved into a fold of the sail, where it burnt through two or three breadths, and was long smelt before it could be found. After this, smoking was strictly prohibited, except in the cook-room or the captain's cabin. At this time, for the recovery of our sick men, the exploration of the coast, and procuring ballast instead of lead taken out of the ship for sale, it was concluded to send the ship over to Assab; on the African coast, on which occasion Mr Baffen, the master's mate, was sent before to sound and discover the passage.

On the 10th of June we had a conference with the governor, and, among other discourse, he told us that he was governor of Aden when the Ascension was there, when he imprisoned the captain and Mr Joseph Salbank for two days, suspecting them to be freebooters, and not merchants, as he alleged. He said also that he was governor here at Mokha when Sir Henry Middleton was apprehended, but laid the whole blame of that transaction on the then pacha, whose servant he was, and who had given orders for that and much more, which he called God to witness was much contrary to his inclination, and declared that these things were past, and we had now nothing to fear. By this avowal, we had a clear evidence how far he and the scrivano were to be trusted. The governor sent for us again on the 13th, saying that he had acquainted the pacha with our purpose of sending to him for his phirmaun, and that he had promised a hearty welcome and full contentment, whether we went personally or sent a messenger; but the governor advised that one of us should go up to Sinan, for which purpose he would provide us with horses, camels, and attendants, and should write in our behalf to the pacha.

The 19th a junk arrived from Jiddah, with many passengers from Mecca, bringing camblets, bad coral, amber beads, and much silver, to invest in spices and India cotton goods. She brought news of a ship, laden last year from Mokha for Grand Cairo, which had lost her monsoon, and was forced to wait till next year, at a place only a little way beyond Jiddah. By this ship, the governor had letters informing him that the Grand Signior had sent various state ornaments to the pacha of Sinan, whom he had confirmed in his government for seven years longer, and appointing himself to continue governor of Mokha for the like time, of which he seemed not a little proud.

As I was constantly indisposed, it was thought fit that Mr Salbank should go up to Sinan to wait upon the pacha with a present, and to carry up some goods also with him for sale at that place. On this occasion, the scrivano offered him his own mule to ride upon, which he thankfully accepted. He was furnished with two camels, a cook, a horsekeeper, and three servants belonging to the governor, all of whose wages he agreed to pay at certain fixed rates, and was also accompanied by a linguist named Alberto. Taking leave of the governor, who gave him letters for the pacha, he departed from Mokha about six in the evening of the 23d June, the nights being the accustomed time of travelling.

In the morning of the 23d, we had a letter from our captain; then at Assab, informing of his safe arrival there, and the good health of the people, and that he had procured ballast and provisions to his satisfaction. On the 26th, the governor sent me a horse by one of his servants, inviting me to accompany him to his banqueting house, about half a mile out of town, there to spend the day in mirth along with other merchants. About half an hour after, the chief scrivano came to accompany me, with whom I went, joining the governor by the way, and rode with him to the place. It was a fair house, in the middle of a grove of date trees, beside a large tank or pond, having several rooms handsomely fitted; up for sitting. After a little while, the governor and several others went into the tank to bathe, where they sported themselves for half an hour. Coffee was then handed round to the company, after which grapes, peaches, and both musk and water; melons, were brought in, together with blanched almonds and great quantities of raisins, as there were between fifty and sixty guests, besides, attendants; and always between whiles coffee, sherbet, and tobacco were handed round. Thus, and with indifferent music, we spent the forenoon. After prayers, the governor, went again into the tank, where he spent an hour sporting with his company. In the sequel, the time was spent in cards and chess, and in looking at various; jiggling tricks, till four in the evening. At this time above an hundred dishes were served up, all of good meat, but; cold, and ill dressed, each dish being sufficient to have satisfied four hungry men. He treated me with much kindness, and was earnest to have me go with him into the tank, but I excused myself; on account of my late indisposition. He then said, if at any time I was inclined to bathe, I might come to this place when I pleased, and he would give orders to the keeper to admit me and use me well.

The 12th July, the Surat captain made a fine display of many artificial fire-works before the governor, it being then new moon. The governor sent for me to see them, and placed me in a chair beside himself, telling me he had letters that day from Sinan, informing him that the Pacha had granted a phirmaun for us before the arrival of Mr Salbank, but hearing of his coming, had delayed sending it, and had since granted another, according to his instructions, and had delivered it to Mr Salbank with his own hand.

On the 13th there passed by the roads a junk of four or five hundred tons from Jiddah, bound for Kitchine, a day's sail within the entrance of the Red Sea, which I suppose is not far from Cape Guardafui, on the coast of Africa.[292] She is said to contain great sums in gold and silver, with much valuable merchandize. This ship comes yearly to Mokha at the beginning of the western monsoon, bringing myrrh, and boxes for coho seeds, [coffee] and goes from hence to Jiddah or Aliambo, [Al Yambo] where she sells her coffee and the India goods procured at Kitchine; which last are brought thither by Portuguese barks from Diu and other places. Her outward lading consists of indigo, all manner of India cotton goods, gum-lac; and myrrh.[293] She is freighted by the Portuguese, and the governor of Mokha wished much we had met with her, which we had probably done, had not our ship been absent, which returned into the road of Mokha on the 21st. I went aboard, and was told that the king of Assab and his brother had been aboard, and were kindly entertained, in return for which he promised to supply them with abundance of beeves and goats; but that same evening, in consequence of a signal of fire, he and all his people fled into the mountains, pretending they were threatened by an attack from their enemies, and never even gave thanks for their entertainment.

[Footnote 292: The only place resembling this name is Kissem, on the oceanic coast of Yemen, or Arabia Felix, nearly due N. from Cape Guardafui.--E.]

[Footnote 293: This must refer to her homeward lading, called outward in the text in respect to India.--E.]

Before day of the 27th July, Mr Salbank returned from Sinan in perfect health, and much satisfied with his phirmauns. He gave me an account of his whole journey, having been respectfully treated every where; always before entering any town, being met both by horse and foot to conduct him to the different governors, by whom he was kindly received. All his provisions were provided by their officers, but at his own expence; and the servant of the governor of Mokha caused him every where to be well used. He was met a mile from Sinan by forty or fifty Turks, well mounted, sent by the Pacha to escort him to a well-furnished house prepared for his reception. He was there kindly received and entertained by the xeriffe and the pacha's chief treasurer, who were both deputed to give him welcome in the name of the pacha. Two days afterwards, he had audience of the pacha, from whom he received courteous entertainment, receiving two phirmauns of the same tenor, one of which was much more ornamentally written than the other, and intended for being shown to the Grand Signior, if necessary.

According to his report, the city of Sinan and its neighbourhood will give vent yearly for a good quantity of English cloth, as the weather there is cold for three quarters of the year; and even while he was there, though the height of summer, a person might well endure a furred gown. Besides, there is a court at that place to which belongs forty or fifty thousand gallant Turks,[294] most of whom wore garments of high-priced Venetian cloth. Not far from thence there is a leskar, or camp, of 30,000 soldiers,[295] continually in the field against an Arab king in the adjoining mountains, not yet conquered; all of which soldiers are said to wear coats of quilted India chintzes, which are dear, and of little service to defend them from the cold of that region, which is there excessive. To this I may add the city or Teyes, near which there is a leskar of thirty or forty thousand soldiers, commanded by a German renegado under the pacha of Sinan. That place, though only about five days journey from Mokha, is very cold, and much cloth is worn by the people about that place.

[Footnote 294: This is probably a vast exaggeration, though in words at length in the Pilgrims; and we ought more likely to read four or five thousand Turks.--E.]

[Footnote 295: A similar reduction to 3000 is probably needful for this army.--E.]

On the 2d of August the governor sent a rich vest to our captain by the chief shabander, attended by drums and trumpets, his boat being decked out with flags and streamers. This was delivered with great ceremony, and reverently received. The Dabul nokhada, Melic Marvet, and Roswan, the nokhada of the Chaul ship, sent us letters of recommendation to their kings, on the 11th August, according to our desire, certifying the friendly usage they had experienced from us at Mokha, and our kind offer to protect them on the homeward voyage, from pirates, and entreating therefore for us freedom of trade and friendly usage in their dominions. The 14th, as we had formerly done to others, we gave our passes to two Malabar captains, Amet ben Mahomet of Cananore, under Sultan Ala Rajah, and Aba Beker of Calicut, under the Zamorin.

This day there came a galley into the road from Cairo, having many Turks and Jews as passengers, bringing great store of dollars, chekins, coral, damask, sattin, camblet, opium, velvets, and taffetas. She had come down the whole length of the Red Sea in thirty days. I had a conference with the Jews, one of whom I had formerly known in Barbary. They reported that the brother of the former Grand Signior, on being made emperor, had imprisoned his two nephews, and put to death several of the grandees, and had otherwise given great offence to the great men at Constantinople, whereupon he was deposed and imprisoned, and his eldest nephew made emperor in his stead. They said likewise that an army of 200,000 men was sent against the Persians, for the conquest of Gurgistan, adding various other particulars, some of which turned out true, and others false, like merchants news in general. Some Turks and Jews desired to have passage for themselves and goods in our ship to Surat; and it is likely, when they know us better, much profit may be made in this way, as their junks are usually pestered with rude people.

Having sold and bartered our goods as well as we could have expected, considering our cargo, and dispatched all our business, we visited the governor, and desired to have his testimonials to the lord ambassador, which he gave us. We took leave of him on the 19th of August, and of the scrivano and other chief men of the town, from whom we received protestations of continued kindness on all future occasions. We went aboard that same day, proposing to sail the next day for India, taking the Surat junk under our convoy, according to our instructions.

SECTION XII.

JOURNAL OF A VOYAGE TO SURAT AND JASQUES, IN 1620.[296]

"According to the title of this journal in the Pilgrims, the fleet which sailed on this voyage consisted of the London, of 800 tons, William Baffin master, on board of which was Captain Andrew Shilling, chief in command, or general; the Hart, of 500 tons, Richard Blithe master; the Roebuck, of 300 tons, Richard Swan master; and the Eagle, of 280 tons, Christopher Brown master. The account of the voyage in Purchas is said to consist of extracts from the journal written by Richard Swan, the master or captain of the Roebuck."--E.

[Footnote 296: Purch. Pilgr. 1. 723.]

S.1. Voyage from England to Surat.

We sailed from Tilbury-hope on the 26th of February, 1620, and anchored in Saldanha road [Table Bay, at the Cape of Good Hope] on 24th of June, where we found the Lion homewards-bound, and nine Dutch ships bound for Bantam, commanded by a gentleman named Nicolas van Baccum, who Was said to have studied seven years at Oxford. Next morning the Lion and the Dutch fleet departed, each their several way; and in the evening arrived the Schidam belonging to Deft, outward-bound, which being suspected by both admirals, the master was sent for, and producing Us commission, gave satisfaction. On the 3d of July we made a solemn proclamation of the right and title of his majesty King James to Saldania, and on the 7th King James's mount was erected.[297]

[Footnote 297: It thus appears that the first fortified station at the Cape of Good Hope was erected by the English, to whom that colony now belongs. It would surely be a better appellation for this important colony, which may be called the key of India, to restore its old name-of Saldania, than to continue its present awkward denomination, The Colony of the Cape of Good Hope.--E.]

We sailed from the Cape of Good Hope on the 25th of July, and 26th of October we put into Dabul roads, where we remained till the 2d of November to refresh our men, and to provide the two ships bound for Persia. The 6th November, the Hart and Eagle took leave of us and the 9th we anchored in Swally roads, where we found the Wappen van Zeland, of 1000 tons, which at our arrival took in her colours, and saluted the London with three guns, and the Roebuck with two. I was sent on shore, and brought off Mr Thomas Kerridge, the president of the factory at Surat, with Mr James, and Mr Hopkinson. Next day, in a consultation, it was determined to dispatch us speedily after the Hart and Eagle, as we had intelligence that four Portuguese galleons were waiting at Ormus, or in Jasques roads, to intercept them.

S.2. Voyage from Surat towards Jasques.

The 19th November, having dispatched our business at Swally with all expedition, we set sail towards Jasques. The 21st we chased a ship, which surrendered without resistance, being the Nostra Sennora de Merces, of 200 tons, bound from Muscat for Chaul, having on board forty-two Arabian horses, her principal loading, and for which trade she was built. The residue of her cargo consisted of dates and raisins. The name of her captain was Francisco de Mirando.

The 5th December, when in latitude 24° 55' N. we met the Hart and Eagle coming from Jasques for Surat, because not of sufficient strength to encounter the Portuguese force which was waiting for them with the intention of ruining our Persian trade. Thus happily rejoined to our former consorts, we shaped our course for Jasques to accomplish our purpose. The 8th, at the earnest desire of the Portuguese and Moors taken in the prize, we set them on shore, except some Moor seamen whom we detained in our service, and the Portuguese pilot, who entreated to stay, as he feared some hard usage from his own people. On the 12th, certain volunteers who had engaged to set fire to our prize, and run her aboard the Portuguese admiral, were put on board of her, and she was fitted as a fire-ship. The 15th we had sight of the east point of Jasques roads, having upon it a tomb or old square flat-roofed house, which bore W.N.W. by compass, twelve miles off. From Diu head to this point, I make the longitude, by the ordinary plain chart, 9° 55' 36" W. but by Mercator's projection, 10° 51'. From where we were, we could see the Portuguese men of war sent from Lisbon to oppose our trade with Persia, consisting of two Portuguese galleons, one of which was larger than the London, and two Dutch ships, one as large as the Hart, while the other was less than the Eagle. Their general was Don Ruy Frere de Andrado; the vice-admiral, Joam Boralio; and the two Dutch ships were commanded by Antonio Musquet and Baltazar de Chaves.[298]

[Footnote 298: According to a special account of this and the succeeding sea-fight, appended to the present relation in Purchas, the Portuguese fleet on the present occasion, besides the four galleons, consisted of two gallions and ten frigates or armed barks, none of which are here mentioned except the four galleons.--E.]

S.3. Account of the first Fight with the Portuguese.

In the morning of the 16th December, our admiral and all the masters of our squadron went on board the prize, carrying two barrels of powder, some tar, and other combustible materials, to fit her up as a fire-ship, intending to lay her on board the Portuguese admiral athwart his hawse, that both might burn together. After she was fitted, we bore up for the Portuguese squadron, but it fell calm, and the current set us so near them, that they reached us with their shot. We kept under sail all night, and in the morning of the 17th, being to leeward of them in consequence of the land breeze, they weighed and made toward us, when we waited their approach, although they preserved the advantage of the weather-gage. The fight began about nine in the morning, and continued without intermission for nine hours. In the afternoon, a fine gentle sea-breeze sprung up from the westwards, which gave us the weather-gage; and the Portuguese admiral anchored, either of necessity to repair some defect about his rudder, or of policy to gain some expected advantage. His vice-admiral and the large Dutch ship anchored to the eastwards, and the lesser Dutch ship to leeward of them all, stopping his leaks. We were now in great hopes of putting our fire-ship to a good purpose; but being too soon fired and forsaken by those who had her in charge, she drove clear of them all, to their joy and our disgrace. Seeing them remain at anchor, and keeping to windward of them, we turned to and again close a-head of them as they rode at anchor, raking them as we passed, through and through, fore and aft, especially the admiral, receiving only in return their prow and bow-chases. By these, as I passed to the north, two unfortunate shots cut asunder the weather leech ropes of the Roebuck's foresail and fore-topsail, in the middle depth of both sails; owing to which we could not bring her into stays, and were forced, for repairing these sails, to bear down to leeward, between the enemy and the shore; in which course, the three great ships plied their whole broadsides against us, but with less hurt than I could have imagined, God be praised. Having compassed the three large ships, I luffed up to rejoin our squadron, which still held the advantage of the wind, and plied their great guns on the Portuguese like so many muskets. When I had got to windward of the smaller Dutch ship, which stood off as I did till he had our fire-ship directly between him and me, he turned tail, and steered right before the wind along shore to the eastwards, with all the sail he could carry. The other three now set sail to his rescue, and were now so tame, that as the Hart passed along their broadsides, she received only a few shots great and small from any of them, and from some none at all. The night now coming on, and our people being all wearied by the long continuance of the fight, we all desisted from any farther chase, and came to anchor in our usual road.

In this fight, the London and Hart had very little harm in their hulls and tackling, and less, or rather none, in their men. The main-mast of the Eagle was hurt in five places, four of which were quite through, and one of her men lost his right arm. In the Roebuck, I had one man slain by a cannon ball striking his head. A piece of his skull and some splinters of the ball wounded one of my mates in the forehead, and destroyed his left eye; and two others of my men lost the use of their right hands. God be praised for our good fortune; for I never heard of so small loss in so long a fight as we now sustained. I cannot truly state the loss of the enemy: but, by the report of our merchants, their vice-admiral and another captain were slain, and thirty or forty men in the admiral's ship alone, the rest as yet unknown. As to their Moors, they do not count them among the num her of their men.

In the morning of the 18th, the day after the action, we could see the Portuguese at anchor ten miles to the east of us, having the wind fair to have come down, but they did not. We then held a consultation, whether it were better for us to take the first of the sea breeze, which usually begins about noon, to stand towards them and try it out for the mastery, before they could receive supplies from Ormus, Muskat, or Goa, or else to make sail for Jasques roads, on purpose to land our goods and money, in case of the worst, these being the prize they sought to obtain and we to defend. Accordingly, the London got that night into Jasques road, but the rest could not get in before the 20th, by reason of contrary winds. On the 21st and 22d most of our goods were landed.

S.4. Second Sea Fight with the Portuguese.

On the 22d, seeing the Portuguese galleons open the road of Jasques, and supposing they might intend to come in with the sea breeze, we set sail and stood off for them. At first, they made a shew of giving us battle, but soon afterwards made off upon a tack; and till the 28th, they were either to windward, or so favourably placed at anchor, that we could not attempt to attack them without manifest disadvantage. During this time, they were joined by two or three frigates, or barks, from Ormus, bringing them a supply of men and ammunition. We made one attempt on Christmas day, but were forced back by a sudden flaw of wind; on which occasion, some blacks aboard of us, said the Portuguese had brought a witch from Ormus, to supply them with favourable winds.

On Innocents day, 28th December, perceiving the drift of our Portuguese Fabius cunclator, to protract and avoid fighting, that by delays and the advantage of his frigates, he might hinder us from prosecuting your business in Persia, we determined to attempt closing with him. About one o'clock there sprung up a favourable east wind for our purpose, on which we immediately weighed and put every thing in order for battle. The London and Hart came to anchor within a cable's length and half of their broadsides, and so endured the main brunt of this second fight; for, no sooner were they at anchor, but it fell calm and so continued all day, insomuch that the Roebuck and Eagle, which had steered nearer to the shore, with the intention of coming to anchor, one on the bow of their admiral, and the other on the bow of their vice-admiral, got astern, and could not with all our diligence be of any service for a full half hour after the action began. At length we got within point-blank shot of them, and then were forced either to anchor or drive farther off with the current, as there was not a breath of wind.

We now brought our broadsides to bear, and our whole squadron plied their ordnance upon them so fast, that had the knowledge of our men equalled their resolution, not one of them had escaped from us. Not willing to endure such hot entertainment, they cut their cables about three o'clock, and drove from us with the tide to the westwards, till out of our reach. Then came their frigates, which the day before had made a bravado along shore with drums, trumpets, flags, and streamers, and, now employed in a fitter task, towed them away all mangled and torn. Their admiral, in the very hottest of the fight, was under the necesity of giving his ship a heel to stop his leaks, his main-top-mast and the head of his main-mast having fallen overboard. The great Dutch ship had both his top-masts and part of his boltsprit shot away, and the smaller lost all his shrouds and top-masts. Their vice-admiral escaped best this day, having commonly one or other of their own ships between him and us.

We kept them company all night, in hope of being able next morning to give them their passports; but having taken a survey of our shot, which we found scanty, and considering the importance of the voyage we still had to perform, we thought it best to give over the chase and return to Jasques; leaving them glad of our absence, their two great ships towing the two smaller. We have had no account of their loss in this action. All your worships ships remain serviceable, God be praised, and only five men slain outright in these two long and severe engagements. Our worthy admiral and kind commander, Captain Andrew Shilling, received a great and grievous wound by a cannon ball through his left shoulder, which he bore with such wonderful courage and patience, that we were in great hopes of his much-wished-for recovery: But he had likewise two of his uppermost ribs broken on the left side, and died on the 6th January, 1621, shewing himself a resolute commander in the action, and an assured Christian in his death. We intended to have carried his body to Surat, to have there performed his funeral rites according to his great merit, and oar surgeons undertook to preserve his body by means of embalming and cere-cloth, but it became so noisome that we were forced to bury him at Jasques, which was done on the 7th, with all the solemnity and respect in our power.

In this engagement, the London expended 1382 great shot of several sorts, the Hart 1024, the Roebuck 815, and the Eagle 800, in all 4021. In consequence of the death of our worthy admiral, the white box, No. I. was opened; and according to your worships appointment, Captain Richard Blithe succeeded to the supreme command of the London, I was removed into the Hart, Christopher Brown into the Roebuck, and Thomas Taylor was made master of the Eagle.[299]

[Footnote 299: This account does not agree with an accompanying official letter, dated 13th January, 1621, giving a similar account of the two engagements, often in the very identical words used by Swan, in which the name of Thomas Taylor is omitted, instead of whom William Baffin is the last in the list of signatures; and the Christian name of Swan is made Robert instead of Richard.--E.]

S.5. Sequel of the Voyage.

The 14th January, 1621, having had forty-eight hours continual and excessive rain, which, or much wind, is usual at Jasques for three or four days at the full and change of the moon, and having finished our business at Jasques, we set sail on our return to Surat, where we arrived on the 1st February. Nothing material occurred on the passage, except that, on the 27th January, between Diu and the sand-heads, we surprised a small ship of war, called Nostra Senaora de Remedio, of 100 tons, commanded by Francisco de Sylva, manned by thirty-five Portuguese and twenty-five Moors, sent out by the governor of Diu to protect their small merchant ships against the Malabar rovers. We dismissed the men and kept the ship for our use, calling her the Andrew, after our late excellent general. She had in her neither meat, money, nor commodities, and scarcely as many poor suits of clothes as there were backs.

The 27th of February we began to take in our loading. The 5th of March, the, Eagle was sent down to keep guard over the junk belonging to the prince, and to hinder her from any farther loading, till they granted free passage for our carts with goods and provisions, which had been restrained for six or seven days by the vexatious procedure of the governor of Olpar, a town near Surat. By this means, no cotton wool was allowed to come down till our ships were fully laden. On the 16th of March, having notice that the Camla, from Agra, had been robbed by the Deccan army, we resolved to seek restitution upon the ships of the Deccan prince and his confederates in this transaction, as we intended wintering in the Red Sea. The 19th, the governor of Surat having given us satisfaction in regard to the carts, and a supply of powder and shot for our money, and promise under his hand for redress of other injuries, we dismissed the junk belonging to the prince from duress.

From the 25th of March to the 6th of April, 1621, the winds have been S. and S.S.W. or W. and blowing so hard from noon till midnight, raising so great a surf on the shore, that no business could be done except on the last quarter of the ebb and first of the flood tide. We sailed on the 7th April. The 9th, the Eagle and a Dutch pinnace, called the Fortune, parted company, being consigned to Acheen and Bantam. The London, Hart, Roebuck, and Andrew, were intended for the Red Sea, if not too late.

The 1st May, the Andrew and our boats surprised a Portuguese ship of 200 tons called the St Antonio, which we named the May-flower. Her principal lading consisted of rice taken in at Barcelor, whence she had gone to Goa, and sailed from thence for Ormus and Muskat on the 8th of April. We learnt from this prize, that Ruy Frere de Andrada was busy in repairing his ships at Ormus, and that Don Emanuel de Azeredo had departed from Gor fifty days before for Ormus, to reinforce Andrada with two galleons, one of these being the same in which the viceroy was personally, when he engaged our fleet under Captain Downton. During a calm on the 7th, we captured a small frigate-built ship called the Jacinth, which we named the Primrose, which had come from Mozambique and was bound for Goa. Thence to the 13th, we had variable winds, with calms and much rain. Finding the May-flower delayed us much, and that our pilots were either ignorant or malicious, we resolved to trust to our own endeavours for finding an anchoring place, for our safe riding till the strength of the adverse monsoon was over, for which purpose we determined upon going to Macera.[300]

[Footnote 300: From the latitude of this place, mentioned afterwards in the text, this seems to refer to Mazica, an island about sixty miles long and fifteen or twenty in breadth, a few miles from the oceanic coast of Arabia, in lat. 20° 48' N. and long. 57° 3O' E. from Greenwich.--E.]

We descried land on the 2d June, and anchored in seventeen fathoms three miles offshore, in lat. 20° 20' N. variation 17° W. We found plenty of water in four or five pits, three quarters of a mile from the shore. I had forty tons from one well, which we rolled in hogsheads to the beach. The people were tractable, but we got little else besides water. A tuft of date trees by the watering place bore N.W. by W. from our anchorage, and the other end of the island N.E. 1/2 E. five leagues off. The 12th we sailed for the N.E. end of the island, and in the afternoon came to anchor in a fair bay, having seven fathoms on clean ground, a black oozy sand, the N.E. point bearing S. 1/2 a league off, the landing place W.S.W. two miles off, and the north part of the bay N. by W. four miles off. The latitude of this bay is 20° 30' N. and the variation 17° W.[301] In this bay you may ride safely in any depth between five and twelve fathoms. It is an excellently healthy place, cold and hungry, affording no refreshments except water, enough of which is to be had by digging pits; but it is ill to boat except at the usual landing place. This place afforded us no better supplies than the former, except that we got a few goats and lambs in exchange for canikens. Though good anchorage, this bay was much troubled by a tumbling rolling sea, yet we resolved to remain here with the Hart and Roebuck till the fury of the monsoon were past.

[Footnote 301: The north end of Mazica is in lat. 21° 12", and its south end in 20° 15', both N.--E.]

Having separated some time before from the London, our admiral, we sent on the 19th of June, one Abdelavie, an inhabitant of this island, as far as Zoar with letters in quest of the London. He returned on the 6th July with letters in answer, informing us that the London was at Zoar, seven leagues within Cape Rasalgat, having watered with difficulty at Teve, where their surgeon, Mr Simons, and the chaplain's servant, were surprised on shore by the Portuguese and Arabs. The Hart and Roebuck sailed from Macera, [Mazica,] on the 6th of August, and anchored in the evening of the 8th beside the admiral in the port of Zoar. This road differs from that in which we were in, being cairn, but the air was so hot as to take away our appetites.

We sailed from Zoar on the 15th of August and returned to Swally roads. The 21st September, our whole fleet sailed from Swally, and on the 27th we took leave of the fleet bound for Jasques, consisting of the London, Jonas, Whale, Dolphin, Lion, Rose, Shilling, Richard, and Robert. The 1st January, 1622, we were between Johanna and Mayotta, two of the Comoro islands. The 29th we anchored in Saldanha roads, [Table Bay,] having come thither from Surat in nine weeks and three days, blessed be God for our safe and speedy passage. We here watered, bathed in the river, caught fish, and buried our letters; purchasing three cows, one calf, and four sheep, all unsavoury meat.

We sailed again on the 3d February, and anchored on the 19th at St Helena, where we found the Wappen and the Hollandia, two Dutch ships, the latter of which caught fire on the 22d, owing to her cloves, which had been taken in too green at Amboina. There was likewise a third small Dutch ship. They arrived eleven days before us, and it will take them at least ten days more to discharge and reload their damaged cloves. We sailed from St Helena on the 28th February, and anchored in the Downs on the 7th June, 1622.

SECTION XIII.

RELATION OF THE WAR OF ORMUS, AND THE TAKING OF THAT PLACE BY THE ENGLISH AND PERSIANS, IN 1622.[302]

"In the Pilgrims of Purchas, vol. II. pp. 1785-1805, there is a long confused account of this business, contained in four several sections; to which many letters and certificates on the subject are subjoined. The first is a brief historical memoir of the foundation of Ormus, from a chronicle in the Arabic, said to have been composed by Pacha Turunxa, perhaps Pacha Turun Shah, one of the kings of that petty sovereignty. The second is a relation of the Ormus war, by Mr W. Pinder, who appears to have served under Andrew Shilling, during the preceding voyage, and sailed as master of the Andrew on this occasion. The third is an account of the earlier part of this war of Ormus, written by T. Wilson, a surgeon serving in the expedition. The fourth is a more particular relation of the whole events of this expedition, extracted by Purchas from the journal of Mr Edward Monoxe, agent for the East Indian merchants trading in Persia. This last has been chosen, as best adapted to give a distinct view of the expedition, but some freedoms have been assumed with it, by assisting the narrative from the other documents in Purchas, already specified."--E.

[Footnote 302: Purch. Pilgr. II. 179s.]

At a consultation held in Swally roads on the 14th November, 1621, a commission was given by Mr Thomas Rastell, president, and the rest of the council, of our factory at Surat, to Captains Richard Blithe and John Weddell, who were bound for Jasques, with five good ships and four pinnaces. The ships were the London, Jonas, Whale, Dolphin, and Lion, and the pinnaces the Shilling, Rose, Robert, and Richard. They were directed to sail with the earliest opportunity for Jasques, keeping together for their mutual defence against the enemy; and, as the Portuguese had disturbed the trade, and made sundry assaults on our ships, killing, maiming, and imprisoning our men, they were authorized to chase and capture any vessels belonging to the ports or subjects under the viceroy of Goa; as likewise, if they met any ships belonging to Dabul, Chaul, or other ports of the Deccan, or to the subjects of the Zamorin of Calicut, to arrest them, in replacement of goods robbed and spoiled by these powers, without embezzling any part of their cargoes, that restitution might be made, after due satisfaction rendered on their parts. A sixth part of the goods taken from the Portuguese were to be distributed as prize, the ship and the rest of the goods to remain to the company; and all the prisoners to be retained, that they might be exchanged for our countrymen, held by them in miserable bondage. They were directed to hasten their business and dispatch at Jasques, if possible within thirty days. And as our enemy under Ruy Frere de Andrada, was reinforced to six galleons, with other small vessels, waiting on the coast of Persia in all likelihood to attack our fleet, they were authorized, both defensively and offensively also, to use all opportunities or advantages against the Portuguese fleet, even in their own ports, if approved by a general council of war.

We arrived in Costack roads on the 23d December, about twenty-seven leagues from Jasques, Ormus being in sight about ten leagues W.N.W. by a meridional compass. Our factors here informed us, that after our sea-fight in the former year, the Portuguese governor of Ormus had erected a fort on Kismis, an island within sight of Ormus, to which the Persians had laid siege for seven or eight months ineffectually, and had lost eight or nine thousand men in the siege; wherefore the Khan or prince of Shiras had, by his ministers, demanded the aid of our ships against the common enemy, the Portuguese, otherwise threatening to detain all the goods and money belonging to the company in Persia. In a consultation held on the 26th December on board the Jonas, in which were present, Captain Richard Blithe, John Weddell, Edward Monoxe, William Baffin, and many others, articles of agreement for giving our aid to the Persians against the Portuguese were drawn up, and being translated into the Persian language, were forwarded by the governor of the province of Mogustan to the Khan of Shiras, then on his way towards Mina, near the mouth of the Persian gulf.

In this consultation, it was considered, as it was required of us by the Persians, that we should give them aid with our ships and people in this war, not only for the purpose of vanquishing the Portuguese navy, but for conquering the island and castle of Ormus; and as we were confident they would endeavour to force us into this service, by embargoing our goods, the governors having already refused to give us camels for their carriage from Mina to the ports: Wherefore, the foresaid proposition being maturely considered, together with the commission from the factors at Surat, warranting us to right ourselves for the great losses and hindrances suffered from the Portuguese, by interrupting our trade both in India and Persia, and their attack last year against the fleet under Captain Shilling; we therefore agreed to proffer the following articles to the Khan, for the public benefit and the securing a peaceable and profitable trade.

First.--In case of conquering the island and castle of Ormus by the Persians with our aid, one half of the spoil and purchase of both to belong to the English, and the other half to the Persians. Secondly--The castle of Ormus shall be delivered up to the English, with all the ordnance, arms, and ammunition thereunto belonging; and the Persians to build another fortress there for themselves, at their own charges. Thirdly.--The customs of Ormus shall be equally divided between the English and the Persians, and the English shall be for ever free from customs. Fourthly.--All Christians made prisoners in this war shall be given up to the disposal of the English, and all Mahomedan prisoners to the Persians. Fifthly.--The Persians shall be at half the charges of the ships employed in this enterprize, in victuals, wages, wear-and-tear, and shall furnish all necessary powder and shot at their sole expence.

These were the chief articles, besides which several others were agreed upon, to be proposed to the Khan. After his arrival at Mina, Mr Bell and Mr Monaxe were sent to wait upon him, on the 8th January, 1622, and were entertained at a sumptuous banquet. A great feast and triumph was also made, in consequence of intelligence that the Shah had conquered a great country in Arabia, with its capital Aweiza.[303] Next day, the Khan sent his vizier and two other principal officers to give an answer to our proposed articles. The first was granted. For the second, it was substituted that the castle of Ormuz was to be occupied by both nations till the King's pleasure was known. The third was granted, provided also, that the goods from India belonging to the king and the Khan were to pass free of duty. In regard to the fourth, reservation was made as to the two principal Portuguese captains, Ruy Frere, captain of Kismis Castle, and Simon de Mela, governor of Ormus, till the king's pleasure were known. Other articles were agreed upon; such as that no change was to be made in regard to religion, and the expence of military stores was to be divided. The Khan and Mr Bell signed these articles; and presently our goods were laden upon the Khan's own camels at free cost, which could not be procured before for any money.

[Footnote 303: This assuredly alludes to Ahwas in Khosistan, to the N.W. of the lower Euphrates, opposite to Bussrah, which, though not in Arabia, is in its immediate neighbourhood, and principally inhabited by people of Arabian origin.--E.]

The 10th of January we returned to Costack, and going on board, acquainted our commanders with the success of our mission. When the news of this agreement became known among the several ships companies, they consulted among themselves, and with one voice refused to take any share in the business. This broke out first in the London, in which ship fifty or sixty of her crew took part in refusing to have any thing to do with this warlike measure; but, after taking much pains to reconcile them to the propriety and necessity of joining with the Persians, Captain Blithe at last prevailed with them, and they promised to go with him wherever he chose to lead them. In a day or two, the flame of discontent and opposition spread among the other ships, alleging that it was no mercantile business, and that it might lead to a breach of the peace between our nation and Spain; but formal protests being taken against the crews, what with the fear of forfeiting their wages, and a promised gratification of a month's pay, they all at last yielded.

We set sail for Ormus on the 19th of January, and anchored on the night of the 22d before the town, about two leagues from the castle, expecting that the enemy's armada would come out to fight us, consisting of five galleons, and some fifteen or twenty frigates, or armed barks; but they hauled in so near the castle, that we could not get nigh them. For which reason, and because our avowed enemy, Ruy Frere de Andrada, was in his newly-erected castle of Kismis, we sailed to that place, where we arrived the next day, and were just in time to save the lives of the Portuguese, who were no longer able to hold out against the Persians, and were willing rather to yield to us than them. After many meetings and treaties, they yielded up both themselves and their castle into our hands on the 1st February, it being concluded that the whole garrison was to depart with their private property to any place except Ormus, their commander only remaining in our hands as a pledge for the fulfilment of the capitulation. In this service two of our people were slain, one of whom was Mr Baffin.[304]

[Footnote 304: Mr Baffin was a mathematician and mariner, to whom our northern and north-western voyages are much indebted.--

Purch

.

Hence almost certainly the person to whom Baffin's bay, in the north-east of America, owes its name.--E.]

There were about a thousand persons of all sorts in this castle, of whom the Portuguese and some Mahometans were sent away: But the Khan required certain Mahometans to be given up, who he pretended had revolted from him. They were accordingly delivered up, and, though he had formerly promised them mercy, he put them all to death. This castle had seventeen pieces of ordnance, one of which was a brass pedro, two iron demiculverins, four brass sackers, two iron minions, and six iron falcons.[305]

[Footnote 305: On a former occasion, we have given an account of the various kinds of ordnance used about the 17th century. The pedro was probably a gun of large calibre for throwing stone bullets. In modern times, cannon are designated by the weights of their respective balls, in combination with their being long or short, land or sea, field or garrison, single or double fortified, iron or brass.--E.]

Leaving some Englishmen to assist in keeping possession of this fortress along with the Persians, according to agreement, we set sail on the 4th February for Gambroon, on the mainland of Persia, within three leagues of Ormus, and directly opposite. Ruy Frere de Andrada, the late commander of Kismis, was sent off for Surat, in the Lion, accompanied by the Rose and Richard. The London, Jonas, Whale, and Dolphin, with the two prizes of 250 tons each, remained to transport the Persians in safety to Ormus. We were royally feasted at Gambroon by the Khan, who was much dissatisfied that Andrada and some of the Moors had not been delivered up to him, yet dissembled his discontent, in regard of his farther need for our ships in the enterprise against Ormus. After the feast, all the English gentlemen present were presented with vests, each according to his rank.

On the 9th of February we set sail for Ormus, having about two hundred Persian boats of all sizes, besides two frigates or barks, and our ships, having in them about 2500 or 3000 Persian soldiers, of various sorts. We anchored that night about two leagues from the castle; and next forenoon all the Persians were landed on the island of Ormus, a little way from the town, to which they marched in a confused manner, penetrating as far as the Meidan, or market-place, without resistance. The market-place was barricadoed and defended for some time by the Portuguese with shot and pikes; but the Persians soon made way, with small loss, and drove the Portuguese before them into the castle, like so many sheep. One Persian only, who first entered, was slain by a pike, and he who slew him soon lost his head, his heels being too heavy to carry it away.

On first entering the city, the Persian general, named Einam Culi Beg, placed captains with detachments of soldiers in various quarters, proclaiming that each officer was to be answerable for the safety of the quarter assigned to him, and threatening death to all who were found pillaging. Some infringing these orders were severely punished, some being hanged, others having their ears or noses cut off, and others bastinadoed even for trifles. Yet, in two or three days after, the shops and houses were forced open, and every man so wearied with carrying away plunder all day long, and sleeping so securely at night without any proper military precautions, that the Portuguese might easily have slain many, if they had ventured upon making a sally.

On the night of our landing, I took possession of a very commodious house for a factory, which, for convenience and goodness of its rooms, exceeded, as I think, any factory belonging to the Honourable Company. But it proved too hot for me on the 13th, in the night, as one of the master's mates of the Whale, with others of his companions, after I was in bed, by carelessness of candles, while searching for plunder, set a room on fire in which were some goods given me in charge by the general. Fortunately the wind favoured us, so that the house was not consumed. Considering the strength of this city, and that every house was as it were a little castle, I was astonished the Portuguese should have abandoned it so soon. But it seems they were afraid of being intercepted by the Persians in their retreat to the castle, and dreaded that the Mahometan inhabitants might have betrayed them.

The Persians began presently to throw up trenches, and daily approached nearer the castle, and, with our help, erected batteries for ordnance, and sconces or redoubts for securing their men, and protecting the trenches. With the cannon from our ships, we sore galled the Portuguese ships, forcing them to haul in as close as possible to the castle. On the 24th of February, four of our boats set fire to the San Pedro, formerly admiral of Andrada's fleet, which put all the rest in great danger, but the tide carried her out to sea, and her relics were towed on shore at Gambroon by the Arab and other country boats, some iron ordnance and shot being got out of her burnt carkass. The Khan was much rejoiced at this exploit.

The Persians having succeeded in constructing a mine under one of the bastions, which was charged with upwards of forty barrels of powder, it was exploded on the 17th of March, by which a practicable breach was made in the salient angle of the bastion. The Persians made immediately a fierce assault, and Shah Culi Beg got possession of the bastion with 200 of his bravest men, and maintained himself there for at least three hours; but the Portuguese made a brave defence, and with powder-pots, scalding lead, and other devices of fire, did much hurt to the assailants, burning, scalding, and slaying many of them, so that the Persians were at last driven out with considerable loss, most of them being wounded, scalded, or scorched. On the same day, the city was set on fire in several places, by the command of the Persian general, as was reported, because his Arab soldiers lurked among the houses, and could not be got forth to do any service in the siege.

To the number of four or five thousand men, we were now cooped up in a barren island without shelter, producing nothing in itself except salt; and I know not by what mistaken policy the general had been induced to send away all the rice and other victuals, by which means we were reduced to depend upon the continent for a daily supply of provisions, and even water; so that, if a fleet of Portuguese frigates had come, as was expected, we must have been famished, as the country boats durst not have ventured to us from the main. The rain water in the open cisterns was daily wasted, and became brackish, no care being taken to fill the jars and private cisterns in almost every house, while it remained good. The Persians are quite ignorant in the art of war, for they entered the breach without fear, precaution, or means of establishing themselves; and they lost with shame what they might have defended with honour. I observed other defects in their management, even of the very sinews of war; and I am astonished that Shah Abbas, the wonder of our age, should have sent his army on this expedition so weakly provided with money, arms, ammunition, ships, and all other necessaries. I am even satisfied that all the money belonging to the khan was consumed in one month's pay to our ships, and I fear we shall have to wait for the rest till the plunder is converted into money. In regard to arms and ammunition, they have only small pieces, with bows and arrows, and swords, some of their chiefs having coats of mail. They were so scarce of powder, that after blowing their mine, they had hardly enough to supply the small arms for entering the breach, though furnished with twenty or twenty-five barrels from our ships. They had not a single scaling-ladder to assist their entry. Were we to forsake them, they would soon be completely at a stand, yet they have already broken conditions with us in several things, and I much fear, when all is done, we shall be paid with reversions, and what else they themselves please.

Our ordnance so galled the Portuguese ships from the shore, that a galleon was sunk on the 19th of March, and two more on the 20th and 23d. The last come ship from Goa, which was their admiral, and one of the others, were, I think, sacrificed by the policy of the governor, that the garrison might have no means of escape, and might therefore defend themselves manfully to the last, in hopes of relief from Goa, though some thought they went down in consequence of injuries from sunken rocks, in hauling them so near the castle to get them out of the range of our battery.

On the 27th, news was brought me that some of the Portuguese were come from the castle to treat of peace, upon which I repaired to the general's tent, where I could well perceive, by the countenances of our two English commanders, that I was by no means welcome: But, to requite them in their own coin, both they and I soon saw that none of us were acceptable to the Persians, for they long delayed bringing in the Portuguese messenger, in hopes we would have gone away, but at length, seeing we remained, he was brought in. The drift of his speech was to the following effect:--"His captain had sent him to kiss the hands of the general, and to ask the reason of making war upon the Portuguese, who were friends to the Persians, and thought it strange, considering their ancient league and friendship, that so great a war should be made only for one or two wells of water. Besides, that the governor and people of Ormus were not to blame for what had been done at Kismis by Ruy Frere de Andrada; yet were they willing, so far as might consist with the honour of their sovereign, to purchase peace, which they needed not to do either from fear or weakness, having above a thousand able-bodied men in the castle, with provisions and water for many months; besides which, they were in daily expectation of succours from Goa. He concluded by saying, that the Persians would find it a hard matter to win the castle, as they were resolved to defend themselves to the last man."

The latter part of this speech, consisting of bravado, was by no means pleasing to the Persian general, who desired the messenger to declare the purpose of his coming. On which he said, the governor wished to know what the Persian general would have? To this the general answered, that he would have the castle; and with that answer the messenger was dismissed, without even the offer of a cup of wine, if I had not caused one to be given him. I suspect he brought a more substantial message, which was omitted on account of our presence, having been so instructed by Shah Culi Beg, in whose house he was at least for an hour before he was brought before the general. I fear therefore some sinister designs of the Persians, which a few days will discover.

Our captains, by means of their interpreters, now moved their own affairs with the general, to which he gave no great heed, but desired that business might be deferred for some time; yet had he that very day earnestly entreated them to send him a quantity of powder from the ships, meaning that night to attempt blowing up the castle, for which the mines were all ready, and he wanted nothing but powder. They had accordingly sent him thirty-four barrels, for which forwardness I fear the Company at home will give them little thanks.

The 28th March, understanding that two chief men of the Portuguese garrison were in Shah Culi Beg's house, where they had been four or five hours in conference with the Persian general, without sending to us, which increased our suspicions that the Persians meant to deal fraudulently with us; the two English commanders and I went together to the tent of the Persian general, and expressed our dislike of this underhand manner of proceeding. We stated, that we were partakers with them in this war, in which we had hazarded ourselves, our ships, and our goods, besides the hindrance we sustained by losing the monsoon, and that we ought to be equal participators in all treaties and proceedings, as well as in the war, and desired therefore to know what they had concluded, or meant to conclude, with the Portuguese. To this he answered, that nothing had been done, neither should any thing be concluded without acquainting us. This was a mere empty compliment, which all his actions belied. We must, however, be content to suffer all with patience: Yet, were it not for our merchants and woods in Persia, we could easily have remedied this affair, and have brought the Portuguese to such terms as we pleased. As matters stand, however, we are so tied down, we must be patient, and I fear things will turn out very ill, though they pretend all things shall be done to our contentment.

About noon this day, seeing many Arabs in the Meidan armed with pikes and guns, whom I did not usually see so armed, I at length observed them ranged upon both sides of the market-place, and presently afterwards two Portuguese gentlemen passed, attended by six or eight pages and servants, one of whom carried an umbrella over their heads. They were accompanied by Shah Culi Beg, and other chief Persians, who conducted them to the house of Agariza of Dabul. Though uninvited, I went there also, and intruded into their company, where I found the Persian general and other chiefs, his assistants and counsellors. The general gave me a kind welcome, and made me sit down next himself, which I did not refuse, that the Portuguese might see we were in grace and favour. Having made my obeisance to the Persians, I then saluted the Portuguese officers, who returned the compliment, after which I had some general conversation with them, not pertaining to the great purpose in hand, of which I did not presume to speak, till the general gave me occasion, which was not until after a collation of pilaw, and other dishes, after the fashion of Persia.

The collation being ended, the general asked them what was now their desire. They answered, that the captain of the castle had given them written instructions, but had desired them to make their proposals to the Khan himself, who now resided at Gombroon, if they might be permitted to wait upon him. To this the general answered, that he durst not allow them, unless the Khan were first made acquainted with their desire. I could plainly perceive that this proceeded only from affected delays on both sides, to give time for attaining their several purposes. The Portuguese then proceeded to complain, as formerly, against Ruy Frere, as if he durst have presumed to seize and fortify Kismis without orders from the king his master. They alleged also that the affair was in itself of no moment, being only a barren island with a well or two. To this the Persian general replied, it was of no matter what might be its value, but they had gone to war against the king of Persia and his subjects, for which their castle of Ormus must make satisfaction; wherefore, if they would surrender the castle without any more bloodshed, they should have good quarter and kind usage. The Portuguese said they had no commission to treat of any such matter, and so the conference ended, and they were dismissed.

Notwithstanding of the Portuguese being refused leave to go to the Khan, they had licence that same night, and were sent over to treat with him at Gambroon. I could never know the certainty of the proposed treaty, but shall here insert what I heard reported on the subject. They proposed, in the first place, to the Khan, to raise the siege, and permit them to enjoy their city and castle of Ormus as formerly, in consideration of which, they offered to pay 200,000 tomans in hand, and the yearly rent they had formerly paid to the king of Ormus, from the revenue of the custom-house, which, as I have heard, was 140,000 rials of eight or Spanish dollars yearly. But some said, besides the 200,000 tomans in hand, they offered as much yearly. [306] It was reported that the Khan demanded 500,000 tomans in hand, equal to £172,418:10:7 sterling,[307] and an yearly rent of 200,000 tomans.

[Footnote 306: A toman, by the data in the text immediately following, is about seven shillings; hence 200,000 tomans are equal to £70,000 sterling.--E.]

[Footnote 307: At the former computation, this sum is equal to £175,000; and the conversion in the text gives 6s. 11-3/4d, and a small fraction more for each toman, being very near 7s. which is more convenient.--E.]

The 2d April, with the aid of the English, the Persians blew up two other mines, by which a fair and practicable breach was opened, through which the besiegers might have entered without much difficulty, yet was there no assault made. Having noticed this carefully, Captain Weddell went to the Persian general to learn his purposes; when, to excuse the backwardness of his people, he pretended that the breach was too difficult to be assaulted with any hope of success. Yet we knew the contrary, as an English youth, who was servant to the master of the Jonas, bolder than any of the Persians, had gone up the breach to the very top of the castle wall, and told us it was as easily ascendible as a pair of stairs, and broad enough for many men to go abreast. In representing this to the general, and asking what were his future plans of proceeding, he told us he would be ready with another mine in three days. This I believed to be true, for his mining is to procure gold, not to make breaches, unless breach of promise to us, which he can easily do; for of late they have not performed any of their engagements, yet will not this teach us to look to ourselves.

The greatest hurt done by the Portuguese to the Persians in the assault on the castle, was by means of powder-pots, by which many of the assailants were scorched and severely burned. To guard against this, the Khan has now sent over many coats and jackets of leather, as not so liable to catch fire as their calico coats, quilted or stuffed with cotton wool. Yet, according to the English proverb, The burnt child dreads the fire; notwithstanding their leathern coats, none of them are hardy enough to attempt this new breach, though much easier to enter than the former, any farther than to pillage certain bales of bastas and other stuffs which have fallen down from a barricade or breast-work, thrown up by the Portuguese for defending the top of the breach from the fire of the Persians.

On the 5th of April the Persian general had news that 100,000 maunds of powder were arrived from Bahrein. On the 12th, a Portuguese came to the Persian general, having escaped from the castle, and gave accounts of the great wants and weaknesses of the garrison, insomuch, that six or eight died daily of the flux, chiefly owing to their having nothing to drink, but corrupted brackish water, of which even they have so little as to be put on short allowance, so that several have died of thirst. Their only food consists of rice and salt fish, both of which would require a good allowance of drink. Notwithstanding all this, the Persian general wastes his time in constructing new mines, of which he has no less than three in hand at this time, as if he proposed to blow up the wall all round about, before making any fresh assault. On the night of the 12th, one of our frigates or barks, which belonged to the London, being on guard alone, to prevent the escape of the Portuguese frigates, was clapped on board by two of these at once, but beat them both off. I know not what might be the loss of the Portuguese on this occasion, but two of our men were slain, and seven wounded; yet, had not our black rowers forsaken them, our people might easily have taken the assailants.

The 14th, the Persians sprung another mine, by which a very assailable breach was made, yet no assault was attempted. On this occasion, the mine had to be sprung before it was quite ready, because the Portuguese had already come so near it with a counter mine, that the Persians were afraid of their mine being rendered useless before they could place their powder. Another deserter came from the castle on the 15th, who confirmed the report given by the former, and told us that the two frigates which had assailed ours had come from Muskat, with the son of the deceased Don Francisco de Sousa, late governor of the castle of Ormus, who had come on purpose to carry away his mother and other women from the castle.

At this time, the Moors who had surrendered to us from the castle of Kismis, were delivered up to the Persian general, at his earnest request, and partly with their own consent, on promise of being pardoned for having served under the Portuguese against their own king and country, and of being provided for and employed in the siege of Ormus. He seemed to ratify this promise, both to them and us, by entertaining some of their chiefs in our presence, with much apparent courtesy, even giving fine new vests to five or six of the principal officers. Yet next morning he caused eighty of their heads to be cut off, and sent the five or six newly-vested chiefs to the Khan at Gambroon, to receive their final doom, which was soon settled, as they were sentenced to the same fate with their fellows. Mir Senadine, their chief captain, was executed by the hands of Shere Alli, governor of Mogustan, who had married his daughter, and yet put his father-in-law to death with as much willingness as if he had been his mortal enemy.

The 17th of April, the Persians sprung another mine, closely adjoining their first. This did not produce the effect expected, as it burst out at the side, carrying part of the wall along with it, yet did little or no harm upwards, which was the point aimed at, on purpose to widen the former breach. Yet it encouraged the Persian general to try another assault, with at least 2000 soldiers. They ran up the breach with great resolution, into part of a bulwark or bastion, which they might easily have gained, had not their haste run their resolution out of breath; insomuch, that eight or ten Portuguese, assisted by a few blacks, armed only with rapiers, made them give ground and retire to the outer skirt of the bulwark, where there was not room for forty men to face the enemy. They here endeavoured, however, to entrench themselves; but, before they could establish a lodgement, the Portuguese plied two or three pieces of ordnance upon them from a flanking battery, which sent some scores of the Persians with news to their prophet Mortus Alli that more of his disciples would shortly be with them. This accordingly was the case, chiefly owing to their own ignorance and cowardice; for, had they not made a stand in that place, but rushed pell-mell along with the Portuguese into the castle, they might have carried it with less than half the loss they sustained that day to little purpose. Had I not been an eye-witness, I could hardly have believed the stupid ignorance of the Persian general on this occasion. He had two breaches, almost equally good, yet applied all his men to the assault of one only, instead of attempting both at one time. Besides, he had at least eighty or an hundred scaling-ladders, yet not one of them was brought near the castle walls. His soldiers hung clustering on the breach, like a swarm of bees, or a flock of sheep at a gap, none having the heart to enter, while the Portuguese gleaned away five or six at a shot, sometimes more, driving forwards their black soldiers to throw powder-pots among the Persians.

The assault was renewed on the 18th, but with more harm to the Persians than the Portuguese. During the intervening night, two blacks made signs to the Persians on the top of the breach, that they wished to come over to them, and were drawn up with ropes. By these it was learned that the captain of the castle had been wounded in the head by a stone; that there were not above an hundred men in the garrison able to handle their arms: and that their water grew daily more scanty and worse in quality, by which the mortality continually increased. They reported also that great difference in opinion prevailed among the Portuguese, some wishing to endeavour to escape by sea, while others held it more honourable to sell their lives at a dear rate, by defending the castle to the last extremity, and proposed, when they could no longer hold out, to put all their women and treasure into a house and blow them up, that the Persians might neither enjoy their wealth nor abuse their wives; and, when this was done, to rush upon the Persians, and so end their days.

In the evening of the 19th, the Persians made another effort to press forwards, and got possession of the entire bulwark, forcing the Portuguese to retire farther within the castle. In this conflict many of the Portuguese were wounded, and sore scalded with fire-pots, in the management of which the Persians had now become expert, though many of them had paid dearly for their instruction. In this conflict four Portuguese were slain, and their heads brought to the Persian general. In this art of cutting off heads, the Persians are particularly cunning, insomuch, that I do not think there is an executioner in all Germany that can excel them. No sooner does a Persian lay hold of an enemy, than off goes his head at one blow of his scymitar.[308] He then makes a hole in the ear or cheek with his dagger, by which he will sometimes bring three or four heads at once to his general. When it is proposed to send these heads taken in war to be seen by the king or the khan, they very adroitly flea off the skin of the head and face, which they stuff up with straw like a foot-ball, and so send them by whole sackfulls.[309]

[Footnote 308: This, however, is to the praise of the Persians, as good swordsmen, on which account the Turks fear coming to hand blows with them.--Purch.]

[Footnote 309: In Turkey they manage this barbarous trophy of success more conveniently, as the Grand Signior is satisfied with a display of the ears of his enemies preserved in salt.--E.]

This night, one of the frigates that came from Muskat for Douna de Sousa, made her escape, no doubt very richly freighted. Her consort, which likewise attempted to get away, was chased in again. That which escaped, being hailed by the Arab boats that lay in wait to intercept the passage, got off by using the watch-word usual between the English and Arabs, Ingres ingresses, which had not been once changed since the commencement of this enterprize, in which oversight both the Persians and English were highly blameable, as, by the continual use of this watch-word, it had come to the knowledge of the Portuguese, who thus used it to their great benefit.

During the night of the 20th April, the other frigate made an effort to escape, but was intercepted and taken by the frigate and pinnace belonging to the London. This frigate was employed to carry away the Portuguese almirante, named Luis de Brito, a kinsman to the viceroy of Goa, but the captain of the castle would not permit him to go away; and the men belonging to this frigate, being seven persons, fearing the capture of the castle and desirous to secure their own lives, stole away without leave.

The 21st, the Persians made a display of making themselves masters of the castle by storm; but, while we expected to see them put this bold measure in execution, I discovered that they and the Portuguese were engaged in a parley. While I was preparing to wait on the Persian general, to enquire the cause of this sudden change of measures, I met a messenger from our English commanders, informing me that a boat had come off to our ships from the castle, bearing a flag of truce, and desiring my presence on board to see what was the purpose of this communication. On my getting on board the London, I found two Portuguese there, with the following letters from the captain of the castle, and the almirante:

"There hath been such ancient friendship between the Portuguese and English nations, that, considering the present war at this place, we ought to come to a mutual good understanding. From what I see of the mines made by the Persians, by which one of my bulwarks is already won, I am of opinion these could not have been constructed without your aid. Wherefore, I request you would be the means of procuring peace for me with the Persians, if the same may be done with your and their good pleasure, yet so that I may not lose my credit, nor you fail to gain honour. Thus, not else, our Lord keep you," &c.

Simon de Mela Pereira.

"This castle is so hard pressed, that the Persians demand us to surrender by capitulation, but which we will not consent to: For, when reduced to that necessity, we will call upon your worships for that purpose, as it were not reasonable for us to capitulate with the infidels when you are present. We hold it more humane to deliver our innocent women, and other unnecessary people, to the rigour of our own weapons, than to the clemency of the Persians; and that you might know this our purpose, I have written these lines to accompany the letter from our captain. What else you may wish to know, you may learn from the bearer of these letters, to whom you may give the same credit as to myself. And so God keep your worships," &c.

Luis de Brito Dar.

Dated 1st May, 1622.[310]

Taking these letters into consideration, and commiserating their situation as Christians, it was resolved to give them a favourable answer, which was done accordingly in a letter to the Captain Simon de Mela, offering to become an intermedium for procuring them such conditions from the Persians as might save the lives of the Christians who still remained in the castle, which we had in our power to warrant, and were willing to shew them such farther courtesy as might tend to their relief, as far as we could see. We desired him therefore to put his demands in writing, and send them to us as soon as possible. A similar answer was written to the almirante, and with these the two messengers were sent back to the castle in one of our own boats. They soon returned with other letters from the captain and almirante, saying, "That they left themselves entirely in our hands, the necessity of their situation not allowing time for farther writing, lest the Persians might in the mean while break in and put them all to the sword."

[Footnote 310: The 1st of May, new style, was the 21st April, old style; the difference being then ten days.--E.]

Upon this we addressed ourselves to the Persian general, requesting him to grant a truce of two days to the distressed Portuguese, in which time we might treat with them for such conditions as might be at the same time beneficial for the Persians and ourselves. At length, a Persian officer and I were deputed to go into the castle to treat with the Portuguese, and they also desired our vice-admiral, Mr Woodcock, might accompany us. We all three went to the castle gate, but could not be allowed to enter; yet were met by Luis de Brito, the Portuguese almirante, and five or six other cavalieros, but did not see the captain, as the inferior officers and soldiers had mutinied against him, and detained him as a prisoner. Our whole conference, therefore, was with the almirante, who chiefly addressed himself to Captain Woodcock, our almirante, or vice-admiral.

Mir Adul Hassan, and Pulot Beg, had been sent for to the ship, where some persons had embezzled a portion of treasure, as we now wished them to be present at the conference on the part of the Khan. They came accordingly to the English house, when one of them made a long speech, saying how kindly the Khan esteemed the services and assistance given by the English in this war, which he should never forget, nor allow to pass unrewarded. They next declared that the Khan intended to proceed, after the surrender of Ormus, to besiege both Muskat and Sware, and therefore that the Portuguese ought on no account to be allowed to go to either of these places. Lastly, they insinuated basely and dishonourably, that we should betray the Portuguese captain, and five or six more of his principal officers, into their hands, as this would tend greatly to the honour and satisfaction of the Khan, by enabling him to present them to Shah Abas. On hearing this vile and dishonourable proposal, I left the room, that my ears might not be contaminated by such abominable conditions; saying, at my departure, to these Persians, that I would not be guilty of consenting to so infamous a business for a whole houseful of gold.

The Portuguese being reduced to such extremity as to be under the necessity of surrendering on any terms that might save their lives from the cruelty of the Persians, sent on the morning of the 23d, offering to put themselves into our hands, on condition that we furnished them with the means of being conveyed either to Muskat or India. We agreed to this proposal, on which Captain Blithe and I went as hostages into the castle, to see them safely set out; the Persian general promising that not one of his soldiers or men should enter the castle till all the Portuguese were gone out, and that only three of his people and three of ours should sit at the gate, to see that they did not carry away any thing of value. This the Persians watched so narrowly, that they most basely searched and abused the women. But the king of Ormus with his rich vizier, together with their women, treasure, and servants, were all conveyed over the breach in the wall, and not a single Englishman called or allowed to see what they carried out with them. Not only they, but all other Mahometans and Banyans, with their treasure and best things, were conveyed out of the castle in the same manner; whole bales of goods, with boxes and caskets full of treasure, to an unknown amount, were carried at the same time over the breaches. No sooner were the gates opened for letting out the Portuguese, but at least forty Persians got in and spread themselves about the castle, besides whom, some of the ruder sort among the English got in likewise, whose coming in I fear was the cause of the Persians doing the same, judging themselves as worthy of this liberty as our people.

Before mid-day of the 24th, both the Persians and English began to pillage in a most shameful manner, so that I was both grieved and ashamed, yet could see no means of remedy. The Persians drove out the poor sick, wounded, and scorched Christians, who were not able to help themselves, so that my heart yearned with compassion to see their woeful plight. In the evening, the Khan of Shiras came over, as if in triumph, to view the castle and its great ordnance, of which there were near three hundred pieces,[311] part of which belonged to the galleons, and the rest to the castle. This evening, the commanders and I, wishing to retain possession of the church in which we had placed a quantity of plate and treasure, for its better security against being embezzled, our design was utterly denied by Pulot Beg, who told our commanders, in plain terms, that they might lie out of doors. Being justly incensed at this, we all three left the castle, the two captains going on board their ships, while I went to the city; but, as the tide was up, and I could not get a boat, I had to remain at the castle wall till near midnight. At this time there came about sixty Persians, by their own report, sent by the Khan to prevent the Arabs from conveying away any of the ordnance which lay by the shore, but I suspect their real object was to cut the throats of the poor Christians who lay at the shore, for want of boats to carry them on board; but fortunately they were protected by an English guard. Our chief business the whole of this day was to see the poor Portuguese sent safely out of the castle, most of them so weakened by divers maladies, but chiefly by famine, and many of them so noisome by their putrified wounds, and scorchings with gunpowder, that their pitiful cries and complaints might have moved pity in a heart of stone; yet such was the cruel disposition of the Persians, that they drove them out of the castle like so many dogs, stripping many of them even of their shirts.

[Footnote 311: In a shorter relation of this siege, by Mr W. Pinder, the ordnance in the castle of Ormus are thus enumerated:--Fifty-three pieces mounted, of the following descriptions,--four brass cannons, six brass demi-cannons, sixteen brass cannons-pedro, nine brass culverins, two brass demi-culverins, three iron demi-culverins, ten brass basses, one iron minion, one iron culverin, one iron cannon-pedro. Besides ninety-two brass pieces not mounted, and seven brass bastels which they had landed from the ships that were sunk. In all, 152 pieces.--E.]

On the evening of the 27th, we allowed the Portuguese to depart for Goa, to the number of 2500 persons, including men, women, and children, to whom we gave our two prizes, the Robert and Shilling, for their transport, with victuals and water necessary for the voyage, and a pass to free them from any molestation, in case they met with any of our ships at sea. Besides these, there were upwards of an hundred persons, so maimed or sick as to be incapable of being sent off at this time, for want of room in these two ships.