Volume 9 / Part 2 / Book 3 — CHAPTER XI. (continued 6)

Seeing the king to be well pleased, I thought it a good time to move him again about our debts; and having my petition ready, I opened it and held it up, as offering it to the king. He happened not to notice this, and it being discovered by some others what was its contents, who knew the king would be enraged that his order was neglected, one of them stept up to me, and gently drew down my hand, requesting me not to present that petition. I answered, that Arad Khan had absolutely refused me justice, and I had no other resource. Arad heard this, being by, and went in much fear to Asaph Khan, desiring him to hinder me from making my complaint. I answered, that our ships were arrived, and we could neither brook nor endure such delays and loss of time. Thereupon they consulted together, and calling the cutwall, gave directions for him to put the king's orders, into execution. The cutwall, accordingly, beset the tents of our debtors that very night, and catched some of them; so that we shall now have justice. I had many thanks from all the omrahs for the protection given to the queen's ship, and the civility shown by our people to the passengers. This they said they had properly represented to the king, who took it kindly, and they all declared they were obliged in honour to love our nation, and would do us every service in their power; yet they all wondered we could not govern our own people, and that any should presume to take ships out of the kingdom, and to rob upon the seas without leave of our king.

When the king arose, Asaph Khan carried me with hint to his retiring-place, where we first translated the inventory of our goods into Persian, to shew the king an hour after. In this inventory I inserted the money with some addition, that the king might see we brought profit into his dominions by our trade. I next inserted the cloths of different kinds, with the fine wares; and, lastly, the gross commodities, concluding by praying his majesty to give orders for what he wished to purchase, and then to give us liberty of selling the rest. When this was finished, Asaph Khan asked why I wished to speak with him in private, desiring me to speak my mind with freedom, bowing, and protesting such friendship as I never could have expected. I told him, that my reason for asking this private conference was to have his advice. It was certainly true that I had some things which were not enumerated, but had been so badly used last year that I durst not trust any one; but, to shew my confidence in him, I was willing to open myself to him, on his oath of secrecy, which he readily gave. I then told him that I had a rich pearl, and some other strings of fair pearls, and knew not whether it were fit to tell the king, lest the prince might be displeased. I informed him likewise, how I had gone in the morning to visit the prince, and of his discourtesy, and my consequent determination; yet I knew his favour was necessary for us, and I had hopes to recover it by means of this pearl, which I had purposely concealed for him. This was my purpose, and the reason of my concealment; and as he was father-in-law to the prince, and the king's favourite, I was desirous to please both, and therefore begged his advice.

After embracing me, he said I had done discreetly, and should acquaint neither; for, if I did, I should never get out of trouble. If the king were to know of it, he would indeed use me courteously, but would make a great stir to get it into his hands, and then, according to custom, I might sue in vain to recover my own. The prince, I knew, was ravenously greedy and tyrannical, and wearied all with his scandalous exactions. He desired me to steal all ashore, trusting none, and explained to me many means of conveyance, bidding me observe the usage of the Portuguese on the like occasions; adding, that he wished to purchase the pearl, and if I would grant his desire, would deposite its value in my hands, whatever I chose to ask, and, in recompence for this confidence I had reposed in him, he would hereafter be my solicitor in all things, and assured me I could do nothing without him. I answered, that I was most willing to let him have the pearl, and hoped he would never betray my confidence. Having received his oath, and a ceremony of mutual covenant, by crossing thumbs according to the custom of the country, we embraced. I promised to be guided entirely by him, and he engaged to do every thing I required for the safe conveyance of the other things, engaging to give me firmauns so that no person should touch any thing, but all should come safely to me, to dispose of at my pleasure.

He engaged likewise to reconcile me to the prince, and would take me with him the next time he went to visit him, and would make the prince use me with all manner of grace and favour; adding, that I should have a particular judge assigned me to take care of our business, and to give us every satisfaction we could desire. He also advised me to make a present to his sister, Queen Noormahal, and she would prevail upon the king to give me money. To this I replied, that I wished only for the good usage of my countrymen. He then carried me to the king, to whom I presented the inventory translated into Persian, and was graciously received. He asked me if the arras were a present, to which I answered in the affirmative, as the prince was by, lest it might be seized. In conclusion, the king said he would take a considerable quantity of our cloths and other commodities, desiring me to cause them to be brought up speedily, and directed Asaph Khan to make out an order for their free passage in the prince's name. I was well pleased with the success of this day; for though I knew that there was no faith to be placed in these barbarians, yet I was sure Asaph Khan would deal truly in this, as he was to help himself, and durst not betray me, lest he should miss the pearl, neither could I suspect him afterwards, as he could not betray my secret without discovering his own falsehood to the prince.

S.8. Asaph Khan protects the English for hope of Gain, as also Noormahal.--Arrival of Mr Steel.--Danger to the Public from private Trade.--Stirs about a fort.

On the 12th October, according to his promise, Asaph Khan carried me along with him to visit the prince, and introduced me into his private apartment, when I presented ham with a small Chinese gold chain in a china cup. He used me indifferently, but Asaph Khan persuaded him to alter his course towards us, representing that he gained yearly by us a lack of rupees, and that as our trade increased every year, it would in time bring him greater profit; but that if we were harshly used, we would be enforced to quit both Surat and the country, from which great inconveniences might arise. We were in some measure his subjects, and if, from desire of procuring rarities, he used us ill, we would necessarily strive to the utmost to conceal all we brought from his knowledge; but if he gave us that liberty and encouragement which was fitting, we would then use our endeavours to bring every thing to him. He represented, that my only study was to give content to his highness, and to procure his favour and protection, and therefore that he ought to receive me honourably when I came to visit him, and according to my quality, which would give satisfaction to my nation, and encourage me to serve him. Finally, be moved his highness to give me a firmaun for our present use, which he easily obtained, with a promise of all manner of satisfaction. The prince accordingly gave immediate orders to his secretary to draw it up in every point to our content, and to write a letter to the governor recommending it to his attention; adding, that I should at all times have any other letters I desired.

It is thus easy to be seen what base and unworthy men I have to deal with. For the sordid hope only of buying some toys, Asaph Khan has become so reconciled to me as to betray his son-in-law, and is obsequious even to flattery. The ground of all his friendship is his desire to purchase the gold taken in the prize, and some other knacks; for which purpose he desires to send down one of his servants, which I could not deny without losing him, after having so long laboured to gain his favour; neither was this any disadvantage to us, as his payment is secure, and will save us much trouble and charge in selling elsewhere, especially the wine and other luggage that is apt to spoil in carriage. For this purpose he obtained an order from the prince under false pretences, and wrote himself in our favour to the governor of Surat, doing us all manner of kindness. There is a necessity for his friendship, as his word is a law in this empire, and therefore I did not choose to seem to notice his unworthiness. I hope by this procedure to win him to our advantage, or at least to make our present good use of him. On this occasion I moved him to procure us a firmaun for trade with Bengal, which he has promised, though he would never before hearken to that request. He likewise now prosecutes our debtors as if they were his own; and in passing the residence of the cutwall on his elephant, he called upon him to command dispatch, which was a most unusual favour. Upon this Groo was immediately imprisoned, and Muckshud had only two days allowed him to pay us. Thus I doubt not that in ten days we shall recover to the amount of 44,000 rupees, though our debtors are the most shifting false knaves in all India.

On the 21st, a servant came to me from Asaph Khan, bearing a message from Noormahal, intimating that she had moved the prince for another firmaun, which she had obtained, and by which all our goods were taken under her protection; and that she was ready to send down her servant with authority to take order for our good establishment, and to see that we were no way wronged. He said farther, that Asaph Khan had done this, for fear of the prince's violence, and to guard against his custom of delays; and that now when the queen his sister had desired to be our protectress, he was sure the prince would not meddle; and farther assured me, upon his honour, that I should receive every thing consigned to me, for which the queen had written the most positive orders, and had directed her servant to assist our factors, that we might never more have any cause of complaint at Surat. He desired, therefore, that I might write a few lines to the captains and factors, directing them to use the queen's servant kindly, and allow him to buy for her some toys, such as I could spare. This I durst not deny, though I clearly saw the greediness which was covered under this request; and I gave him a note, as desired, making a condition that I should see a copy of the firmaun, which was already sealed, and could not be seen without leave.

By all this you may see how easy it were to sell commodities here, by a little good management. Last year we were not looked at; but now, that I have translated the inventory of fine wares for the king, yet concealing the pearls, every one is ready to run down to Surat, to make purchases. Noormahal and Asaph Khan now study how to do me good offices; and many of the great men are soliciting me for letters, that they may send down their servants, so that if you had trebled the present consignment, it might all have been bought up aboard ship, and have saved you the customs, expence of carriage, and much spoil. I have therefore directed the factory to sell to the servants of Noormahal and Asaph Khan, whatsoever can be spared, so as to leave me a decent proportion for my uses at court. By this, much trouble and charges will be saved, the prince prevented from plunder and exactions, and our friends confirmed; and yet I hope to have enough remaining to please the king and his son. At the delivery of their presents, Asaph Khan has undertaken to procure the phirmaunds for our trade at Bengal or any other port, and even to procure us a general privilege for free trade and residence in every part of the king's dominions.

On the 24th of October the king departed to a considerable distance from Mundu,[215] and went from place to place among the mountains, leaving us quite at a loss what way we should take, as no one knew his purpose. On the 25th I had a warrant for ten camels at the king's rates of hire; and on the 29th I removed to follow the king, being forced to quit Mundu, which was now entirely deserted. The 31st I arrived at the king's tents, but found he had gone with few company on a hunting party for ten days, no person being allowed to follow without leave. The leskar or camp was scattered about in many parts, suffering great inconveniences from bad water, scarcity and consequent dearness of provisions, sickness, and all sorts of calamities incident to so great a multitude; yet nothing can prevent the king from following his pleasures. I here learnt that it was quite uncertain whether the king proposed going to Agra or Guzerat; and, though the latter was reported, the former was held to be more probable, as his counsellors wished to be at rest. Yet, because the king was expected to linger here about a month, I was advised and thought it best to send for the goods and presents, and endeavour to conclude my business, rather as defer it upon uncertainties. By this means, I hoped to obtain some rest, which I much needed, as I was very weak, and not likely to recover by daily travel, and the use of cold raw muddy water.

[Footnote 215: In the edition of Churchill, the king is said to have removed twenty-four cosses from Mundu, while in the Pilgrims it is called only four cosses.--E.]

Richard Steel and Jackson arrived on the 2d November, 1617, with the pearls and other small matters, which they had brought privately on shore according to my order, which I received and gave them acquittance for. I had a conference with Mr Steel about his projects of water-works, intended to advance the sale of lead, which I did not approve of, because I knew the character of this people, and that this affair must be begun at our expence, while after trial we should not enjoy the profit, but the natives be taught.[216] Besides, it did not promise any advantages for the sale of our commodity, as the lead would be trebled in price by land-carriage, and could not be delivered at Agra so cheap as other lead could be purchased there. Yet I was willing that he should make a trial, by carrying his workmen to Ahmedabad, and meeting me there; where, by the aid of Mukrob Khan, who only among these people is a friend to new inventions, I would make offer to the king of their inventions, and try what conditions might be procured; but, in my opinion, it is all money and labour thrown away. The company must shut their ears against these projectors, who have their own emoluments much more in view than the profits of their masters. Many things look fair in discourse, and in theory satisfy curious imaginations, which in practice are found difficult and fanciful. It is no easy matter to alter the established customs of this kingdom; where some drink only of rain water, some only that of a holy river, and others only of such as is brought at their own cost.

[Footnote 216: This project is no where explained, but might possibly be intended for conveying water, by means of machinery and leaden pipes, for the supply of some palace or city in India.--E.]

As for his second project, of inducing the caravans and merchants of Lahore and Agra, who are in use to travel by Candahar into Persia, to come by the river Indus and to go by sea in our ships to Jasques or the Persian gulf it is a mere dream. Some men may approve of it in conversation, but it will never be adopted in practice. The river Indus is but indifferently navigable downwards, and its mouth is already occupied by the Portuguese; while its navigation upwards, against the stream, is very difficult. Finally, we must warrant their goods, which cannot be done by a fleet; neither did even the Portuguese transport any of these goods, excepting only those of Scindy and Tatta, which traded by means of their own junks, having cartas or passes from the Portuguese, for which the natives paid a small matter, to secure them from being captured by the Portuguese cruizers; and the emoluments of these passes came into the pockets of the chiefs of Diu, Damaun, and Ormus. Even if all other difficulties were removed, yet will the caravan of Lahore be never induced to take this passage, as it mostly consists of returning Persians and Armenians, who know the journey from Jasques to be almost as bad as that through Candahar; and the small trade from the environs of Scindy is not worth mentioning. Yet, for his better satisfaction, I am content that he may learn his errors by his own experience, so that it be not done at the charges of the company: But I suppose he will let it fall to the ground, not knowing at which end to begin.

As to the third project, for uniting the trade of the Red Sea with this of Surat, I recommended to him to use his endeavours; for it is already begun. The peril of this trade in the Guzerat ships is very obvious, owing to pirates in these seas; wherefore I have no doubt that many merchants may be induced to load their goods in our ships on freight; by which means we should make ourselves many useful friends among these people, supply our own wants, save the export of bullion, and for this year employ one of the ships belonging to the old account, that should return in September, receiving the remains of this joint stock, which will be sufficient to re-load a great ship, and would otherwise be transported at great loss. This I explained and urged, shewing which way it might be accomplished, and recommended by him to the commander, the Cape merchants and your factors, as will appear by my letters. This measure, if followed, must evidently be to your profit, even if nothing were procured towards it by freight from the Guzerat merchants; as, having so many empty vessels for so small a stock, and two pirate ships fallen into your hands, they had better even go empty as not go. There are many good chances in the Red Sea and in the way, and though they did nothing else than bring back the goods you have at Mokha and other ports in that sea, this would repay the charges of the voyage and be ready in time.

I find Mr Steel high in his conceits, insomuch that he seems to have forgotten the respect due to me. He and Mr Kerridge are at variance, which I use every endeavour to assuage. As for his wife, I have told Steel that she cannot remain in this country without much inconvenience to us, and injury to his masters, as she could not be allowed her expences of travelling and living at the charges of the Company; that he must live frugally and like a merchant, as others do, and must therefore send home his wife. If he did so, he was welcome to remain in the Company's service; but otherwise, I should have to take measures with them both, much against my inclination. Having thus persuaded him, I likewise endeavoured to deal in the same manner about Captain Towerson's wife. You know not the danger, the trouble, and the inconvenience, of granting these liberties. For this purpose, I persuaded Abraham, his father-in-law, to hold fast; stating the gripings of this court, and the small hope of any relief by this alliance, from which he expected great matters, and endeavoured to persuade him to return quietly. To further this, I wrote to your chief factor, that such things as he had brought and were vendible, should be bought for your use by bill of exchange, and at such profit to him as might answer both parties; but I utterly prohibited the taking of his trash, to remain a dead stock on your hands, on any conditions. Such inconveniences do you bring upon your hands by these unreasonable liberties.

By the strict commands in your letter respecting private trade, as well respecting your own servants as others, I find you do not mean him to have that liberty he expects; for he is furnished to the value of above £1000, first cost here, and Steel to at least £200. This, as he proposes sending home his wife, and his merit is so good towards you, I shall send home; as I presume you will admit of this to get rid of such cattle. I will not buy these goods however, but order them to be marked and consigned to you, by which you will have the measure in your own hands. By these liberties, you discourage all your old servants. Some may do all things for fair words, and some will do nothing for good actions. I could instance some, gone home two years since, who only employed themselves in managing their own stock, and did no other business, who now live at home in pleasure; and others that raised their fortunes on your monies, trading therewith from port to port, and are now returned rich and unquestioned. Last year a mariner had twenty-six churles of indigo, others many fardles; another had to the value of 7000 mahmudies in bastas, chosen at Baroach and purchased with your monies, and he would not probably chuse the worst for himself; a fourth did the same to the value of above £150. I do not mention these things out of spite or ill will, but to induce you to equality of proceeding with your servants, that an impartial restraint be imposed upon all, and that by such instances your profits may not be all swallowed up.

For effecting these purposes, the sending the woman home, and the prosecution of trade to the Red Sea, I have sent back Richard Steel to Surat with the necessary orders. As it is now declared that the king intends going to Guzerat, I have altered my purpose about the goods and presents; and have appointed Richard Steel, after having dispatched other matters, to meet me there with the goods and presents, and his engineers. I have also sent my advice and directions to Captain Pring, to make out an inventory of all the monies and goods in the two pirate ships, and to land the whole, making it over to your stock; to give a passage home to some of the chiefs, and to take the rest into your service, referring to you at home to deal with the owners. My own fixed opinion is, that their capture is legal and justifiable, and all their goods forfeited. If you are pleased to restore any thing, be it at your pleasure; but the more rigour you show to these, the better example you will give to such scandalous piracies; for, if this course be pursued, you may bid adieu to all trade at Surat and in the Red Sea, and let the Turkey Company stand clear of the revenge of the Grand Signior.

I went to Asaph Khan on the 6th November, and shewed him the pearls according to promise. As I had been previously informed, he told me the sorts were not fit for that country; yet he was so pleased that I had kept my word with him, that I believe I may say to you in the words of Pharaoh, "The land is before you, dwell where you will, you and your servants." We talked not about the price, but he vowed the utmost secrecy, and that for my sake he would give more for them than their value, not returning any, and would pay ready money. Of this he professed to be in no want, and even offered to lend me whatever I needed. I have promised to visit his sister, whom he has made our protectress; and indeed, every contentment that good words can give, I have received, besides good deeds. When the presents arrive, I shall take care not to be too liberal to your loss; a little shall serve in that way. Indeed Asaph Khan himself has given me this advice, saying that such things are as well taken in this country sold as given, which I find by the experience of others to be true.

Finishing these conferences in his bed-chamber, Asaph Khan rose to go to dinner, having invited me and my people; but he and his friends dined without, appointing us our mess apart, for they scruple to eat with us. I had good cheer, and was well attended, the residue being given to my servants. After dinner, I moved about the debt due by Groo, and told him of the delays. He desired me to say no more, as he had undertaken that business; that Groo, at his orders, was finishing accounts with a jeweller, and he had given orders, as the money was paid, that it should remain in the hands of the cutwall for us. This I found afterwards to be true, and the cutwall has promised to finish in three days, desiring me to send no more to Asaph Khan on that business.

I must not omit to mention here, an anecdote of baseness or favour, call it which you please. When the prisons are full of condemned men, the king commands some to be executed, and sends others to his omrahs, to be redeemed at a price. This he esteems a courtesy, as giving the means of exercising charity: But he takes the money, and so sells the virtue. About a month before our remove, he sent to me to buy three Abyssinians, whom they suppose to be all Christians, at the price of forty rupees each. I answered, that I could not purchase men as slaves, as was done by others, by which they had profit for their money; but that I was willing to give twenty rupees each for them in charity, to save their lives and restore them to liberty. The king was well pleased with my answer, and ordered them to be sent me. They expected the money, which I was in no haste to give, and even hoped it had been forgotten. But the king's words are all written down[217], and are as irrevocable decrees. Seeing that I sent not for the malefactors, his officers delivered them into the hands of my procurator, in my absence this day, taking his note for the sixty rupees, which I paid at my return, and set free the prisoners.

[Footnote 217: Dixit, et edictum est; fatur, et est factum.--Purch.]

Having notice of a new phirmaund sent down to Surat to disarm all the English, and some other restrictions upon their liberty, owing to a complaint sent up to the prince, that we intended to build a fort at Swally, and that our ships were laden with bricks and lime for that purpose, I visited Asaph Khan on the 10th November, to enquire into this matter. This jealousy arose from our people having landed a few bricks on shore, for building a furnace to refound the ship's bell; yet the alarm was so hot at court, that I was called to make answer, when I represented how absurd was this imaginary fear, how dishonourable for the king, and how unfit the place was for any such purpose to us, having neither water nor harbourage. The jealousy was however so very strongly imprinted in their minds, because I had formerly asked a river at Gogo for that purpose, that I could hardly satisfy the prince but that we intended some such sinister end. You may judge from this how difficult it were to get a port for yourselves, if you were so disposed. Notwithstanding all remonstrances, this furnace must be demolished, and a huddey of horse sent down to see it done. The disarming of our men was what chiefly disobliged our people, though the weapons were only lodged in the custom-house, and those only belonging to the ship's company. I told Asaph Khan, that we could not endure this slavery, nor would I stay longer in the country, as the prince gave us one day a phirmaund for our good usage, with a grant of privileges, and countermand all the next by contradictory orders, in which proceedings there was neither honour nor good faith, and I could not answer for my continuing to reside among them. Asaph Khan said, he would speak to the king at night on the subject, in the presence of the prince, and afterwards give me an answer.

I went again to wait upon Asaph Khan on the 18th, when he made many protestations of the Mogul's affection to my sovereign and nation, and to me, and assured me he had risked the prince's disfavour for our sakes, and had full assurance of a complete redress of all our grievances: and that he proposed getting the prigany of Surat transferred to himself, which the prince would have to resign, as he had been made governor of Ahmedabad, Cambay, and that territory. To satisfy me that he did not dissemble, he desired me to come at night to court, bringing the king my master's letter and the translation, as the time was favourable for its delivery; desiring me at the same time to persist in my complaint, and to offer taking leave, when I should see what he would say for us. Accordingly, I went at night to wait upon the king, whom I found surrounded by a very full court. The king was sitting on the ground, and when I delivered the letter, it was laid before him, of which he took no great notice, being busy at the time. Asaph Khan whispered to his father, Etimon Dowlet, desiring him to read the letter and assist us, which he could better do than himself. Etimon Dowlet took up both letters, giving that in English into the king's hands, and read the translation to the king, who answered many of the complaints. On coming to that point, of procuring our quiet trade, by his authority with the Portuguese, he demanded if we wanted him to make peace with them? I answered, that his majesty knew long since I had offered to be governed entirely by him, and referred that matter to his wisdom, and waited therefore to know his pleasure. On this he said, that he would undertake to reconcile us, and to cause agreement to be made in his seas, which he would signify in his answer to my master's letter, in which he would farther satisfy his majesty in all his other friendly desires.

Notwithstanding of this, I asked leave to go before to Ahmedabad, to meet the king's presents, and to prepare for my return home. Upon this, a question arose between the king and the prince, who complained that he derived no profit from us, and was very willing to be rid of us. Asaph Khan then took up the discourse, and plainly told the king, that we brought both profit and security to the port of Surat and to the kingdom, but were very rudely treated by the prince's servants, and that we could not continue our trade and residence, unless matters were amended; for which reason it would be more honourable for his majesty to licence and protect us, than to treat us discourteously. The prince angrily replied, That he had never wronged us, and had lately given us a phirmaund at the desire of Asaph Khan. It is true, replied Asaph Khan, that you granted him a phirmaund to his satisfaction; but in ten days you sent down another, virtually to contradict and annul the former; and as he stood as surety between both, and had undertaken our redress on the prince's word, the shame and dishonour of this double procedure fell upon him. He said he spoke for no ends, but for the king's honour and justice, as he owed me nothing, nor I him, and for the truth of his words he appealed to me, who complained that our goods were taken away from us by force, and that Rulph,[218] who began this two years ago, would never pay us, and his officers continued the same procedure every season. If the prince were weary of the English, he might turn us away; but then he must expect that we would seek for redress at our own hands upon the seas. He demanded whether the king or the prince gave me the means of living, or, as they did not, at whose expence I was maintained? saying, that I was an ambassador and a stranger, who lived in this country and followed the progress of the king at great charges; and if our goods continued to be taken from us by force, so that we could neither get back our goods, nor yet their value in money, it would be impossible for us to subsist.

[Footnote 218: On a former occasion, where this person is mentioned, it has been said that his name, in the edition of this journal given by Churchill, is written Sulph. From the circumstances in the context at this place, it is possible that Sulpheckar Khan, or Zulfeccar Khan, governor of Surat under Sultan Churrum, may be here meant.--E.]

This was delivered with some heat, and the king, catching at the word force, repeated it to his son, whom he sharply reprehended. The prince promised to see me paid for all that had been taken. He said likewise that he had taken nothing, having only caused the presents to be sealed; and, as his officers had received no customs on these, he desired to have them opened in his presence. This I absolutely refused to consent to, telling the king that I only did my duty to my master, in insisting to deliver the presents free from duty, and that, when I had so done, I should give the prince full satisfaction in all other things. At this time, Etimon Dowlet, who had been made our friend by his son Asaph Khan, whispered to the king, and read a clause or two from my master's letter, on which the king made the prince stand aside. Asaph Khan joined in this private conference, which they told me was for our good; and in conclusion, the prince was commanded to suffer all the goods to come quietly to me, and to give me such privileges for our trade as were fit, and as should be proposed by Asaph Khan.

The prince would not yield the presents, unless Asaph Khan became his surety that he should have a share, which he did, and we were then all agreed on that point. The king paid me many compliments in words, and even gave me two pieces of pawne out of the dish then before him, desiring me to partake of what he was eating. I then took my leave for Ahmedabad; and that same night I began my journey, leaving my tents, as I expected to reach that city the next day: But I had to ride two nights, with the intermediate day and half of the next, with excessively little accommodation or refreshment; and arrived at Ahmedabad on the 15th at noon.

The 8th January, 1618, there was some question about presents by the prince, whom I told that his were ready whenever he was ready to receive them. He asked me, why I had broken the seals? On which I said, that it would have been dishonourable and discourteous in me to have delivered the king's presents in bonds, and having waited his highness' licence during twenty days, but seeing no hope of its arrival, I had been under the necessity of breaking open the seals. Some heat was likely to have arisen on this subject, but a gentleman from the king, who was sent to observe what passed between us, told us both that the king commanded our presence before him immediately, at a garden where he then was, on the river side, a coss from the town. The prince went there immediately in his palanquin, and I followed in a coach, well attended upon by the servants of the king and prince. On my arrival, the women were going in, on which occasion no man dare enter except the prince, who accordingly made bitter complaints against me for having broke open the seals, taking out from the packages whatever I pleased, without his knowledge. Asaph Khan was called, who was my surety, and the prince laid the blame of all this upon him, but he strenuously denied all knowledge or participation; yet I had not accused him, but took it all upon myself, knowing he would deny it, as is the custom, to excuse himself, and I knew myself better able to bear it.

I was then sent for to the water-side, where the king had been sitting in private, and went in, having the presents along with me, but the king was gone into the female apartments. Asaph Khan blamed me for breaking his word, saying, that the prince had shamed him. I answered, through Jaddow, that he well knew I had his consent, of which this man was a witness. He denied this to us both, and when I again said, that, although I would not lay the blame on him, that it was still true, as this man could witness; Jaddow refused to interpret my answer, saying, that he durst not tell Asaph Khan to his face that he lied. This is a quite usual thing among them; for if any command comes from the king which he afterwards forgets or denies, he that brought the message will deny it stoutly. I bore up as high as I could, on which some of the great men said that it was a great affront, of which no other man durst have been guilty, while others smiled. I answered, it was by no means so great as the prince had often done to me. We thus spent the day, during which the king never appeared, having privately stole away, leaving us all in anxious expectation.

At night, word came that the king was gone, when I offered to have gone home, but was so well attended, that I was in some measure constrained to force my way. While on the road, new messengers came to seek me, and I had to return to court, without having either eaten or drank. The king was not however come back, and I could not get free from my attendants, who yet used me very respectfully. After waiting an hour, a sudden order was given to put out all the lights. The king now came in an open waggon, drawn by bullocks, having his favourite Noormahal along with him, himself acting as waggoner, and no man near. When he and his women were housed, the prince came in on horseback, and immediately called for me into the place where the king was. It was now midnight, and I found the king and prince only attended upon by two or three eunuchs. Putting on an angry countenance, the king, as he had been instructed by his son, told me I had broken my word, and he would trust me no more. I answered roundly, that I held it fit to give freely, not upon compulsion, and had committed no offence, according to my judgment; and if their customs were so very different from ours, I had erred only from ignorance, and ought therefore to be pardoned. After many disputes, the prince offered his friendship, with many fair promises, and we were all reconciled.

I then opened the chests, gave the king his presents, and the prince his, and sent in those intended for Noormahal. We were about two hours engaged in viewing them. The king was well pleased with the tapestry, but said it was too coarse, and desired to have a suit of the same quality with the sweet bags. Three articles were detained besides the presents; and for these the prince said he would pay, as his father had taken them. He likewise desired me to come to see him in the morning, promising to be my protector and procurator, which I willingly accepted in all things except the goods.

I waited upon the prince on the 10th, when I was well received, and had orders for a phirmaund about the murdered man[219]. He likewise made a public declaration of his reconcilement, desiring all his officers to take notice of it, and act accordingly. He likewise ordered his chief Raia to be in future my procurator, and to draw out whatever phirmaunds I required. I presented to him Captain Towerson, and some others of the English, whom he received graciously; and, in confirmation of our renewed friendship, he presented me with a robe of cloth of silver, promising to be the protector of our nation in all things we could desire. I then told him about Mr Steel and his workmen, when he desired me to bring a small present at night to the king, to whom he should present them, which I did. He kept his word, and spoke in our favour to the king, who seemed disposed to entertain them. On this occasion I presented Captain Towerson to the king, who called him up, and after a few questions, rose. At the Gitshel Choes[220] I presented Mr Steel and his workmen. The king called for Mr Paynter, and gave him ten pounds, promising to take him and all the rest into his service. On this occasion the king sat all night in a hat which I had given him.

[Footnote 219: This circumstance is perhaps explained in the sequel, as relating to the death of a person at Burhanpoor.--E.]

[Footnote 220: This is probably meant for the same public audience called, in other parts of the journal, the Gazul Khan.--E.]

The 13th, the Dutch came to court, bringing a great present of China ware, saunders-wood, parrots, and cloves, but were not allowed to approach the third degree, or raised platform. After some time, the prince asked me, who they were? I answered, that they were Hollanders who resided at Surat. He then enquired if they were our friends? I answered, that they were of a nation which was dependent upon the king of England, but not welcome in all parts, and that I did not know their business. He then said, since they were our friends, that I ought to call them up. So I was obliged to call upon them, that they might deliver their presents, on which occasion they were placed beside our merchants, yet without any farther speech or conference. Finally, every thing I asked was complied with, or at least promised, and I now wait for performance and money. I am satisfied, that, without this contestation, I had never succeeded in our just demands; for I told the prince's messenger, in the presence of all the English, that if he chose to use force against me or my goods, he certainly might, but it should cost blood, for I would set my chop upon his master's ship, and send her to England.

On the 18th I received notice from Surat of the imprisonment of Spragge and Howard at Burhanpoor, where their house and goods were seized, and their lives in question, on the following account:--The cutwall had been drinking at their house, and one of his men had died that night, on which they were accused of having poisoned him, and the cutwall, in excuse for having been at their house, pretended that he had gone to fetch away a man's wife who was detained by Thomas Spragge. What may be the truth of this affair I know not; but information has been sent to the king against them. I went therefore to the prince, who had promised to undertake all our causes, but could not get speech of him, though I had likewise to complain of force having been used against a caravan of ours on the way, notwithstanding a phirmaund from the rajah of the country, on both of which subjects I shall present a petition at night to the king. My trouble with this barbarous and unjust people is beyond all endurance. When at the prince's, I found the promised phirmaund drawn up indeed, but half of the agreed conditions were omitted, upon which I refused to accept it, and desired leave to depart, that I might treat with them in the sea.[221]

[Footnote 221: This obscure expression seems to imply a threat of taking vengeance, or making reprisals at sea, for the oppressions of the Mogul government against the English trade.--E.]

On the 21st, a command was issued to set free the English at Burhanpoor, and to restore their goods; on which occasion the king observed, that, if they had killed the Mahometan who came to drink at their house, he had only met with his just reward. Another order was issued, commanding Partap-shah to repay us all exactions whatsoever, and that he should hereafter take no duties upon our goods in their way to the sea-port, threatening, in case of failure, to deliver his son into my hands. On the 22d, I went in person to receive these phirmaunds, and carried the merchants along with me, together with some pearls the prince was eager to see, and which were pretended to belong to Mr Towerson. The prince had received some vague accounts of our having pearls to the value of twenty or thirty thousand pounds, which he hoped to have extracted from us. When his secretary saw our small pearls, he observed that his master had maunds of such, and if we had no better, we might take these away. You may judge how basely covetous these people are of jewels. I told him that we had procured these from a gentlewoman to satisfy the prince, and as they could not be made better, it was uncivil to be angry with merchants who had done their best to shew their good will.

I then spoke to him about the phirmaunds, when he bluntly told me I should have none; for as we had deceived the prince's hopes, he would disappoint us. I had asked leave to depart, and I might come to take leave whenever I pleased. To this I answered, that nothing could please me more, but that I should requite their injustice in another place, for I should now apply to the king, and depend no more on them, as I saw their conduct was made up of covetousness and unworthiness. So I arose to depart, but he recalled me, desiring that I might come next day to the king and prince together, when I should have complete satisfaction.

"And now, reader, we are at a stand: some more idle, or more busy spirits, willing either to take their rest, or to exchange their labour; and some perhaps wishing they had the whole journal, and not thus contracted into extracts of those things out of it which I conceived more fit for the public. And, for the whole, myself could have wished it, but neither with the honourable Company, nor elsewhere, could I learn of it; the worthy knight himself being now employed in like honourable embassage from his majesty to the Great Turk. Yet, to supply the defect of the journal, I have given thee the chorography of the country, together with certain letters of his, written from India to honourable lords, and his friends in England; out of all which may be hewed and framed a delightful commentary of the Mogul and his subjects. Take them therefore, reader, and use them as a prospective glass, by which thou mayst take easy and near view of these remote regions, people, rites, and religions."--Purchas.

In the Pilgrims, in supplement to the journal of Sir Thomas Roe, Purchas has inserted a formal complimentary letter from king James to the Great Mogul, or emperor of Hindoostan, together with another from the Mogul to king James, containing nothing besides hyperbolical expressions of regard; both of which are here omitted, as entirely devoid of interest, amusement, or information. Purchas has also added several letters said to have been found among the papers of Sir Thomas Roe, with some others which he says were transcribed from Sir Thomas Roe's own book. As these letters merely repeat circumstances and opinions already more fully and more methodically expressed in the preceding journal, they could only have served unnecessarily to swell our pages, without any adequate advantage, and are therefore omitted.

Purchas also informs us that Sir Thomas Roe, before he left the court of the Great Mogul on his return for England, requested to be favoured with a recommendatory letter from the Mogul to king James. This request was granted with the utmost readiness, and a letter written accordingly; but the Mogul, or his ministers, shewed much scrupulousness about the placement of the seal to this letter, lest, if placed under the writing, it might disparage the dignity of the Mogul, or, if placed over the letter, king James might feel disobliged. On this account, the letter was delivered to Sir Thomas unsealed, and the seal was sent separately, that it might be afterwards affixed, according to the pleasure of the king of England.

This seal was of silver, and Purchas has given an engraving, or fac simile of it, consisting of an inner and larger circle, bearing the style or title of the reigning king, or Padishah Jehanguire; surrounded circularly by eight smaller circles, containing the series of his direct ancestors, from Timor, or Tamerlane, downwards. These are all of course in the Persian language and characters; but Purchas gives likewise a copy or translation of the same in English letters. It seemed quite superfluous to insert here the Persian fac simile, being merely writing without ornament, armorial bearing, or cognizance. The following is the series, expressed in English characters; the last being the central circle, which contains the name and title of the reigning emperor:--

1. Ebn Amir Temur Saheb Quran. 2. Ebn Miran Shah. 3. Ebn Mirza Soltan Mohamed. 4. Ebn Soltan Abu Said. 5. Ebn Mirza Amar Shah. 6. Ebn Bahar Padishah. 7. Ebn Humaiun Padishah. 8. Ebn Akbar Padishah. 9. Abu Amozaphar Nurdin Jebanguire Padishah.

SECTION VII.

RELATION OF A VOYAGE TO INDIA IN 1616, WITH OBSERVATIONS RESPECTING THE DOMINIONS OF THE GREAT MOGUL, BY MR. EDWARD TERRY.[222]

INTRODUCTION.

According to Purchas, Mr Edward Terry was master of arts, and a student of Christ Church in Oxford, and went out to India as chaplain to Sir Thomas Roe. In the first subdivision of this narrative, we have combined the observations of Captain Alexander Childe, who was commander of the ship James, during the same voyage, under Captain Benjamin Joseph, of the ship Charles, who was slain in a sea-fight with a Portuguese carack, off one of the Komoro islands. The notes extracted by Purchas from the journal of Captain Childe,[223] are so short and unsatisfactory, that we have been induced to suppress them, except so far as they serve to elucidate the narrative of Terry, in the first subdivision of this section.--E.

[Footnote 222: Purch. Pilgr. II 1464.]

[Footnote 223: Id. I. 606.]

S.1. Occurrences during the Voyage from England to Surat.

Apologies often call truth into question, and having nothing but truth to offer in excuse for this narrative, I omit all unnecessary preface, desiring only that the reader may believe what I have faithfully related. Our fleet, consisting of six goodly ships, the Charles, Unicorn, James, Globe, Swan, and Rose, under the supreme command of Captain Benjamin Joseph, who sailed as general in the Charles, our admiral ship, fell down from Gravesend to Tilbury-hope on the 3d of February, 1616.

After long and anxious expectation, it pleased God to send us a fair wind at N.E. on the 9th March, when we departed from that road, and set sail for the East Indies. The wind continued favourable till the 16th, at night, when we were in the bay of Biscay, at which time we were assailed by a most fearful storm, during which we lost sight both of the Globe and the Rose. The Globe rejoined us on the 26th following, but the Rose was no more heard of till six months afterwards, when she arrived at Bantam. The storm continued with violence from the 16th to the 21st. The 28th we got sight of the grand Canary, and of the Peak of Teneriffe, which is so extremely high that it may be seen in a clear day more than forty leagues out at sea, as the mariners report. The 31st, being Easter-day, we passed under the tropic of Cancer, and on the 7th of April had the sun in our zenith. The 16th, we met with these winds called tornadoes, which are so variable and uncertain, as sometimes to blow from all the thirty-two points of the compass within the space of a single hour. These winds are accompanied by much thunder and lightning, and excessive rains, of so noisome a nature, as immediately to cause people's clothes to stink on their backs; and wherever this rain-water stagnates, even for a short space of time, it brings forth many offensive animalcules. The tornadoes began with us when in about 12° of N. latitude, and continued till we were two degrees to the south of the equinoctial line, which we passed on the 28th of April. The 19th of May, being Whitsunday, we passed the tropic of Capricorn, so that we were complete seven weeks under the torrid zone.

Almost every day, while between the tropics, we saw various kinds of fish, in greater abundance than elsewhere. As the whale, or mighty Leviathan, whom God hath created to take his pastime in the seas; Dolphins also, and Albicores, with Bonitoes, flying-fishes, and many others. Some whales were of an exceeding greatness, which, in calm weather, would often rise and shew themselves above the water, appearing like vast rocks; and, while rising, they would spout up a great quantity of water into the air, with much noise, which fell down again around them like heavy rain. The dolphin is called, from the swiftness of its motion, the arrow of the sea. This fish differs from many others, in having teeth on the top of its tongue. It is pleasing to the eye, the smell, and the taste, having a changeable colour, finned like a roach, covered with very small scales, giving out a delightful scent above all other fishes, and is in taste as good as any. These dolphins are very apt to follow our ships, not, so far as I think, from any love they bear for men, as some authors write, but to feed upon what may be thrown overboard. Whence it comes to pass that they often become food to us; for, when they swim close by the ships, they are struck by a broad instrument full of barbed points, called a harping-iron, to which a rope is fastened, by which to pull the instrument and the fish on board. This beautiful dolphin may be taken as an emblem of a race of men, who, under sweet countenances, carry sharp tongues. The bonitoes and albicores are much like our mackerels in colour, shape, and taste, but grow to a very large size. The flying-fishes live the most unhappy lives of all others, as they are persecuted in the water by the dolphins, bonitoes, and albicores, and when they endeavour to escape from their enemies in the water, by rising up in flight, they are assailed by ravenous fowls in the air, somewhat like our kites, which hover over the water in waiting for their appearance in the other element. These flying-fishes are like men who profess two trades and thrive in neither.

Early in the morning of the 12th June, we espied our long-wished-for harbour, the bay of Saldanha, [Table-bay] about twelve leagues short from the Cape of Good Hope, into which we came happily to anchor that same forenoon. We here found one of the Company's ships, the Lion, commanded by Captain Newport, come from Surat, and homeward-bound for England. We made ourselves merry with each other on this happy meeting; and having a fair gale, the Lion sailed on the night of the 14th. We found here water in abundance, but little refreshments for our sick men, except fresh fish, as the natives brought us nothing. We remained in this harbour till the 28th, on which day we departed, the Swan steering her course for Bantam. The 29th we doubled the Cape of Good Hope, in the lat. of 35° S. Off this cape there continually sets a most violent current to the westwards, whence it happens, when it is met by a strong contrary wind, their impetuous opposition occasions so rough a sea that some ships have been swallowed up, and many more endangered among these mountainous waves. Few ships pass this way without encountering a storm.

The 22d of July we got sight of the great island of Madagascar, commonly called of St Lawrence, being between that island and the main, but touched not there. Proceeding on our course, on the 1st of August we fell in with a part of the main land of Africa, called Boobam,[224] in lat. 16° 35' S. the variation being 13° 12'. The 5th we drew near the little islands of Mohelia, Gazidia, and St Juan de Castro, [Moelia, Hinzuan or Johanna, Mayotta or St Christopher, and Augasi,] generally known by the name of the Komoro islands, in about the lat. of 12° S.

[Footnote 224: The head-land of Mosambique is probably here meant.--E.]

Early in the morning of the 6th of August, our men in the tops looking out for land, espied a sail about three or four leagues off directly in our course. About noon, the Globe, which was our smallest ship, and sailed better than the rest of the fleet, came up with her on the broadside to windward, and hailed her according to the custom of the sea, asking whence she came? She answered, indirectly, that she came from the sea, and her people insulted ours most outrageously, calling them thieves, rogues, heretics, and devils; and, in conclusion of their rude compliments, spoke in the loud language of the cannon's roar, discharging seven pieces of large artillery at our Globe, six of the balls piercing her hull, and maiming some of her men, but killing none. Our Globe replied in the same voice, and afterwards fell astern and stood in for our general and the rest of our fleet, now four sail in all, shewing us the discourtesy of the Portuguese.

About three in the afternoon, the Charles, our admiral, came up with the Portuguese ship, which was the admiral of the caracks that sailed this year from Lisbon, but had parted from all the rest of their fleet. When within pistol-shot, Captain Benjamin Joseph, our commander, proceeded deliberately to work, offering treaty before he attempted revenge. So we saluted her with our trumpets, to which she replied with her wind-instruments. Captain Joseph then called out, that their commander might come on board, to make satisfaction for the wrong they had done to our consort. They made answer, that they had no boat; on which our general said he would send them one, and immediately caused his barge to be manned and sent to the carack, which brought back one of their officers and two mean men, with this answer from their commander, that he had resolved never to leave his ship, to which he might be forced, but would not be commanded to leave her.

On receiving this message, Captain Joseph used them civilly who had brought it, and commanded them to be shewn our ship, and how she was prepared to vindicate our honour. This made the poor Portuguese much afraid, and they desired Captain Joseph to write a few words to their commander, which, added to their persuasions, might perchance induce him to come to terms. Willing to preserve his honour, and to prevent the effusion of blood, Captain Joseph caused a few words to be written to the Portuguese commander, to the following effect:--"Whereas the commander of the carack has offered violence to our ship the Globe, while sailing peaceably beside him, he is desired to come aboard immediately, and give satisfaction for that wrong, or else at his peril," &c. He then sent back the Portuguese, accompanied by one of our master's mates, carrying the writing, together with this verbal message, "That if he refused to come, he would force him, or sink by his side." The words of dying men are said to be prophetic, so these his words came to pass, for he was slain not long after by a great shot from the carack.

Notwithstanding this message, the Portuguese commander remained firmly to his resolute answer. Wherefore, on the return of our men, Captain Joseph himself fired the three first shots, which surely did them much mischief; as we conjectured, by the loud outcry we heard among them after these shots were fired. The shot now flew thick from both sides; and our captain, chearing his men to behave gallantly, ascended the half-deck, where he had not been above ten minutes when a great shot from the quarter of the carack deprived him of life in the twinkling of an eye. It hit him fair in the breast, beating his heart and other parts out of his body, which lay round him among his blood. After he was slain, our master continued the fight for about half an hour, when, considering that another person was to succeed in the supreme command, and the night approaching, he thought proper to desist, and having fallen astern, he hung out a flag as a signal of council, to call the captain of the vice-admiral on board, Captain Henry Pepwell, who was to succeed, together with the other masters, that they might consult about the prosecution of this enterprize. As the night was now come, it was resolved not to proceed any farther for the present. So the carack proceeded on her course, putting up a light on her poop, as if in defiance of us to follow, and about midnight came to anchor under the island of Moelia; and when we perceived this island, we too let fall our anchors.

Early in the morning of the 7th, before day began to dawn, we prepared for a new assault, first recommending ourselves to God in prayer. When morning came, we found the carack so close to the shore, and the nearest of our other ships at least a league from us, that we held our hands for that day, waiting till the carack might weigh and stand out to sea, as fitter there to deal with her. In the afternoon, we chested our slain commander, and committed him to the deep, over against the isle of Moelia, omitting any ceremony of firing funeral-guns usual on such occasions, that the enemy might not know our loss.

A little before night the carack put to sea, when we also weighed and made sail after her. The day now left us, and our proud enemy, unwilling, as it seems, to have the appearance of escaping by flight, put forth a light on his poop as before, as if for us to follow him, which we did to some purpose. The night being well spent, we again commended ourselves and our cause to God in prayer. Soon afterwards, the day began to dawn, and appeared as if covered by a red mantle, which proved a bloody one to many who now beheld the light for the last time. It was now resolved that our four ships were to take their turns in succession, to endeavour to force this proud Portuguese either to bend or break. Our ship, the Charles, played her part first;[225] and ere she had been half an hour engaged with her adversary, a shot from the carack hitting one of our iron guns on the half-deck, flew all in pieces, dangerously wounding our new general, and three other mariners who stood beside him. Captain Pepwell's left eye was beaten out, and he received two other wounds in his head, and a third in his leg, a ragged piece of the broken shot sticking fast in the bone, which seemed, by his complaining, to afflict him more than the rest. Thus was our new commander welcomed to his authority, and we all considered his wounds as mortal; but he lived till about fourteen months afterwards, when he died peaceably in his bed, on his way back to England.

[Footnote 225: This account of the battle is chiefly taken from Terry, who is more particular in his narrative; but Childe says that Captain Pepwell, the new general, gave him leave to begin this day's action, as his ship sailed better, and that, after three or four broadsides, he gave place to the general. According to modern naval tactics, all four at once would have assailed the enemy, taking vantage stations on her quarters and bows.--E.]

By the same shot, Mr Richard Hounsell, the master of our ship, had a great piece of the flesh of his arm carried off, which rendered him unserviceable for a time. The captain and master being thus disabled, deputed their authority to the chief master's mate, who behaved with great prudence and resolution. Thus we continued one after the other to fight all day, the vice-admiral and the Globe and James taking their turns in succession. Between three and four in the afternoon, the mainmast of the carack fell overboard, and presently afterwards the foremast and mizen followed, and she had received so many and large wounds in her thick sides, that her case was quite desperate, and she must soon either yield or perish. Her commander, Don Emanuel de Meneses, a brave and resolute person, stood in for the shore in this distressed condition, being not far from the island of Gazidia.[226] We pursued as far as we durst venture, without hazard of shipwreck, but gave over at five o'clock, when about a league from the shore, which is extremely steep, and no ground to be had within less than a cable's length of the rocks, the shore being moreover to leeward.

[Footnote 226: According to Childe, it was the most northern of the islands, named Komoro, or Augasi, not far north from Moelia, where the fight began,--E.]

We now sent off our barge with a flag of truce to speak the carack, and as he waved us with a similar flag, Mr Connock, our chief merchant, who was employed on this occasion, boldly went aboard the carack, and delivered a message to Don Emanuel, stating, that he brought an offer of life and peace if he would accept it; and as he deserved well for his undaunted valour, so he should be honourably and respectfully treated if he would put himself into our hands, and sent to Goa in safety. He, however, as an oak gathering strength from his wounds,[227] and contemning the misery he could not prevent, resolutely answered Mr Connock to the following purpose: "That no misfortune should make him alter his former resolution; for he was determined again to stand out to sea, if possible, and to encounter us again; and then, if forced by fire and sword, he might by bad chance be taken, but he would never yield; and, if taken alive, he hoped to find the respect due to a gentleman, till when we had our answer."

[Footnote 227: Duris, ut ilex tonsa bipennibus-ducit opes animumque ferro.--Terry.]

Our messenger was thus dismissed, and shortly afterwards this sore distressed ship, being entirely unmanageable for want of masts and sails, was forced by the winds and waves upon the adjacent island of Gazidia or Komoro, where she stuck fast between two rocks. Those who remained alive in the carack got ashore by means of their boats; and when all were landed, willing, as it would seem, to consume what they could not keep, they set their carack on fire, that she might not become our prize.[228] After leaving their ill-fated carack, the poor Portuguese were most inhumanly used by the barbarous islanders, who spoiled them of every thing they had brought on shore for their succour, and slew some of them for opposing their cupidity. Doubtless they had been all massacred, had they not been relieved by two small Arab vessels who were there engaged in trade, and which, I suppose in hope of a great reward, took them in, and conveyed them in safety to their own city of Goa.

[Footnote 228: Childe says, he could not say whether she was fired accidentally or on purpose.--E.]

In the morning of the 9th, Mr Alexander Childe, who commanded one of the English ships, sent his mate, Anthony Fugars, ashore in his long-boat, to see if any of the Portuguese were saved, to fetch such away, and to learn how she was set on fire. But the carack was still burning, and not a man belonging to her was to be seen. There were many negro islanders on the coast, over against the carack, who held up a flag of truce to invite the English on shore, but it was impossible to land in that place, or any where within three leagues to the east or west, as the rocks were all extremely high and rugged.

In this long conflict, only five men were lost out of our four ships, three belonging to the admiral, and two out of the James. Besides whom, there were about twenty wounded in our fleet, all of whom afterwards recovered. But, of 700 who sailed in the carack, there came not above 250 to Goa, as we were afterwards credibly informed. In this fearful engagement, our ship, the Charles, discharged 375 great shot against the adversary, as reported by our gunners, besides 100 musqueteers who plied their small arms all the time. Neither were the enemy idle, for our ship received at least 100 great shot from them, many of which dangerously took place in her hull. Our foremast was shot through the middle, our mainmast wounded, the main stay, and many of the main shrouds, cut asunder.

After we had seen the carack set on fire, which was about midnight of the 8th, we stood off and on till morning, to see if we might find any thing in her ashes. Finding this ineffectual, we sought about for some place where we might find succour and refreshment for our sick and wounded on shore. The land was very high, and the sea every where too deep for anchoring, so that it was the 10th before we could find a good harbour, which was in the S.W. part of the island, where we anchored. The James came to anchor in twenty-two fathoms, with one of her anchors, while the other was only in fourteen. This harbour was over against a town called Mattoma.

This island seemed very pleasant, full of goodly trees, covered all over with green pasture, and abounding in beeves, goats, poultry, sugar-canes, rice, plantains, lemons, oranges, and cocoa-nuts, with many other wholesome things; of all which we procured sufficient to relieve our whole company for a small quantity of white paper, a few glass beads, and penny knives. For instance, we bought as many oranges as would fill a hat for half a quarter of a sheet of white paper, and all other kinds of provision in the same proportion. The islanders brought much of their fruits to us in their little canoes, which are long and narrow boats, like troughs, hollowed out of single trees; but their cattle we bought on shore. I observed the people to be straight, well-limbed, and able-bodied men, of a very dark tawny colour. Most of the men, and all the women, were entirely naked, except merely enough to hide their parts of shame. Some few of the men wore long garments, after the fashion of the Arabs, whose language they spoke, and were likewise of the Mahometan religion, and so rigid, that they would not suffer us to come near their places of worship. They have good convenient dwellings, and fair sepulchres for their dead.

They scorned to live under strict obedience to a king, whose residence was some miles up the country, as they required to have his leave, which was sent for, before they would sell us any provisions. When informed of our arrival, their king sent a message of welcome to our commander, together with a present of beeves, goats, and choice fruits; in return for which, he was well recompensed and contented, by a present of paper, and other English toys. We saw some Spanish money among them, of which they made so small account, that some of our men got rials of eight, in exchange for a little paper, or a few beads. What use they made of the paper, we could not guess. The cocoa-nut tree, of which this island has abundance, may have the pre-eminence of all trees, in my opinion, by its universal usefulness. Without the help of any other, one may build and furnish out a ship for sea, with every thing requisite. Of the body of this tree may be made timbers, planks, and masts; its gum may serve for paying the bottom; the rind of the same tree will make sails and cordage; and the large nut, being full of kernel and pleasant liquor, will serve those who navigate the ship both for meat and drink, as also for merchandize.

Being well stored with these nuts, and other good provisions, after six days abode here, the breaches in our ships received in fight being all repaired, and our men well refreshed, we put again to sea on the 16th of August, with a prosperous wind. On the 24th, we passed under the line, without any heat to offend us, bending our course for Socotora, near the mouth of the Red Sea, an island whence comes our Socotorine aloes. But an adverse wind from the coast of Arabia prevented us from being able to fetch that island, which we passed on the 1st September.

In the year before, our English fleet touched at this island, on which occasion the petty king came to the water-side, and hearing some of our wind-instruments, asked if they ever played David's Psalms, which he had heard of, being a Mahometan. He was answered by one who stood by, that they did. On which he observed, that it was an evil invention of him who first mingled music with religion; as God, before that, was worshipped in heart, but by this only in sound. I mean not by this story to condemn the use of music in churches; leaving it to him who bids us praise the Lord with stringed instruments and organs, to plead that cause.

Missing our port of Socotora, we proceeded on our voyage; and, on the 4th of September, we celebrated a solemn funeral in memory of our slain commander; when, after sermon, the great guns and small arms gave a loud peal to his honourable remembrance. At night on the 6th September, to our great admiration and fear, the water of the sea seemed as white as milk. Others of our nation since, passing in the same course, have observed the same phenomenon, of which I am yet to learn the cause, as it was far from any shore, and we could find no ground.

On the 21st of September we discovered the main land of India; and on the 22d had sight of Diu and Damaun, cities inhabited by the Portuguese. The 25th we came safely to anchor in Swally roads, within the bay of Cambay, which is the harbour for our fleet while in this part of India, when we were visited by the merchants of the Surat factory, the principal of whom was Mr Thomas Kerridge.

S.2. Description of the Mogul Empire

Although this account of Hindoostan, or the Mogul empire in India, be very incorrect, and in some places hardly intelligible, it is here retained, as a curious record of the knowledge possessed on that subject by the English about 200 years ago. We have two editions of this account in Purchas, one appended to his narrative of Sir Thomas Roe, and the other in this relation by Terry, which he acknowledges to be the most correct, and which therefore is alone retained. On the present occasion, instead of encumbering the bottoms of our pages with the display of numerous explanatory notes on this topographical list of places and provinces, a running commentary has been introduced into the text, so far as seemed necessary, yet distinguished sufficiently from the original notices by Terry. The observations, by way of commentary, are marked, as this paragraph.--E.

The large empire of the Great Mogul is bounded on the east by the kingdom of Maug;[229] on the west by Persia; on the north by the mountains of Caucasus [Hindoo-Kho] and Tartary; and on the south by the ocean, the Deccan, and the bay of Bengal. The Deccan is divided among three Mahometan kings and some Indian rajahs. This extensive monarchy of the Mogul is called, in the Persian language, by the Mahometan inhabitants, Indostan or Hindoostan, meaning the land of the Hindoos, and is divided into thirty-seven distinct and large provinces, which were anciently separate kingdoms. Their several names, with their principal cities, their rivers, situations, and borders, together with their length and breadth, I shall now enumerate, beginning at the north-west.

[Footnote 229: Meckely, now a province of the Birman empire; perhaps called Maug in the text, from a barbarous tribe called the Muggs, or Maugs, who inhabit, or did inhabit, the mountains east of Bengal, and who are said to have laid waste and depopulated the Sunderbunds, or Delta of the Ganges.--E.]

1.

Candahar,

the chief city of which is of the same name, lies N.W. from the heart or centre of the Mogul territory, bordering upon Persia, of which kingdom it was formerly a province.

2. Cabul, with its chief city of the same name, lies in the extremest north-west corner of this empire, bordering to the north on Tartary for a great way. The river Nilab takes its rise in this country, and runs to the southwards, till it discharges its waters into the Indus.--This is a material error. The Nilab is the main stream of the Indus, and rises far to the north in Little Thibet, a great way N.E. of Cabul. The river of Cabul is the Kameh, which runs S.E. and joins the Nilab, Sinde, or Indus, a few miles above Attock. Another river, in the south of Cabul, called the Cow, or Coumul, follows a similar direction, and falls into the western side of the Indus, about forty miles below the Kameh.--E.

3. Multan, Moultan or Mooltan, having its chief city of the same name, is south [south-east] from Cabul and Candahar, and on the west joins with Persia.--This is an error, as Hajykan, to be noticed next in order, is interposed.--E.

4. Hajacan, or Hajykan, the kingdom of the Baloches, who are a stout warlike people, has no renowned city. The famous river Indus, called Skind [Sind or Sindeh] by the inhabitants, borders it on the east, and Lar, or Laristan, meets it on the west, a province belonging to Shah Abbas, the present king of Persia.--In modern geography, the country of the Ballogees, or Baloches, is placed considerably more to the north-west, bordering on the south-east of Candahar; and the Sewees are placed more immediately west of this province. The seats, however, of barbarous hordes, in a waste and almost desert country, are seldom stationary for any continuance; and the Ballogees and Sewees are probably congeneric tribes, much intermixed, and having no fixed boundaries. We have formerly seen the Baloches, or a tribe of that nation, inhabiting the oceanic coast of Persia about Guadel, and one of their tribes may have been in possession of Hajykan, which perhaps derived its name from their chief or khan having made the Haji, or pilgrimage of Mecca. The assertion that Hajykan joins with Lar, or Laristan, is grossly erroneous, as the eastern provinces of Persia which confine with Hindoostan, are Segistan in the north, bordering with Candahar, and Mekran in the south, bordering with the provinces of Hindoostan which are to the west of the Indus. Lar or Laristan is a Persian province within the gulf of Persia, at least 850 English miles from the most westerly part of Hindoostan.--E.

5. Buckor, or Backar, its chief city being Buckor-Suckor. The river Indus pervades this province, which it greatly enriches.--In modern maps, the city of Backar is placed in a small island in the middle of the Indus, at the junction of the Dummoddy from the N.E. Suckar, whence probably our word sugar is derived, is given as a distinct place, on the western side of the Indus. Indeed, in the map of India given in the Pilgrims, Backar and Suckar are made distinct places, but their situations are reversed.--E.

6. Tatta, with its chief city of the same name. This province is exceedingly fertile and pleasant, being divided into many islands by the Indus, the chief arm of which meets the sea at Synde, a place very famous for curious handicrafts.--The most western branch of the Indus, called the Pitty river, from a place of that name on its western shore near the mouth, is probably that here meant. That branch leads to Larry-bunder, the sea-port of Tatta; and the Synde of Terry is probably the Diul-sinde of other authors, a place situated somewhat in this neighbourhood, but which is not to be found in modern maps.--E.

7. Soret, the chief city of which is called Janagur, is a small, but rich province, which lies west from Guzerat, having the ocean to the south.--Soret is not now recognized as a distinct province or district, but seems the modern Werrear, the western district of Guzerat, Rhadunpoor appearing to be its chief town. Janagur, in this district, is on the west side of the river Butlass, or Banass, which runs into the head of the gulf of Cutch.--E.

8. Jesselmere, of which the chief city has the same name, joins with Soret Backar and Tatta, being to the south of Soret and Tatta, and having Backar on the west.

9. Attock, the chief city being of the same name, lies on the east side of the Indus, which parts it from Hajykan.--This account is erroneous, as Attock-Benares is much farther up the river Indus than Hajykan, having the eastern extremity of Cabul on the opposite side of the Indus.--E.

10. Punjab, which signifies the five waters, because it is seated among five rivers, all tributaries to the Indus, which, somewhat to the south of Lahore, form only one river. This is a great kingdom, and extremely rich and fertile. Lahore, the chief city, is well built, very large, populous, and rich, being the chief mart of trade in all India.

11. Chishmeere, Kyshmir, Cachmir, or Cashmere, its chief city being Siranakar. The river Phat passes through this country, and, after creeping about many islands, falls into the Indus.--The rivers of Cashmere, here called the Phat, are the Chota-sing, or Jellum, in the N. and the Jellium, or Colhumah, in the S. which unite in the W. to form the Jhylum or Babut, the Phat or Bhat of Terry and Purchas, and the Hydaspes of the ancients, one of the five rivers of the Indus. The present capital of Cashmere is likewise named Cashmere; but has in its close neighbourhood a town or fortress called Sheergur, the Siranakar of Terry.--E.

12. Banchish, with its chief city named Bishur. It lies east southerly from Cashmere, from which it is divided by the river Indus.--No such province or city is to be found in the modern geography of Hindoostan, neither any names in the indicated direction that have any resemblance to these. In the map of the Mogul empire in the Pilgrims, appended to the journal of Sir Thomas Roe, Banchish and Bishar are placed on a river named the Kaul, being the fourth of the Punjab or five rivers, counting from the west, and therefore probably the Ravey, or Hydraotes of the ancients. Near the head of that river, and to the east of Cashmere, is a town, called Kishtewar, which may possibly have been the Bishur of Terry: But there is a little-known district near the head of the Jumna, S.S.E. from Cashmere, named Besseer, that has considerable resemblance in sound to Bishur, and is in the indicated direction.--E.

13. Jeugapor, with its chief city likewise so named, lies on the Kaul, one of the five rivers that water the Punjab.--The only place upon the Ravey, which answers to the Kaul, which has the smallest resemblance with Jengapor, or Jenupur, as it is likewise called by Purchas, is Shawpoor, N.E. from Agra. Yet Jaypoor, otherwise called Jyenagur, in Ajmeer, is more probably the district and city here meant, though not in the Punjab.--E.

14. Jenba, its chief city so called, lies east of the Punjab.--This may possibly be Jambae, north of Lahore.--E.

15. Delli, or Delhi, its chief city being of the same name, lies between Jenba and Agra, the river Jemni, which runs through Agra and falls into the Ganges, begins in this province. Delhi is a great and ancient city, the seat of the Mogul's ancestors, and where most of them are interred.--The Jumnah, or Jemni of Terry, rises far to the north of Delhi, in the high-peaked mountain of Cantal to the east of Cashmere.--E.

16. Bando, its chief city so called, borders with Agra on the west.--No such name is to be found in modern maps.--E.

17. Malwa is a very fertile province, of which Rantipore is the chief city.--In the other edition of this list in the Pilgrims, Ugen, Nar, and Sering, or Oojain, Indore, and Serong, are said to have been the capitals of Malwa. The Rantipore of Terry may have been that now called Ramypoor.--E.

18. Chitor, an ancient and great kingdom, its chief city being of the same name.--Chitore is in the south of Ajmeer. In the edition of this list given by Purchas at the end of the journal of Sir Thomas Roe, he gives the following account of Chitore: "Chitore stands upon a mighty hill, and is walled round in a circuit of ten English miles. There still remain at this place above an hundred temples, the palace of the ancient kings, and many brave pillars of carved stone. There is but one ascent to the place, cut out of the solid rock, and passing through four magnificent gateways. Within the walls are the ruins of 100,000 houses of stone, but it is now uninhabited. This was doubtless one of the residences of Porus, and was won from the Ranna, his descendant, by Akbar shah, the father of the reigning Mogul. The Ranna fled into the fastnesses of his mountains, and took up his residence at Odeypoor; but was at length induced, in 1614, to acknowledge the Mogul as his superior lord, by Sultan Churrum, third son of the present emperor Shah Jehanguire. This kingdom lies N.W. from Candeish, N.E. from Guzerat, and in the way between Agra and Surat; the Ranna keeping among the hills to the west of Ahmedabad.--"Purch.

19. Guzerat is a goodly and mighty kingdom, and exceedingly rich, which incloses the bay of Cambay. The river Taptee waters the city of Surat, which trades to the Red Sea, to Acheen, and to divers other places.

20. Khamdesh, the chief city of which is Brampore, [Boorhanpoor, or Burhampore,] which is large and populous. Adjoining to this province is a petty prince called Partap-shah, tributary to the Mogul; and this is the most southerly part of the Mogul dominions.

21. Berar, the chief city of which is called Shahpoor. The southernmost part of this province likewise bounds the Mogul empire.--The Shahpoor of Terry may possibly be Saipoor in the north of Berar. In modern days, the chief cities of the great province or kingdom of Berar, now belonging to a Mahratta chief; are Nagpoor, Ruthunpoor, and Sonepoor.--E.

22. Narwar, its chief city being Gohud, is watered by a fair river that falls into the Ganges.--This province of Narwar, now called Gohud, from its chief city, is to be carefully distinguished from Marwar to the westwards.--E.

22. Gualior, with its chief city of the same name, in which the Mogul has a great treasury in bullion. In this city likewise there is an exceedingly strong castle, in which state prisoners are kept.--Gualior is, properly speaking, in the same province or district with Gohud.--E.

24. Agra is a principal and great province, its chief city being of the same name. From Agra to Lahore, the two chief cities of this empire, the distance is about 400 English miles, the country in all that distance being without a hill, and the road being planted the whole way with trees on both sides, forming a beautiful avenue.

25. Sanbal, with its chief city of the same name. The river Jumna parts this province from that called Narwar.--This province and city are not to be traced in modern maps.--E.

26. Bakar, the chief city of which is Bikaneer, lies on the west side of the Ganges.--Nothing resembling either name can now be found in the indicated situation in modern maps. Bicaneer is a district and town in the desert, far west of the Ganges.--E.

27. Nagracutt, or Nakarkut, with its chief city of the same name, in which there is a temple most richly adorned, the ceiling and pavement being of plates of pure gold. In this place they have an idol called Matta, visited yearly by many thousands of the Indians, who, from devotion, cut out part of their tongues, which they sacrifice at his altar. In this province likewise, there is another famous place of pilgrimage, Jallamaka, where there are daily to be seen incessant eruptions of fire, out of cold springs and hard rocks, before which the idolaters fall down and worship.--In the edition of this list, appended by Purchas to the journal of Sir Thomas Roe, this district and city are said to be in the northeasternmost confines of the Mogul dominions, N.E. from the head of the bay of Bengal. This description is however entirely at variance with the accompanying map in the Pilgrims, in which Nagracutt and its capital are placed east from the Punjab; the capital being on the easternmost of the five rivers of the Setlege, and towards its head. In the edition of this list given by Churchill, as an appendix likewise to Sir Thomas Roe, Nagracutt is said to lie to the north, between the Punjab and Jamboe. In our best modern maps, no district or place, having the smallest resemblance in name, is to be found in any of these indicated situations. Terry gives no reference as to situation; so that we may conjecture that Nagracutt may refer to Nucker-gaut, the passage of the Ganges through the Sewalick mountains, between Serinagur and Hindoostan.--E.

28. Siba, the chief city of which is Hardwair, or Hurdwar, where the famous river Ganges seems to begin, and issues out of a rock, which the superstitious Gentiles imagine resembles a cow's head, which animal they hold in the highest veneration; and to this place they resort daily in great numbers to wash themselves.

29. Kakares, the principal cities being Dankalec and Purhola. This country is very mountainous, and is divided from Tartary by the mountains of Caucasus, being the farthest north of any part of the Mogul dominions.--In the map of Purchas, this province or kingdom is called Kares, and is placed directly to the north of where the Ganges breaks through the Sewalick mountains, above Hurdwar, at the Cow's-mouth. In that direction are the little-known districts of Serinagur, Badry-cazram, and others; but no names either of towns or districts that in the least resemble those given by Terry.--E.

30. Gor, its chief city of the same name. This province is full of mountains, and in it begins the river Persilis, which discharges its waters into the Ganges.--In the other copy of this list in Purchas, so often already referred to, Gor is said to lie in the northern part of the Mogul dominions. From this, and the mountainous nature of the country, as stated by Terry, it may possibly be Gorcah, one of the little-known twenty-four rajahs, to the west of Napaul; and the Persilis of Terry may be the Sursutty or the Marshandy, both head streams of the Gunduck.--E.

31. Pitan, and its chief city so named. The river Kanda waters this province, and falls into the Ganges on its confines.--This is probably one of the twenty-four rajahs, called Peytahn, in the mountainous country to the north of Oude, which is watered by several of the head streams of the Gunduck and Booree or Rapty rivers.--E.

32. Kanduana, the chief city of which is called Karhakatenka. The river Sersili parts it from Pitan; and this province, with Pitan and Gor, are the north-east boundaries of this great monarchy.--The indicated connection with Gor and Pitan, or Gorcah and Peytahn, would lead to suppose that Napaul is here meant. Karhakatenka may possibly be some name of Catmandoo, or may have some reference to Kyraut, a district in the east of Napaul, bordering on Bootan. The river Sersili of this district is evidently the Persilis mentioned in Gor, and may refer to the Sursutty.--E.