Part 1 — PART I. (continued 9)

Mr. Read was a member of the Congress of 1774 and continued a member during the Revolution. He was also President of the Convention that formed the first Constitution of Delaware in 1776. He was a member of the Delaware Assembly for twelve years in succession and a portion of that time Vice President of the state. In the autumn of 1777 President M'Kinley fell into the hands of the enemy which compelled Mr. Read to leave Congress for a season and perform the duties of Chief Magistrate of his state. On his way home with his family he was compelled to pass through Jersey. In crossing the Delaware from Salem his boat was discovered by those on board the British fleet then lying just below. An armed barge was sent in pursuit. Mr. Read's boat stuck in the mud and was soon overtaken. By effacing the marks upon his baggage before he was boarded and having with him his wife and children he convinced those from the fleet he was a country gentleman on his way to his farm and solicited their assistance to put him and his family on shore. They cheerfully complied with his request and landed him and his precious charge safely on the Delaware side of the river. The open frankness and calmness of himself and lady saved them from the horrors of a prison-ship and probably him from an exhibition upon the yard-arm of a man of war.

The duties of Chief Magistrate of his state were very imposing at that time. Internal discussions were to be reconciled—an intercourse by many of the inhabitants with the British fleet to be broken up—ways and means for his own and the general government to be provided and some plan devised to procure the release of the President. A conquering foe was flushed with victory in all directions. In the midst of all these perils he stood firmly at the helm and outrode every storm. He proved equal to every emergency and added fresh lustre to his growing fame.

When the Declaration of Independence was under discussion he believed the measure premature but when adopted he cheerfully placed his name on this monument of fame. In 1779 ill health compelled him to retire from the public arena for a year when he again resumed his legislative duties. In 1782 he was appointed a judge of appeals in the Court of Admiralty. In 1785 he was one of the commissioners to settle the boundary line between New York and Massachusetts. The next year he was a delegate to the convention of states convened at Annapolis to regulate the Commerce of the Union. In 1787 he was one of that talented convention that framed the Federal Constitution. He was a Senator in the first Congress convened under that Constitution and served six years. He was Chief Justice of Delaware from 1793 to the time of his death. Upon the Bench he had few equals and no superior. In all these responsible stations he acquitted himself nobly and did honor to his country and the cause of rational freedom.

The person of Mr. Read was above the middle size, well formed with a commanding and agreeable deportment. He was scrupulously honest, rigidly just. When he arrived at his majority he assigned his portion of the paternal estate to his brothers, deeming the expenses of his education equivalent to his share. He was systematic even in the smallest concerns of life. He abhorred vice of every kind. He enjoyed a good health in his old age up to the autumn of 1798 when, after a sudden and short illness, he closed his eyes on terrestrial scenes and resigned his spirit into the hands of the wise Disposer of all events.

As a civilian, statesman, magistrate, patriot, philanthropist, gentleman, husband, father, citizen and public benefactor—George Read was a model worthy of all admiration and the exactest imitation. All who imitate his noble career will go for the UNION forever.

CÆSAR RODNEY.

Genealogy was once a kind of titular idol held in great veneration. The biographer made it his first stepping-stone—one of the main pillars of his superstructure. In countries where the iron sceptre of monarchy is still swayed—where titles of honor create lineal dignity without regard to merit—where blood is analyzed by political chemistry and all the precipitants are rejected but the carbonate of noble and royal pedigree—where the crown descends upon a non compos mentis incumbent with the same certainty that it reaches a man of good intellect—genealogy is still measurably the criterion by which to determine the importance and weight of character. As light and intelligence shed their benignant rays upon mankind the deference paid to this titular phantom will be diminished. Where rational liberty reigns triumphant merit alone creates dignity. The man is measured by his actions—not by the purple fluid in his veins or conduct of his relations. In our free country genealogy is a matter of curiosity—not of veneration. The son of a coal cracker or cobbler can rise to the highest station within the gift of the people by the force of talent and merit. I am aware that the aristocracy of wealth is a noxious weed that spreads its deleterious branches through our cities and large towns but not yet so widely and luxuriant as to prevent merit and genius from acquiring a rapid and healthful growth. In times of danger and peril its power will be lessened in the same ratio that these increase. In an atmosphere purely republican it withers and dies.

But few families in these United States can trace their ancestors so far back as the Rodneys of Delaware. They came into England with the Norman queen Maud [Matilda] in 1141 and were among the bravest military chieftains who led in the Norman conquest. At all subsequent periods they were prominent in directing the destinies of Britain. To those who are conversant with the history of the various periods of public commotion in that kingdom—the name of Sir Walter de Rodney is familiar, with many others of the same lineage. They were able in council and war. They were conspicuous in the civil, military and naval departments and received the highest honors that could be awarded to their rank by kings and queens. They were marked for magnanimity and liberal views.

Under the auspices of William Penn William Rodney came to Philadelphia who was a branch of this ancient family. He was the son of William Rodney of England and settled in Kent, Delaware. His mother, Alice, was the daughter of Sir Thomas Cæsar a wealthy English merchant. William Rodney left one son, Cæsar, who was the father of the subject of this biographette. This son was born at Dover, Kent county, Delaware in 1730. He received a good education and inherited a large real estate from his father. He possessed a strong and penetrating mind, firmness of purpose, decision of character, an abundant share of keen wit and good humor, a large stock of experimental intelligence and practical knowledge with discretion to know how, when and where to bring these important qualities into action. With endowment's like those Mr. Rodney spread his canvass to the popular breeze and commenced his voyage of public life. His cabin stores were purely republican and liberal in quantity.

In 1758 he became high sheriff of his native county and discharged his duties in a manner that gained for him the confidence and esteem of the citizens generally. At the expiration of his term he was appointed a Justice of the Peace and a judge of the lower courts. In October 1762 he took his seat in the Legislature at Newcastle and became an active and influential member. He was one of the committee that prepared the answer to the message of the governor and was on other important committees. At the close of the session he was put in possession of the great seal to be affixed to the laws that had been passed at that term.

When the rights of the Colonies were infringed by assumptions of arrogated power on the part of mother Britain, Mr. Rodney was among the first who took a bold stand in favor of justice. He was a member of the Congress that convened at New York in 1765 to remonstrate against the Stamp Act and other threatened innovations upon the privileges of the Colonies that had been long enjoyed and were guarantied by the social compact between the king of Great Britain and his "dutiful and most loyal subjects in America." After the Stamp Act was repealed Messrs. Rodney, M'Kean and Read were appointed a committee to prepare an address to the king expressive of the joy produced throughout the Colony by this event. It is substantially the same as those prepared by the other Colonies and shows clearly the feelings of loyalty that pervaded the people at that time. The following is the body of the address.

"We cannot help glorying in being the subjects of a king that has made the preservation of the civil and religious rights of his people and the established constitution the foundation and constant rule of government and the safety, ease and prosperity of his people his chiefest care—of a king whose mild and equal administration is sensibly fell and enjoyed in the remotest part of his dominions. The clouds which lately hung over America are dissipated. Our complaints have been heard and our grievances redressed—trade and commerce again flourish. Our hearts are animated with the warmest wishes for the prosperity of the mother country for which our affection is unbounded and your faithful subjects here are transported with joy and gratitude. Such are the blessings we may justly expect will ever attend the measures of your Majesty pursuing steadily the united and true interests of all your people throughout your wide extended empire assisted with the advice and support of a British Parliament and a virtuous and wise ministry. We most humbly beseech your Majesty graciously to accept the strongest assurances that having the justest sense of the many favors we have received from your royal benevolence during the course of your majesty's reign and how much of our present happiness is owing to your paternal love and care for your people. We will at all times most cheerfully contribute to your majesty's service to the utmost of our abilities when your royal requisitions, as heretofore, shall be made known—that your majesty will always find such returns of duty and gratitude from us as the best of kings may expect from the most loyal subjects and that we will demonstrate to all the world that the support of your majesty's government and the honor and interests of the British nation are our chief care and concern, desiring nothing more than the continuance of your wise and excellent constitution in the same happy, firm and envied situation in which it was delivered to us from our ancestors and your majesty's predecessors."

With the feelings expressed in this address the conclusion is irresistible that nothing but the most cruel oppressions could have driven the American people to a revolution. A similar expression of feeling was sent to the king from all the Colonies.

"Whom the gods would destroy they first make mad."

So with the British ministry—they were madly bent on reducing their American brethren to unconditional subjection and after a short interval commenced a system of oppression upon a broader, bolder scale. Again the people appealed to their king—but appealed in vain. Mr. Rodney was upon the committee that prepared a second address to his majesty just before the Revolution in the following language:

"The sense of our deplorable condition will, we hope, plead with your majesty in our behalf for the freedom we take in dutifully remonstrating against the proceedings of a British Parliament—confessedly the wisest and greatest assembly upon earth. But if our fellow subjects of Great Britain, who derive no authority from us, who cannot, in our humble opinion, represent us and to whom we will not yield in loyalty and affection to your majesty, can, at their will and pleasure, of right give and grant away our property—if they can enforce an implicit obedience to every order or act of theirs for that purpose and deprive all or any of the Assemblies on this continent of the power of legislation for differing with them in opinion in matters which intimately affect their rights and interests and everything that is dear and valuable to Englishmen—we cannot imagine a case more miserable—we cannot think we shall have the shadow of Liberty left. We conceive it to be an inherent right in your majesty's subjects, derived to them from God and nature—handed down by their ancestors—confirmed by your royal predecessors and the constitution, in person or by their representatives, to give and to grant to their sovereign those things which their own labor and their own cares have acquired and saved and in such proportions and at such times as the national honor and interest may require. Your majesty's faithful subjects of this government have enjoyed this inestimable privilege uninterrupted, from its first existence till of late. They have at all times cheerfully contributed to the utmost of their abilities for your majesty's service as often as your royal requisition was made known and they cannot, but with the greatest uneasiness and distress of mind, part with the power of demonstrating their loyalty and affection for their beloved king."

Addresses similar to this were laid before the king from all the Colonies and from the Congress of 1774. The struggle between loyal affection and a submission to wrongs was truly agonizing. This affection and the physical weakness of the Colonies are proof strong as holy writ that British oppression was raised to the zenith of cruelty. The history of the American Revolution should be a striking lesson in all future time to those in power not to draw the cords of authority too tightly. It affords a cheering example to all persons to resist every encroachment upon their liberty.

In 1769 Mr. Rodney was chosen speaker of the Assembly of Delaware and continued to fill the chair for several years with honor and dignity. Among other things he introduced an amendment to a bill relative to slaves, prohibiting their importation into the Colony. So ably did he advocate this humane proposition that it was lost only by two votes. The same philanthropic feeling was increasing through the states until England, by her emissary Dr. Thompson, sowed the seeds of abolition broadcast in our country for the express purpose of dissolving our UNION and of destroying the only republic Europe fears. Digging around the roots of a decaying tree often revives it. Honest men may err.

As the specks of war began to concentrate Mr. Rodney became one of the most active opposers of British tyranny. Excepting a short interval he was a member of Congress from 1774 to 1776 and took a conspicuous part in the general business and discussions of that august body. In his own province he had much to do. The royal attachments were deeply rooted. It required greater exertions to thwart the intrigues of foes within than to repel the attacks of enemies without. In addition to his duties of speaker of the Delaware Assembly and member of Congress those of brigadier-general of militia devolved on him. His numerous messages to his legislature and letters to his officers urging them to decisive action manifested great industry, clearness of perception, firmness of purpose and patriotic zeal. He was in favor of the Declaration of Independence from its first inception. The day previous to the final decision upon this important measure he was in Delaware devising means to arrest the career of certain Tories in the lower end of the province. Mr. McKean informed him by express of the approaching crisis. He immediately mounted his horse and arrived at Philadelphia just in time to dismount and enter the hall of Congress and give his vote for Liberty and affix his name to that bold instrument that dissolved allegiance to England's king and created a compact of freemen.

In the autumn of 1776 the Tories defeated his election to Congress. With increasing zeal he entered the field of military operations. He repaired to Princeton soon after the brave Haslet and Mercer fell, fighting for the cause of justice and freedom. He remained with the army two months and received the approval of Washington expressed in the following letter written from Morristown, N. J. on the 18th of February 1777.

"The readiness with which you took the field at the period most critical to our affairs—the industry you used in bringing out the militia of Delaware State and the alertness observed by you in forwarding troops to Trenton—reflect the highest honor on your character and place your attachment to the cause in the most distinguished point of view. They claim my sincerest thanks and I am happy in this opportunity in giving them to you."

On his return he was appointed a judge of the Supreme Court organized under the new order of things. He declined serving believing he could be more useful in some other sphere. About that time an open insurrection broke out in Sussex County in his State. He immediately repaired to the scene of insubordination and quelled it with only the appearance of force. At the time the British were preparing to march from the Chesapeake to the Brandywine he was stationed south of the American army for the purpose of throwing his force between the enemy and their shipping. In the field and in the legislative hall he was alike active.

In December 1777 he was again elected to Congress. The legislature of his State being in session he concluded to remain until it rose. Before its adjournment he was elected President of Delaware which prevented him from serving in the national legislature. His services in his new station were of great importance. His exertions in raising supplies for the army were of the most vigorous character—especially during the winter and spring of 1779 when the troops were often on half allowance and the magazines so bare that it seemed impossible to sustain the army a single week. During the four years he directed the destinies of Delaware he had many refractory spirits to manage—many difficult questions to decide that brought into useful action his prudence, wisdom and firmness. Upon his own matured judgment he relied. So well did he balance the scales of justice that he gained the admiration of his friends and the approval of his enemies. The affairs of the State were never in better hands.

Mr. Rodney was remarkably fond of a good joke if inoffensive and chaste. He often exhibited brilliant displays of wit but was extremely careful of personal feelings. When in Congress Mr. Harrison had often called Virginia the Dominion of the Colonies. When threatened with invasion by the enemy he asked immediate aid to protect her from the approaching foe. When he sat down Mr. Rodney rose with assumed gravity and apparent sympathy and assured the gentleman that the powerful Dominion should be protected—"Let her be of good cheer—she has a friend in need—Delaware will take her under protection and insure her safety." The portly Harrison and the skeleton Rodney both enjoyed the hit which convulsed the other members with laughter.

In view of the great amount of business performed by Mr. Rodney and his proverbial cheerfulness and playful good humor the reader will be astonished to learn that he was afflicted with a cancer upon his nose from his youth which spread over one side of his face and compelled him to wear a bandage over it for many years before his death. It so reduced his flesh that he was a walking skeleton. It terminated his active and useful life in 1783. He met death with calm submission and Christian fortitude and died rejoicing in the bright prospects that were dawning upon the country he dearly loved and had faithfully served.

Mr. Rodney was naturally of a slender form with an animated countenance, easy and polished manners and very agreeable and gentlemanly in his intercourse. From his writings he appears to have held religion in high veneration and practised the purest morals—producing the fruits of righteousness in richer abundance than many who make loud pretensions to piety but do not prove their faith by their works. He was liberal, kind, benevolent and so strongly sympathetic that he was obliged to avoid scenes of physical suffering if possible. He could not endure to be in the room of a dying friend or relative. The poor, the widow, the orphan, his relatives and friends, his country—all deeply mourned the loss of Cæsar Rodney.

GEORGE ROSS.

Idleness is the tomb of a living man—the progenitor of want, the substratum of misery—the fountain of crime. It was scarcely known and never countenanced by the pilgrim fathers or revolutionary patriots. We now have many among us who had rather be pinched with hunger and shine in rags than labor. A more numerous and dangerous class is composed of gentlemen idlers who pass down the stream of time at the expense of those who constantly pull at the oar. They live upon the best, dress finely by borrowing and spunging and when these fail they take to swindling, stealing, gambling, robbing and often pass on for years before justice overtakes them. So long as they can keep up fashionable appearances and elude the kind hearted police whose good will they generally have, they are received into the company of the upper ten exquisites with marked complacency. By virtue of a fine coat, lily hand and graceful bow, which cover more sins than modern Christian charity, many an idle knave has been received into fashionable circles with eclat and walked rough-shod over a worthy young clerk, mechanic or farmer who had too much good sense to act the monkey flirtations of an itinerant dandy. When the counting-house, the mechanic shop, the plough and the kitchen fall into disrepute and are submerged by vain show, pomp and parade—the sun of our country's glory will set to rise no more. When the republican simplicity of Greece and Rome receded before imported fashions, luxuries and rules of etiquette—when they ceased to call men from the shop and the plough to the cabinet and the field—when the women exchanged the kitchen for the drawing-room and plainness for extravagance of dress—corruption supplanted virtue—the genius of Liberty veiled her face and fled—dissolution followed—RUIN closed the dreadful scene.

Industry and plainness were marked characteristics of the Sages and Heroes of the American Revolution. Among them George Ross stood conspicuous. He was born at Newcastle, Delaware, in 1730. He was the son of Rev. George Ross, pastor of the Episcopal church at that ancient town. Under the instruction of his father the strong native talents of George unfolded their richness. At the age of eighteen he was a good classical scholar. He then commenced the study of law in Philadelphia with an elder brother, John Ross, where he was admitted to the Bar in 1751. To have elbow room he located at Lancaster, Pennsylvania—then on the confines of civilization bordering on the far west. Noble in his disposition, plain and agreeable in his manners, learned and diligent in his profession, candid, honest and just in his course—he gained the confidence and love of the people and a lucrative practice. To plant himself more firmly in his new location and give additional proof of his good sense, he married Ann Lawler a highly esteemed lady who proved an affectionate and worthy companion.

He built his legal fame on the genuine basis—close application to his professional business unconnected with public politics. Unfortunately for themselves many young lawyers enter the political arena for the purpose of obtaining professional notoriety and business. This error has prevented many talented young men from rising to legal eminence in modern times. The Revolution was a different matter. Liberty or death was then the issue. Now it is a feigned one. If a young attorney becomes pledged to a political party he has not a client but a master that exacts the most abject, humiliating services with a contingent promise to pay in bogus coin. Either his legitimate business or that of the party must be neglected. Reflecting men know this. Aware that it requires close application to become learned in the law they keep aloof from young political lawyers. A few high toned partisans, whose tools they are, may employ them in small cases but when they have an important one—the studious industrious counsellor who has not inhaled the corrupting atmosphere of modern politics is the one employed. A word to the wise should be sufficient.

It was not until long after his location at Lancaster that Mr. Ross entered upon his legislative course. The time had arrived when the people began to feel the smart of British oppression and became more particular in selecting men of known worth and talents to guard their interests against the machinations of an avaricious and designing ministry. He was elected to the Colonial Assembly in 1768. His reputation stood high as an able lawyer and a man of liberal views, sound judgment and decision of character. His influence was sensibly felt—his labors highly appreciated. At that time the legislative body replied to the message of the governor in extenso. At his first session Mr. Ross was appointed to reply to this document. In respectful but bold language he objected to every proposition that he considered impolitic or in opposition to the best interests of the people. He was a fearless sentinel, a powerful champion in the cause of Liberty. In every leading measure in favour of freedom he was a leading man. He was continued in the Assembly until he took his seat in Congress in 1774. He was upon the committee that reported in favor of sending delegates and the man who prepared the instructions of the Assembly to the congressional delegates. As these are substantially the same as those that were given to all instructed delegates I insert them that the reader may see that redress of grievances was all that was asked or then anticipated.

"The trust reposed in you is of such a nature and the modes of executing it may be so diversified in the course of your deliberations, that it is scarcely possible to give you particular instructions respecting it. We shall therefore only in general direct—that you are to meet in Congress the committees of the several British Colonies at such time and place as shall be generally agreed on, to consult together on the present critical and alarming situation and state of the Colonies and that you, with them, exert your utmost endeavors to form and adopt a plan which shall afford the best prospect of obtaining redress of American grievances, ascertaining American rights and establishing that union and harmony which is most essential to the welfare and happiness of both countries. And in doing this you are strictly charged to avoid everything indecent or disrespectful to the mother state."

Under instructions like these the first general Congress convened and acted. The Colonies used all honorable means to restore harmony—more than the British Constitution and common justice required. Nothing but an infatuation that makes men blind, deaf and dumb could have resisted the appeals and unanswerable arguments in favor of chartered rights, showing their violations—that were poured upon the king, Parliament and people of Great Britain from the deep translucent fountain of intelligence concentrated in the Congress of 1774. The members were determined to clear their own skirts of blood and not draw the bow of physical opposition until their arrows were barbed with divine wisdom and dipped in the refining fire of eternal justice.

Mr. Ross was continued in Congress until 1777 when ill health compelled him to retire. He had rendered great service on numerous committees and was listened to with marked attention when he spoke in debate. When he could be spared from his place he served in the legislature of his State where his salutary influence was strongly felt. For some time the royal governor and his friends presented a formidable opposition. Mr. Ross put his whole weight on the people's end of the political lever with his popularity for a fulcrum and greatly aided in hoisting the tree of monarchy from its deep bed of alluvial corruption. He was a member of the convention of his State that commenced the new government and on the committee that prepared the declaration of rights. He was chairman of the committee that organized the government and of the one that prepared the declaratory ordinance defining high treason and misprision of treason and the kind and measure of punishment to be inflicted. His high legal knowledge rendered him an important member upon such committees.

Immediately after he closed his legislative career the citizens of Lancaster County passed the two following resolutions with great unanimity.

"Resolved—That the sum of one hundred and fifty pounds out of the county stock be forthwith transmitted to George Ross ['Honorable' was not then republican] one of the members of the Assembly for this county and one of the delegates for this Colony in the Continental Congress and that he be requested to accept the same as a testimony from this county of their sense of his attendance on public business to his great private loss and of their approbation of his conduct.

"Resolved—That if it be more agreeable, Mr. Ross purchase with part of the said money a genteel piece of plate, ornamented as he thinks proper, to remain with him as a testimony of the esteem this county has for him by reason of his patriotic conduct in the great struggle for American Liberty."

Here is old fashioned republican simplicity in language and sentiment flowing from its native fountain—gratitude strongly felt and plainly expressed. It forms a rebuking contrast with the fulsome, hypocritical, heartless flattery of modern times showered upon our statesmen by fawning sycophants whose gratitude is based alone upon the loaves and fishes of favor and office. Mr. Ross declined accepting the gift, assuring the committee that waited upon him that he had performed no more than his duty and that at such a period all were bound to exert their noblest energies to secure that Liberty which would afford a reward more precious than gold—more valuable than diamonds.

On the 19th of July 1779 Mr. Ross was appointed Judge of the Court of Admiralty for Pennsylvania. He continued to discharge his duties ably until confined by a sudden and excruciating attack of the gout which terminated in death the same year he was appointed judge. In the full career of life and usefulness—rising on the wings of fame—flushed with hopes of Liberty for his country—pressing right onward toward the goal of freedom—an arrow from the quiver of death pierced his patriotic heart and consigned him to the insatiate tomb near the close of 1779. His dust reposes in peace whilst the lustre of his living examples will continue to shine and enlighten millions yet unborn.

In private as in public life Judge Ross stood approved, admired and beloved. No blemish rests upon the fair escutcheon of his name. He soared above the vanities of this world and dignified his bright career with purity of motive, firmness of purpose, wisdom in action and usefulness to his fellow men and beloved country. Could the lofty patriotism that impelled him to enter the thorny arena of politics be imparted to all the public men of the present day—the Federal Constitution would be venerated—our government safe—our UNION preserved.

BENJAMIN RUSH.

Benevolence is a celestial quality imparting consolation to its possessor and the recipient of benefits bestowed. It renders its favors valuable by the delicacy with which they are conveyed. Those who most merit the aid of the benevolent are usually possessed of fine feeling. The subjects of real misfortune—they are the keenly sensitive and dread the approach of those who carry a speaking trumpet or a public scroll to proclaim to the world the alms they have bestowed.

Pure benevolence falls upon its object like the dew on drooping flowers—not at the blaze of noon day but in the stillness of night. Its refreshing effects are felt, seen and admired—not the hand that distilled It. It flows from a good heart and looks beyond the skies for an approving smile. It never opens but seeks to heal the wounds of misfortune. It never ruffles but seeks to calm the troubled mind. Like their Lord and Master—the truly benevolent go about doing good. No parade—no trumpet to sound their charities—no press to chronicle their acts. The gratitude of the donee is a rich recompense to the donor—purity of motive refines the joys of each. Angels smile on such benevolence. It is the attribute of Deity—the moving cause of every blessing we enjoy.

So thought Benjamin Rush, a native of Bristol, Bucks County, Penn. born on the 24th of Dec. 1745. His ancestors came to this country under the auspices of William Penn in 1683. His father was a respectable farmer and died when this son was a child. At the age of nine years Benjamin was placed under the tuition of his maternal uncle, Rev. Dr. Samuel Finley. He continued under his instruction five years when he entered Princeton College, then under the direction of President Davis. Like an expanding flower courting the increasing warmth of spring the talents of this young freshman rapidly unfolded their rich and varied hues as they were brought into mellow life by the genial rays of the sun of science. At the end of the first year he received the degree of Bachelor of Arts. During his brief stay at Princeton he was highly esteemed and was considered one of the most eloquent speakers among the students. At the age of sixteen he closed his collegiate studies and commenced reading medicine with Dr. John Redman, then one of the most eminent practitioners in the city of Philadelphia. The same industry that had marked his previous course made him a favorite son of Æsculapius. The same urbanity and modesty that had made him a welcome guest in every circle in other places, gained for him good and influential friends in his new location.

After pursuing his studies with great industry for six years under Dr. Redman he entered the Medical University at Edinburgh, Scotland, where he reaped the full benefit of the lectures of the celebrated Munro, Cullen, Black and Gregory. In 1768 he received the degree of M.D. having toiled severely for seven years to prepare himself to take in charge human life. As in the study of law, theology and most of the professions and trades—how great the change in numerous instances. I have known so called doctors made in a month—lawyers in six months and preachers in a single night—sprouts of quackology to be sure—but they pass in these days of humbuggery and often distance the man of acquirements and real merit who is too modest to make a bragadocia dash. Self-assurance and brazen impudence are performing wonders in this enlightened age. As elementary and practical books increase terms of study decrease. When Cheselden's Anatomy and Cullen's Materia Medica stood almost alone in this country, students were longer at their studies. The lectures you may reply have shortened the term. True—but why so few Rushes, Physics, &c. among the flood of modern M.D.'s?

On receiving his diploma he went to London and was admitted to practise in the hospitals of that city where he remained nearly a year and became eminent as a bold and successful operator—a skilful and judicious physician. He then visited the hospitals of Paris and returned to Philadelphia in the spring of 1769, where he met the warm embrace of his connections and friends and commenced his useful career in that city.

His professional fame had preceded him and his superior acquirements were immediately had in requisition. In addition to a rapidly increasing practice he performed the labors of a Professor in the Medical School that had been recently organized by Drs. Bond, Kuhn, Morgan and Shippen. He was elected to that important station a few months after his return. Upon a substantial basis he continued to build an honest and enduring fame—participating in all the passing events that concerned the good and glory of his country and his fellow men.

Although a close student of medicine and surgery, it was soon discovered that he well understood the relative situation of the mother country and the American Colonies. He had closely examined the unwarranted pretensions of the former and the aggravated grievances of the latter. His benevolent soul was touched by the sufferings of oppressed humanity and warmed by the patriotic fire of Freedom. He at once became a bold and able advocate in the cause of Liberty—a firm and fearless opposer of British tyranny—a strong and energetic supporter of equal rights. Mingling with all classes through the medium of his profession, his influence was as extensive and multiform as it was useful and salutary. The Independence of his country was the ultimatum of his desires. To see her regenerated and free was the anxious wish of his heart. So conspicuous was he in the glorious cause, that he was elected a member of the Congress of 1776 and had the proud pleasure of placing his name upon the chart of Freedom.

The year following he was appointed Surgeon General of the Military Hospital for the middle department and rendered himself extensively useful during the entire period of the Revolution. He was ever ready to go where duty called and exerted his noblest powers in the glorious cause he had espoused until he saw the star spangled banner wave in triumph over the land of the brave and free and the incense of Liberty ascending to Heaven in cerulean clouds from the altar of Freedom.

The Independence of his country secured—he desired no occupation but that of his profession. For a time his services were diverted from this channel in the Convention of his state to take into consideration the adoption of the Federal Constitution. Having carefully read the published arguments as they progressed in the National Convention, he was fully prepared to enter warmly into the advocacy of the adoption of that instrument. When this was adopted by the states, the measure of his political ambition was filled and hermetically sealed. He retired from that arena of turmoil crowned with the evergreen laurels of fame that will bloom with living freshness until patriotism shall be lost in anarchy and the last vestige of Liberty be swept away by the tornado of faction. The only station he ever consented to fill under government subsequently was Cashier of the U. S. Mint.

During the remainder of his life his time and talents were devoted to his profession, the improvement of medical science and the amelioration of the ills of afflicted humanity. In 1789 he was elected Professor of the Theory and Practice of Physic. In 1791 he was appointed Professor of the Institutes of Medicine and Clinical Practice. In 1806 he was honored with the united Professorships of the Theory and Practice of Physic and Clinical Medicine, the duties of which he ably discharged until sickness and death closed his useful career.

Besides the multiform duties already enumerated he was an efficient member of various benevolent associations. He was President of the American Association for the Abolition of Slavery—Vice President of the Philadelphia Bible Society—President of the Philadelphia Medical Society—a Vice President of the American Philosophical Society and a member of several other philanthropic institutions in this country and in Europe. For many years he was a physician of the Pennsylvania Hospital and did much to promote its prosperity. He was ever anxious to be useful in counsel, influence and action. To soothe the troubled bosom heaving with anguish—to alleviate the suffering patient writhing under pain—to aid the poor and needy sinking under misfortunes—to visit the widow and the fatherless in their distress—afforded Dr. Rush a richer pleasure than to have reached the loftiest pinnacle of political fame—a holier joy than to have been the triumphant chieftain of a conquered world.

Although his duties were onerous and various he arranged his time with such system and order that a harmonious routine was produced. His professional duties, his books, his pen each had their specific time. He wrote numerous literary, moral and philosophical essays—several volumes on medical science among which were his "Medical Inquiries and Observations" and a "History of the Yellow Fever." He spent much time in the investigation of that alarming disease—endeavoring to arrive at the best mode of treatment. In this, as in many other cases of disease—the lancet was his anchor of hope. His theory and practice of medicine have virtually turned a somerset within the last half century in the regular departments of the science—to say nothing of the locust swarms of mycologists who are making awful havoc on the foliage of human life.

During the prevalence of any disease his exertions to arrest its progress and alleviate distress were unremitting. He obeyed the calls of the poor as promptly as those of the rich. He was particularly attentive to those in adverse circumstances who had employed him when in affluence. He put a veto on sunshine friends by precept and example. A pious and consistent Christian—he often cheered the desponding heart where medicine failed to save the body from the grave. His counsels were full of wisdom and benevolence and saved many a frail bark from shipwreck. His enlivening presence and soul-cheering advice drove despair from many an agonized mind—imparting fresh vigor by administering the elixir of hope and the tonic of fortitude. This is an important talent in a physician—often more potent than any chemical.

Blessed with a vigorous constitution—Dr. Rush was active until a short time previous to the 19th of April 1813, when he rested from his labors and was numbered with the dead. As the news of his death spread, a universal sorrow pervaded all classes—funeral sermons were preached—eulogies pronounced and processions formed throughout the United States as a just tribute to the memory of the departed sage, patriot, scholar and philanthropist. His goodness had decked his name with the rich garniture of profound esteem.

When the sad tidings reached England and France, the same demonstrations of respect were manifested there. The tears of sympathy suffused many European eyes. In the halls of science on both sides of the Atlantic, Dr. Rush was well known and highly appreciated. By our own country his loss was most keenly felt—by the civilized world deeply lamented. The graves of but few men have been moistened by as many tears from the rich and poor—high and low—as that of Dr. Rush. His fame is based upon substantial merit. His name is engraved in deep and indelible traces on the hearts of our countrymen. His untarnished reputation is written on the monument of history in letters of gold by the pan of justice dipped in the font of gratitude and will endure, unimpaired, until the last trump shall proclaim to the astonished millions on this whirling planet—time shall be no longer!!!

The private character of this great and good man was as unsullied and pure as his career was brilliant and useful. His heart overflowed with the milk of human kindness—his benevolence often carried him beyond his professional income. He was temperate in his habits—neat in his person and dress—social and gentlemanly in his intercourse—urbane and courteous in his manners—interesting and instructive in his conversation—modest and unassuming in his deportment. He was a warm and affectionate companion—the widows' friend and the orphans' father.

He was a little above the middle height—rather slender but a good figure. His mouth and chin were well formed—his nose aquiline—his eyes blue and animated—his forehead high and prominent. The diameter of his head from back to front was unusually large. His combined features were commanding and prepossessing, his physiognomy indicating a gigantic intellect.

When attacked by the disease which terminated his life he was aware a rapid dissolution awaited him. He was fully prepared to enter upon the untried scenes of the other and brighter world. He could look back upon a life well spent. He had run a noble race—was ready to finish his course—resign his tabernacle of clay to its mother dust—his immortal soul to Him who gave it.

In the history of this great and good man we see nothing to censure but much to admire. To be useful and do all the good in his power was his constant aim. No blanks appear on the record for the apologist to fill up. But few men have performed as much—no one performed more in the same time. If such examples as his, spread out in bold relievo on the historic page, will not exercise a salutary influence on the reader—if his devotion to his country—benevolence and unsurpassed virtues do not mellow your heart—you cannot be a patriot or a philanthropist—you do not realize the priceless value of our UNION.

EDWARD RUTLEDGE.

The name of every patriot, sage and hero who aided in gaining the Liberty we now enjoy, is repeated with veneration and respect. But a few of those noble spirits who breasted the storm of the Revolution are lingering on earth. All who were prominent leaders have paid the debt of nature and gone to their permanent and final home. A particular veneration is felt for those whose names are enrolled on that bold and soul-stirring production—the Declaration of Independence. Their names, with many others, will glide down the stream of time on the peaceful waves of admiration and gratitude until merged in the consummation of this whirling planet—"the wreck of matter and the crush of worlds." Among the names of the signers of the Declaration of Independence, is that of Edward Rutledge, born in Charleston S. C. in November 1749. He was the son of Dr. Rutledge, a native of Ireland, who married Sarah West, a lady of refined accomplishments, piety and good sense.

Edward lost his father at an early age and like those of many great and good men, his mind was happily moulded by his accomplished mother. After passing through the usual routine of an education he commenced the study of law with an elder brother who stood high at the Charleston bar. As a relaxation from Coke and Bacon he occasionally entered the bowers of elocution. In 1769 he went to England, became a student at the temple—made himself familiar with the courts, rules of parliament, the policy, designs and feelings of the British ministry and cultivated an acquaintance with the celebrated orators and statesmen—Chatham, Mansfield and others. He returned in 1773, richly laden with stock for future use.

He commenced a successful practice—uniting an expressive countenance, a good voice, a rich imagination, elegance of action, an honorable mind and a good heart—with strong native talent improved by superior advantages and great industry. He soon acquired a well earned eminence as a bold, discreet and able advocate. He was ever ready—the spur of the moment made him shine most conspicuously. His lamp was always trimmed and burning. With true Irish zeal he was always ready to enter the arena where duty called—especially if it was to defend the weak—aid the oppressed or relieve the distressed.

It was self-evident that with a soul and talents like his, he could not remain an idle spectator of the elements of revolution that were in motion. He was the kind of man to rouse the popular fury when circumstances would justify and required it. Warm-hearted, zealous, bold and daring—he was a necessary part in the political machine of that time to put the more sluggish parts in motion. He was an admirable fireman, a safe engineer, a good pilot and a popular captain. Liberal in his views, republican in his principles, a stickler for equal rights—he was among the first to strike for Liberty.

He was elected a member of the first Congress in 1774. None but men of superior merit, known fortitude and pure patriotism were selected to represent their country's rights and repel the wrongs of monarchy. Such a man was Mr. Rutledge. His open frankness and bold exposure of the corruptions of the British ministry—preying upon the Colonies like canker worms, rendered him obnoxious to the adherents of the crown—the very thing to rouse such a man to determined action. Opposition seemed to kindle in his manly bosom a brighter flame of patriotic fire which he imparted to the friends of freedom without stint or measure.

With his ardor and zeal he united prudence and discretion—was a friend to order and cool deliberation. He acted from enlightened principles—aiming to build every superstructure on the firm basis of reason and justice. To this nobleness of design—conceived and adhered to by all the signers of the Declaration, may be attributed that lofty dignity which pervades that unique document.

Revolution is a tornado rarely chastened by prudence or discretion to neutralize its baneful effects. Up to the time of the American Revolution history claims no body of men to compare with those who constituted the Continental Congress—men who commanded the whirlwind of passion to stay its fury—who conducted the lightning of revenge by the silken thread of reason to the goal of deliberation.

Mr. Rutledge was made a member of several important committees. He was appointed, in conjunction with Benjamin Franklin and John Adams to meet Lord Howe when he came to offer terms of ministerial peace. They were received with marked attention and respect by the royal messenger. He only had power to pardon repenting rebels—these were not to be found. His insulting proposition was repelled with indignation. The committee disclaimed all allegiance to the crown—it had been sacrificed at the shrine of an ambitious and oppressive ministry. Freedom was their motto—Liberty their watchword—their terms—Independence or Death. They had nobly resolved "to do or die."

As a sound, judicious and able statesman, Mr. Rutledge was highly appreciated. He had also earned laurels in the battle field. He had long commanded a company in the ancient battalion of artillery. When the British landed at Port Royal in 1779, he led his company to the attack with the skill and courage of a veteran. At no Revolutionary battle was more personal bravery displayed than at this—nor was the enemy at any time more chagrined at a total defeat by raw militia. It was a mystery to them to find in the same man the statesman and the hero. He was subsequently elected colonel. During the investment of Charleston on 1780, he was again on military duty—taken prisoner—sent to St. Augustine and was not exchanged for nearly a year. Before his return the dark clouds began to recede before the rays of rising hope and the day star of Liberty.

He returned to his native state and aided in restoring the civil government to order and systematic arrangement He was a member of the enraged Assembly at Jacksonborough in 1782. With his recent personal injuries pressing upon him and those of his friends bleeding fresh before him, he was induced to sanction the bill of pains and penalties, which, under other circumstances he would have opposed. During the time it remained in force he smoothed its roughness as much as possible.

Among those who had been tortured by persecution was his venerable mother who had been taken from her quiet home in the country and confined in Charleston then occupied by the British—because she was the mother of one of the rebels who had signed that burning instrument—the Declaration of Independence—a high compliment to her talents and patriotism—placing her on the list of fame with the noble matrons of Greece and Rome.

During the entire period of the unequal struggle with Great Britain, Mr. Rutledge rendered all the aid in his power to his injured country. At the final termination of hostilities—in a free land and with a free heart he returned to the bosom of his friends and the labors of his profession. His private worth, urbanity of manners and persevering industry in business, gained for him the confidence and esteem of community.

In the organization of the government of the state he took a conspicuous and useful part. Many difficulties were to be surmounted—clashing local interests reconciled and laws adopted to restore to order and harmonious system the confusion consequent upon a change of government. A great commotion existed between debtors and creditors. Specie was not to be had—the paper currency was nearly annihilated—many who had periled life for Liberty and shaken off the foreign yoke felt that they were again in cruel bondage. Many avaricious creditors were as destitute of mercy as the pirate is of compassion. Such bipeds still live, move and have a being—but thanks to the philanthropy and good sense of our legislatures, they are disarmed in many of the states from the most barbarous feature of their power—that of thrusting a poor debtor into prison for the crime of poverty. I am pained to own that there are instances on record in our country where veterans, who bled for our boasted freedom, have been incarcerated by the cold inquisitorial creditor for a sum so trifling that the miser would blush to name it.

As a panacea for this malady a law was passed making land a lawful tender for debts—a law purely republican but obnoxious to avarice and aristocracy. Mr. Rutledge did much to effect the adoption of this measure, imperiously demanded by the then existing circumstances of the community. He also advocated the instalment law and used his best exertions to ameliorate the condition of the poor and do justice to the rich by salutary and humane legislation. He took an active part in the public business generally. When the Federal Constitution was presented to his state for consideration he was in favor of its adoption although it contained some objectionable features in his mind. He was always opposed to slavery deeming it a national curse entailed by England.

If slavery did not exist in the South and the people knew its evils as they only can know and feel them, a very large majority would oppose its introduction. I have recently travelled in most of the southern states and speak from the record. Two-fifths of the white population of those states do not own a slave. The institution is one of a domestic nature to be governed and regulated by themselves. But for the unfortunate interference of our northern brethren, many, but not all of them prompted by philanthropic motives, gradual emancipation would have commenced years ago and left no food for demagogues and disorganizers to gorge themselves upon. Should the South interfere with any of the domestic concerns of the North, resistance would be instantaneous. I am no advocate of slavery—but understanding its origin, progress, present condition and practical operation and the feelings of the South—I repeat, that the interference of the North is a misfortune to the slave and the peace of our common country. But for this, four of the slave states would now be free. This Bohun Upas was dying a natural death—digging around it has renewed its age fifty years. The plan was conceived and put in operation by England through her emissary Dr. Thompson, as a dernier resort to destroy the only republic hated and feared by the crowned heads of Europe. Let the South alone to correct their own evils. Let the subject be consigned to the capulet tombs rather than it should for a moment disturb the harmony of our glorious UNION. To the slave—sudden emancipation would be an irreparable injury. The question is one of fact rather than law—of imperious expediency rather than abstract reasoning. The slaves of the South are better bred, fed and clothed and more intelligent than the great majority of free negroes in free states.

Although partial to the French, when difficulties arose between that nation and England, Mr. Rutledge strongly censured the conduct of M. Genét and the French Directory for the stringent measures adopted. He was a moderate—not an ultra party man and always acted from a sense of duty and a pure desire for the good of the whole. His was a stern unflinching moderation—calculated to awe a mob, paralyze a faction and preserve pure and undefiled that lofty patriotism which commands esteem and respect and leads to peace and safety.

In 1798 Mr. Rutledge was elected governor of his native state. Soon after he entered upon the imposing duties of his office, disease suddenly seized and handed him over to the King of Terrors in the bright career of his gubernatorial term. During the legislative session of 1800, his health failed so rapidly that he felt a full assurance that his dissolution was fast approaching. He was anxious to return to Charleston that he might yield up his breath where he first inhaled the atmosphere. The constitution required the presence of the governor during the session of that body and so scrupulous was he to fulfil its letter, that he determined to remain unless both branches passed a resolution sanctioning his absence. The subject was submitted and becoming a matter of debate he at once withdrew it and remained until the adjournment. He was barely able to reach home when he laid down upon the sick bed and yielded to the only power that could conquer him—Death—on the 23d of January 1800. The same fortitude that had characterized his whole life was fully exemplified during his illness and dying hour. His loss was keenly felt and deeply mourned by the entire community of the state and by the friends of freedom throughout the nation. South Carolina had lost one of her brightest ornaments—one of her noblest sons.

Governor Rutledge stood high as an orator. He was familiar with the machinery of human nature—knew when to address the judgment and when the passions. In exciting the sympathy of a jury he had no equal at the Charleston Bar. He knew how, when and where to be logical and what is all important in public and private life—he knew how, when and where to speak and what to say and stopped when done. His private worth and public services were an honor to himself, gratifying to his friends and beneficial to his country. His usefulness continued to the close of life—his fame is untarnished with error—his examples are worthy of imitation—his life had no blank. He married for his first wife, Harriet, daughter of Edward Middleton his colleague in the Continental Congress. By her he had a son and daughter—the latter settled in Charleston—the former, Maj. Henry M. Rutledge, was one of the pioneers of Tennessee. God grant that his descendants may imitate the virtues of their ancestor and fill the blank occasioned by the death of the wise, judicious, benevolent, patriotic and high-minded Edward Rutledge.

ROGER SHERMAN.

The man who has been rocked in the cradle of letters from his childhood—who has become familiar with general science, the classics and the philosophy of the schools—who has had a wealthy father to aid and doting mother to caress—who has enjoyed an uninterrupted course in some far-famed college and the most refined society—such a man is expected to mount the ladder of fame and become a shining light to those whose advantages have been limited to a primary school or no school. If, with all these advantages lavished upon him he sinks into obscurity, the fond anticipations of his doting parents and anxious friends set in gloom. Such has often been the case.

When we see a man whose opportunities of acquiring an education during childhood and youth carried him not far beyond the spelling-book—a man who had no father to aid him by wealth—warn him against the quicksands of error or point him to the temple of science—his intellect encased in the rude quarry of nature at the age of twenty—when we see such a man bursting the fetters that bind his mental powers-throwing off the dark mantle of ignorance—by a mighty effort unveiling his dormant talents and shining in all the beauty of intelligence and greatness, we are filled with admiration and delight.

Such a man was Roger Sherman, the great grandson of Capt. John Sherman, who came from England to Watertown, Mass, in 1635. Roger was the son of William Sherman, born in Newton, Mass. on the 19th of April 1721. His father was a respectable farmer with means too limited to educate his son and bound him an apprentice to a shoemaker. At the age of nineteen he left his master to seek his fortune. His genius had become restless in embryo and pressed for enlargement. No shop could confine—no obstacle deter, no impediment prevent its expansion. The course of his mind was onward and upward like a blazing star, illuminating the horizon of his intellect as it rose. Nature designed him to be great and good—he obeyed her kind commands.

He went to New Milford, Conn. where he followed his trade for three years, devoting every leisure moment to his books, often having one open before him when using his lap-stone. Every obstacle to the pursuit of knowledge was removed by his untiring industry—he ascended the hill of science with a steady pace. He lived within the strictest rules of economy, appropriating a part of his earnings to the support of a widowed mother with a family of small children. The education of these children also received his attention.

In June 1743 he removed his mother and children to New Milford ad entered into the mercantile business, still improving every leisure hour in the acquisition of an education. He rapidly stored his mind with a fund of useful information that ultimately enabled him to commence a public career of usefulness. He also became a member of the church and adorned his profession through life. In 1745 he was appointed surveyor of Litchfield County, having mastered mathematics. Like his cotemporary and friend Benjamin Franklin, he made the calculation for an almanac for several years for a publisher in New York.

At the age of twenty-eight he married Elizabeth Hartwell of Staughton, Mass. who died in 1780 leaving seven children. He subsequently married Rebecca Prescott who had eight children. His fifteen children were carefully trained in the paths of wisdom and virtue. He also supported his mother and a maiden sister until death relieved them from the toils of life.

In the prosecution of his literary pursuits he turned his attention to the study of law in which he made astonishing proficiency. In 1754 he was admitted to the bar, better prepared to enter into this arduous profession and do justice to his clients than many who are ushered into notice with great eclat under the high floating banner of a collegiate diploma.

The following year he was elected a member of the colonial Assembly and remained in that body during the remainder of his residence at New Milford. He had the confidence and esteem of his fellow citizens which enabled him to exercise a salutary influence upon those around him. His reputation as a lawyer and statesman stood high. For industry, prudence, discretion and sound logic—he was unrivalled in the Colony. Strong common sense, the safety valve of human action, marked his whole career. He was a philanthropist of the highest order—a patriot of the first water—rendering himself substantially useful to his fellow men and common country.

In 1759 he was appointed a judge of the county court of Litchfield, discharging his duties with great faithfulness and impartiality—correcting vice and promoting virtue.

In 1761 he removed to New Haven where he was appointed justice of the peace—elected to the Assembly and in 1765 was placed upon the judicial bench of the county court. He received the degree of Master of Arts from Yale College, of which he was treasurer for many years, fulfilling the trust with scrupulous honesty and fidelity.

In 1766 he was elected to the Executive Council which was hailed as an auspicious event by the friends of liberal principles. The mother country had manifested a disposition to impose unjust taxation upon the Colonies. It required discretion, experience, nerve and decision to comprehend and expose the corrupt plans of an avaricious and reckless ministry. The Colonies had borne the great burden of the French war in which they had sacrificed large sums of money and fountains of their richest blood. After years of incessant toil the foe had been conquered—an honorable peace obtained for England—the frontier settlements measurably relieved from danger and the soldier had again become the citizen. Whilst their rejoicings on that occasion were yet on the lips of echo, oppression from the crown threatened to blast their fond anticipations of happiness and repose and bind them in chains more to be dreaded than the tomahawk and scalping knife.

His Colony had furnished more money and men and lost more of her brave sons in the French war than any other with the same population. Mr. Sherman had been an active member of the Assembly during the period of its prosecution and remembered well the sacrifices that had been made to oblige the king. He understood well the rights of his own country and those of the crown. He was eminently prepared to discover approaching danger and sound a timely alarm. He was fully competent to probe the intrigues and venality of designing men although the broad Atlantic rolled between him and them.

Mr. Grenville was the master spirit of the British ministry. He determined to put in practice his long cherished theory of taxing the American Colonies. The alarm was soon spread from the north to the south. Appeals for redress, petitions and remonstrances, numerously signed, were forwarded to Parliament. These were passed by like the idle wind. Reason, justice, mercy—all were banished from the bosoms of the ruling power. The rack of oppression was put in motion—screw after screw was turned—the sinews of affection for the mother country began to snap—the purple current rushed from its fountain with increased velocity—indignation was roused in millions of bosoms. In humble imitation of the ancient inquisitors, the screws of the infernal machine were relaxed to give the subjects a confessing respite. The tax upon glass, paper, &c. was repealed. But the main screw was not turned back. The tax on tea was still enforced. This exception was death to the colonial power of England—to America—freedom. The indignation of woman was roused. Her high toned chords were touched—the reverberation electrified the mass as with vivid lightning. Tea was banished by every female patriot and with it all British luxuries and taxed articles.

Mr. Sherman remained undaunted at his post calmly watching the moving elements. Although elevated to the bench of the Superior Court he remained in the Executive Council, a firm and consistent advocate of his country's rights—a bold expounder of Britain's wrongs. He viewed the gathering clouds as they rolled up from the horizon—he saw the streams of lurid fire with which they were charged and calmly waited the crash of thunder that should usher on the terrific storm. The British lion prowled in anger—the Albion Goliah buckled on his armor—the shining steel dazzled in the sun—American blood flowed—popular fury was roused—the sword of vengeance was drawn—allegiance was dissolved—the Colonies were free.

Judge Sherman was a member of the first Continental Congress and remained firm and unwavering at his post during the heart rending scenes of the Revolution, the formation of the new government and the adoption of the Federal Constitution. With a mind of iron strength enlarged and improved by close study—inured to the toils and intricacies of legislation—the history of his country and of nations stamped upon his memory—the ingratitude and insults of a foreign ministry preying upon his soul—all these combined to press him onward to deeds of noble daring. His capacity was equal to every emergency. He omitted no duty, moving, with the mathematical precision of a planet, within the orbit of sound discretion. He was familiar with all the avenues of men and things—scanned the deep recesses of human nature—traced causes and results to their source and probed to the bottom the springs of human action. The arcana of economies was open before him—solving problems, demonstrating principles and placing them in the full blaze of illustration—clear as light, intelligible as Euclid—irresistible as truth. Youth and young mechanics of our country such was the self-taught self-made Roger Sherman. Read the history of his life closely. Ponder it well and firmly resolve to make him your model.

The Congressional session of 1775 was one of great labor, anxiety and embarrassment. It required veterans in patriotism to sustain the tremendous shock, the fearful onset. An army was to be raised and organized, military stores provided, fortifications erected, rules of government adopted, plans of operation matured, internal foes to be encountered and legions of hireling soldiers to be repelled. To meet these pressing emergencies the members of Congress had hearts full of courage but an empty treasury. A forlorn hope was before them—a merciless foe on their shores. The torch of hope shed but a dim light. In the name of high Heaven they resolved on Liberty or Death. Nor did they "split on the rock of resolves and re-resolves, where thousands live and die the same." They met the fury of the king with a firmness, wisdom and patriotism before unknown. Their course was onward towards the goal of freedom. No threats of vengeance dismayed them—the shafts of terror fell harmless at their feet—the vials of ministerial wrath were poured out in vain.

In 1776, the Colonies bleeding, reverses rolling frightfully upon them, a conquering army sweeping over their land like a tornado, the streams red with the blood of their kinsmen—the cries of widows and orphans ringing in their ears, the sky illumined with the curling flames of their towns—this band of patriots conceived the bold and sublime plan of Independence—a plan that wreathed its projectors with laurels of unfading freshness.

Early in the summer Messrs. Sherman, John Adams, Franklin, Livingston and Jefferson were appointed a committee to draft a Declaration of Rights. It was prepared with much deliberation—reported and on the memorable 4th of July 1776 received the hearty sanction of the Continental Congress amidst the transporting joys of freemen who hailed it as the bright morning star—to them a prelude to future bliss—to tyrants, a blazing meteor of devouring fire.

Illustrious in all their actions the signers of the Declaration of Independence were pre-eminently so—when, assuming their native dignity, they rose in all the majesty of greatness—bursting their servile chains—cutting asunder the cords of forfeited allegiance—sublimely passing the grand Rubicon and in the eyes of an approving God and an admiring world—declared their country free and independent. The era was one of refulgent glory, sacred to the cause of human rights—enduring as genuine patriotism—cheering as the oasis of the desert.

No member of the Continental Congress had studied more closely and understood more clearly political economy and finance than Mr. Sherman. His mind was moulded in system. He was a practical man and conversant with every department of government. He was an efficient member of the board of war, ordnance and the treasury. He served on important committees during the whole time of the Revolution. His plans for replenishing the public funds, regulating expenditures and disbursing moneys, were based on rules of frugality and economy corresponding with the embarrassments of that trying period. Fraudulent contractors quailed before his scrutiny—speculations and peculations on government were often paralyzed by his torpedo touch. He guarded, with an Argus eye and parental care the interests of the young Republic.

In the estimation of his colleagues and of our nation, Roger Sherman was second to no one in that bright constellation of sages for sterling integrity and substantial usefulness. At that time honesty and modesty were attributes of merit. It required no stump speeches or bar-room harangues to gain popular favor. Foaming bragadocia—bullying gasconade—personal crimination and a violation of the sanctity of the domestic circle were not then current coin. No bogus politicians were found among the patriots of the Revolution. Principles—not men were the political landmarks—not the seven principles of five loaves and two fishes but the heaven-born principles of eternal justice, truth, honesty, equality, freedom, love of country, patriotism, humanity, universal charity and pure benevolence—all harmoniously growing in rich clusters upon the tree of Liberty.

That was also a time of labor. Inglorious ease was not known to legislators. Long written speeches were not read to the speaker and the walls to be printed for party effect among constituents. Turmoil and billingsgate slang were unknown in the halls of legislation. The business of the nation was performed promptly, faithfully and effectually. Posts of honor were then posts of duty—not of profit. No demagogue bipeds were permitted to fatten at the public crib—no droning sinecures were lounging under the mantle of government. How changed the scene—how fearful the contrast at the present writing! Awake! patriots of my beloved country to a sense of our true interests. Throw off the incubus of ultra party spirit—think, know and act for yourselves—avoid the paralyzing touch of reckless demagogues and purge our land from political corruption.

By his fellow citizens at home Mr. Sherman was held in high esteem. He was continued in the Council during the Revolution. When the city of New Haven was chartered in 1784 he was elected the first mayor—filling the office with great dignity to the close of his life.

When peace was restored Judges Sherman and Law were appointed to revise the judicial code of Connecticut which duty they performed with great ability and satisfaction to all concerned. Mr. Sherman was a member of the convention that framed the Federal Constitution. From a manuscript found among his papers it appears that this instrument received many of its bright features from him. To his conceptive mind and practical wisdom we are much indebted for the towering greatness and unparalleled prosperity we so eminently enjoy and which will increase and endure so long as the people protect their own interests and are true to themselves. Intimately acquainted with all the local conflicting interests of the Colonies, he was enabled to exercise a salutary influence among the members in reconciling differences between them, which, for a time, threatened to hurl back the elements of government into original chaos and prostrate the fair fabric of Liberty. By examining the earnest discussions, the variety of opinions, the multifarious interests, the intense anxiety, the agony of soul and sacrifice of private views that characterized the formation of the Federal Constitution—we discover wisdom, discretion, charity and patriotism of the loftiest kind shining in all the grandeur of self sacrifice. Based upon the Declaration of Rights—it forms a superstructure, towering in sublimity above all others—radiating its heart cheering influence over our increasing millions of freemen—revered by all patriots at home—respected abroad—unrivalled in the annals of legislation.

Judge Sherman did much to remove the objections made to this important document by the people of his own and adjoining States. He demonstrated to them clearly and convinced them fully—that to effect and perpetuate the Union, private feeling and interest must yield to public necessity to procure public good and that each State should strive to produce an equilibrium of the general government, forming a grand centre towards which it should ever tend with harmonious and fraternal gravitation—immovable as the perpetual hills.

Judge Sherman was elected a member of the first Congress under the new Constitution and resigned his judicial station which he had so long adorned with the ermine of impartiality and equal justice. His influence was beneficially felt in the national legislature. He used his noblest exertions to promote the wide spread interests of the new-fledged Republic. Traces of his magnanimous propositions and prophetic policy are upon the journals and many of them incorporated in the Acts of that period. When members differed and exhibited the least acrimony, they were sure to find the peaceful wand of Judge Sherman fanning their heated feelings into a healthful coolness.

At the expiration of his representative term he was elected to the United States Senate of which he was a member when he closed his useful career—bade a long adieu—a final farewell to earth and its toils. He died on the 23d of July 1793 in the full enjoyment of that religion he had honored and practised and which had been a consolation and support amidst the changing scenes of his eventful pilgrimage. He had lived the life of a good man—he died calm, serene and happy. Through faith he triumphed over death and the grave and pressed upward to receive the enduring prize of unfading glory. He could approach the dread tribunal of the great Jehovah—smiling and smiled upon and enter into all the realities of heavenly bliss—enduring as the rolling ages of eternity. Thus lived and thus died Roger Sherman.

He had been a faithful public servant nearly forty years. He had participated in all the trying scenes of the Revolution—he had seen his country burst the fetters of tyranny and become a nation of freemen. He had aided in the consolidation of the general government—she was prosperous and happy. In all the important measures of the state of his adoption and of the American nation, he had acted an important part from the commencement of the French war to the time of his departure to "that country from whose bourne no traveller returns."

As a Christian he was esteemed by all denominations for his consistent piety and expansive charity. With him sectarianism was not religion—for him it had no charms. His philanthropy was broad as the human family—it reached from earth to heaven. He was familiar with the abstruse branches of theology and corresponded with several eminent divines. The Bible was his creed—not the dogmas of men.

In the history of Roger Sherman we have one of nature's sheets of purest white covered with all the sublime delineations that dignify a man and assimilate him to his Creator. His life was crowned with unfading evergreen produced by the rich soil of genuine worth and substantial merit. No ephemeral roses decked his venerable brow. A chaplet of amaranthine flowers surmounts his well earned fame. The mementos of his examples are a rich boon to posterity through all time. Whilst patriotism, religion and social order survive—the virtues of this great and good man will shine in all the majesty of light. His private character was as pure as his public career was illustrious.

Roger Sherman clearly demonstrated that man is the architect of his own fortune. By industry and perseverance in the use of books—now accessible to all, apprentices and mechanics may surmount every barrier and reach the summit of science and take their stations, with superior advantage, by the side of those who have been enervated within the walls of a college. No one in our land of intelligence is excusable for remaining under the dark mantle of ignorance. The sun of science has risen—all who will can be warmed by its genial rays. The means of acquiring knowledge are far superior to those enjoyed by Sherman and Franklin. Let their brilliant examples be imitated by Columbia's sons—our far famed Republic will then be as enduring as time. Let ignorance, corruption, ultra party spirit and fanaticism predominate—then the fair fabric of our Freedom, reared by the valor and cemented by the blood of the Revolutionary patriots—will tremble, totter and fall. Chaos will mount the car of discord—sound the dread clarion of the dissolution of our Union and Liberty will expire amidst the smoking ruins of her own citadel. Forbid it patriotism—forbid it philanthropy—forbid it Almighty God! O! my country men! remember that with us is deposited the rich behest of Liberty—let us guard it with god-like care and transmit it to our posterity in all the loveliness of native purity.

JAMES SMITH.

Men sometimes forsake the path designed for them by their Creator in their manner of speaking, acting and writing. They vainly strive to imitate some noble personage of a higher order by nature and cultivation than themselves and become poor specimens of the Ape. Some young men of respectable talents and acquirements—when they mount the rostrum, endeavor to imitate some orator of notoriety instead of acting out free and unvarnished nature. Originality alone gives beauty and force to eloquence in all its varied forms. Like a piece of marble under the skill of the statuary—a more systematic form may be produced by art but the native material cannot be improved in beauty by the finest art—the brightest paint. Originality must form the base or the richness is lost. No ingenuity can remould the work of nature and retain the full strength of the grand original. We should profit by the wisdom and virtues of great and good men—improve by their precepts and examples—our manner in public speaking, our language, our style of writing—all must be original to render them forcible and interesting. Affectation in anything is disgusting to sensible men. It is a coin that cannot be palmed upon the discerning for genuine. Of all counterfeits this is the most readily detected. Away with this worthless trash. If you have not gold, use silver—if neither, use copper—if you have only brass you need no urging to use that.

James Smith was a fine specimen of originality and pleasing eccentricity. He was born in Ireland in 1713. His father came to this country when James was a boy and settled on the west side of the Susquehanna river nearly opposite Columbia in Pennsylvania. James acquired a good classical education under Dr. Allison and retained a great partiality for authors of antiquity to the end of his life. He delighted in mathematics and became an expert surveyor. After finishing his course of study with Dr. Allison he read law in Lancaster, Pennsylvania, probably with an elder brother in that town and with Mr. Cookson. When admitted to the bar he located in the then far west near the present site of Shippensburg in Cumberland County of that state. He blended law and surveying in accordance with the desire and wants of the frontier settlers. Large tracts of valuable land were held under hasty and imperfect surveys and others were located by chamber surveys. Litigation was the natural consequence. No witness could tell more truth than the compass and protractor of Mr. Smith which were free from prejudice and partiality. Possessed of a penetrating mind he scanned future prospects and secured much valuable land. In his compound profession he had full employment. He was on the flood-tide of prosperity. Not willing to sail alone he took for his mate Eleanor Armor of Newcastle who superintended his freight and cabin stores with great skill and prudence.

Mr. Smith was original in everything. With a strong mind, an open and honest heart, a benevolent and manly disposition—he united great conviviality and amusing drollery—yet so discreet and chaste as not to offend the most modest ear. He delighted in seeing the contortions of the risible muscles which were uniformly on duty in all proper circles when James Smith was present. Whenever he came in contact with a pedant he would propound some ludicrous question to him with the utmost gravity—such as this—"Don't you remember that terrible bloody battle which Alexander fought with the Russians near the straits of Babelmandel? I think you will find the account in Thucydides or Herodotus." His memory was retentive and stored with numerous anecdotes which he sometimes related in court and often in company to amuse his friends. His manner was original beyond imitation. With all his wit and humor he held religion in great veneration and was a communicant of the church. No one that knew him dare utter one word against it in his presence, knowing that his cutting lash of keen ridicule would at once be applied. Such a mixture of qualities are rarely blended in one man. His mind ranged with the quickness of lightning from the deep-toned logic and the profoundest thought to the eccentric ludicrous—all balanced by the equilibrium of discretion and each used at the appropriate time and place. His manner, language, style—everything which he said or did from the most trivial circumstance to the momentous concerns of the nation was purely original.

Of the affairs of his country James Smith was not an idle spectator. No man delights in liberty and independence more than an Irishman. Nor have the Irish people a warm affection for mother Britain. As oppressed as she is, no nation is more sensitive of her rights than "sweet Ireland." When British oppression showed its hydra head in the American Colonies Mr. Smith took a terrible dislike to the baste and declared he would make fight, unless it withdrew its visible deformity at once. His heart beat high for his adopted country—he came promptly to the rescue. At that time he resided at York and was extensively engaged in iron works and pressed with professional business. He had never consented to fill public stations. Nothing but the importance of the crisis could have induced him to enter the public arena. He reasoned as did Josiah Quincy that—"We must be grossly ignorant of the importance and value of the prize for which we contend—we must be equally ignorant of the power of those who have combined against us—we must be blind to that malice, inveteracy and insatiable revenge which actuate our enemies, public and private, abroad and in our midst—to hope we shall end this controversy without the sharpest—sharpest conflicts—to flatter ourselves that popular resolves, popular harangues, popular acclamations and popular vapor will vanquish our foes. Let us consider the issue—let us look to the end."

Mr. Smith was a man who looked at the beginning and ending. He examined closely causes, effects and results. He understood human nature and knew well the pulsations of the colonists. He believed the bone and sinew of the land would never yield to the tyranny of mother Britain without a "sharp conflict." For that conflict he was prepared. He well knew that there was but little sinecure mushroom dandy stock on-hand—that the great mass was bone and sinew of the first water. He was for prompt action. A convention of delegates from each county in the state was convened to consider the course proposed by the patriots of New England when the Revolutionary storm had commenced its precursory droppings. Of this convention Mr. Smith was a prominent member and one of the committee that prepared an address to the members of the general Assembly recommending them to appoint delegates to the proposed general Congress with the following instructions which specify the grievances complained of.

"We desire you therefore—that the deputies you appoint may be instructed by you strenuously to exert themselves at the ensuing Congress to obtain a renunciation on the part of Great Britain of all the powers under the statute of 35th Henry VIII. ch 2d—of all the powers of internal legislation—of imposing duties or taxes internal or external and of regulating trade except with respect to any new articles of commerce which the Colonies may hereafter raise—as silk, wine, &c. reserving a right to carry them from one colony to another—a repeal of all statutes for quartering troops in the colonies or subjecting them to any expense on account of such troops—of all statutes imposing duties to be paid in the colonies that were passed at the accession of his present majesty or before this time, whichever period shall be judged most advisable—of the statutes giving the Courts of Admiralty in the Colonies greater power than the Courts of Admiralty in England—of the statutes of 5th George II. ch. 22d and of the 23d of George II. ch. 29th—of the statute for shutting up the Port of Boston and of every other statute particularly affecting the province of Massachusetts Bay passed in the last session of Parliament. If all the terms abovementioned cannot be obtained, it is our opinion that the measures adopted by the Congress for our relief should never be relinquished or intermitted until those relating to the troops—internal legislation—imposition of taxes or duties hereafter—the 35th of Henry VIII. ch. 2d—the extension of Admiralty Courts—the Port of Boston and the Province of Massachusetts Bay are obtained. Every modification or qualification of these points in our judgment should be inadmissible."

By these instructions, directly from the people, we can judge of the feeling that pervaded the great mass of the yeomanry at that time. By referring to the instructions given to the delegates to Congress by the general Assembly, it will be seen that royal influence pervaded that body as they contain scarcely a feature or point similar to those from the primary convention of the people. See them in the life of Ross. That the reader may more fully understand the points referred to in the instructions above copied I will explain the statutes alluded to in their order.

By the statute of 35th Henry VIII. ch. 2d a citizen of America was liable to be arrested and taken to England to be tried for high crimes. By the 5th of George II. ch. 23d the colonists were prohibited from exporting hats and hatters were limited to a specific number of apprentices—"that hatting may be better encouraged in Great Britain." The statute 23d George II. ch. 29th imposed similar but more numerous restrictions—the whole and the other particulars named in the instructions being in violation of the constitution of England and of the charters predicated upon it. Constitutional and charter privileges had grown sacred by long and acknowledged usage, by learned and legal construction and by numerous declaratory Acts of the British Parliament passed when sitting under the mantle of reason, justice and sound policy. So fully convinced was Mr. Smith of the true issue between the Colonies and mother Britain that on his return home he raised a company of volunteers and was elected captain by acclamation. This was the pioneer company of Pennsylvania raised for the purpose of confronting the ugly baste—tyranny. It was nine months before the bloody affair at Lexington, showing that Mr. Smith had arrived at a correct conclusion as to the true issue. He introduced thorough discipline in his new corps and imparted to every member the same patriotic fire that illuminated his own noble soul. Around this military nucleus the bone and sinew continued to rally until a regiment was raised. Mr. Smith accepted the honorary title of Colonel but imposed the active commanding duties upon a younger man. He had put the ball in motion and was gratified to see it rolling onward with increasing momentum towards the goal of Liberty. When the time arrived for action this regiment did honor to all concerned.

Mr. Smith was a member of the next people's convention which convened at Philadelphia in January 1775. He was one of the foremost to oppose force to force and peril life for freedom. He was called an ultra whig and accused of treating the government of his most Christian majesty indecorously. His patriotism had carried him six months in advance of most of the leading men. No one could outstrip him in zeal in the cause of equal rights. His course was onward—right onward to action. For this the time soon arrived. In the spring of 1776 he was on a committee with Dr. Rush and Col. Bayard to organize a camp of 4500 troops to be raised in Pennsylvania. No man was better calculated to render efficient service in this important branch of business. The committee immediately prepared an appeal to the yeoman military which was approved by Congress and widely circulated. It was written in bold and forcible language pointing to the Independence of the Colonies as the great incentive to action. It had a powerful and salutary effect and met with a response from the people that, caused the hirelings of the crown to fly from the province like chaff before the wind. The complement of men was promptly raised.

Almost simultaneous with the promulgation of the Declaration of Independence by Congress a convention of delegates convened for the purpose of raising the arch of a republican constitution and government over the Keystone State. Of this convention Mr. Smith was a prominent member and one of the committee that prepared the Declaration of Rights. For this the committee had the guidance of a polar star that had been brought to light by the illustrious Jefferson and placed in the cerulean canopy of Liberty by the Sages of Congress a few days previous. The ultraism of Mr. Smith had become an admired quality and was surnamed patriotism by the very persons who had misconceived it a few months previous. His zeal and worth were then properly appreciated. On the 20th of July he was elected to the Continental Congress without an intimation to him of the intended honor until he was officially notified of the fact. Being at the State convention in Philadelphia he immediately took his seat—enrolled his name with the apostles of Liberty upon the chart of freedom and then returned to the convention and essentially aided in completing the new government of the State.

Early in October he fully assumed his congressional duties. The instructions to the congressional delegates had become reversed in two short years. The first clause is worthy of special notice and should be printed in bold relievo and placed over both chairs in Congress—there to remain through all congressional time. Read and ponder it well ye public men who think more of your personal concerns than the business of your constituents.

"The immense and irreparable injury which a free country may sustain by and the great inconveniences which always arise from a delay of its councils, induce us in the first place strictly to enjoin and require you to give not only a constant but a punctual attendance in Congress."

At the commencement of our free government the will of the people was respected and obeyed. Their public servants were not then their political masters. Committee rooms were not then diverted from their legitimate use by partisan caucuses. The halls of legislation were not then the forum of chaos, personal crimination—recrimination and unparliamentary procedure. The mantle of infantile purity was then hanging from the shoulders of those in high stations in all the beauty of tasteful drapery. Pro bono publico was the order of the day—pro libertate patriæ was the motto of each freeman. Mr. Smith obeyed his instructions to the letter. He entered with all his might upon the work set before him. A dark gloom hung over the cause of Liberty at that time. Many of its warmest friends considered success quite problematical. At such a time the sprightliness and proverbial drollery of Mr. Smith were a talismanic antidote against despondency. Always cheerful and elastic—spicing his conversations in private and his speeches in the forum with original wit and humor—he imparted convivial life to those around him. Amidst the waves of misfortune and the breakers of disappointment—like a buoy upon the ocean, he floated above them all and pointed the mariners of Liberty to the port of Freedom. The following extract of a letter written to his wife when Congress was on the point of retreating before Gen. Howe shows that no hyppish feelings cramped the elasticity of his mind.