Part 1 — PART I. (continued 8)

He was a member of the Congress of 1774 and took an unflinching stand against British oppression. Extensively and favorably known—his influence was of high importance to the friends of justice. Being an able financier he was hailed as the most efficient manager of the monetary department. To provide ways and means he was fully authorized. Most nobly did he discharge his duty. Unfortunately no office of finance was then created to enable him to control the disbursements. The money he continued to provide—often from his private funds. When Congress fled before the conquering foe to Baltimore in 1776 Mr. Morris remained in Philadelphia some days after his colleagues left, for the purpose of raising government funds. In so doing he periled his life, as he had placed his name upon the Declaration of Independence—then sneeringly called the death warrant of the signers by the Tories and their coadjutors—the British. During his stay it became necessary for Congress to raise a specific sum. The treasury was empty. Notice of the wants of the army was communicated to him. Shortly after he met a member of the Society of Friends whose confidence he had. "What news friend Robert?" "The news is—I am in immediate want of——dollars hard money and you are the man to obtain it for me. Your security is to be my note of hand and my word of honor." "Robert thou shall have it." The money was promptly forwarded to Washington which enabled him to meet the enemy at Trenton with signal success.

Mr. Morris made no parade or vain show in the performance of his duties and often furnished funds through agents under the injunction of secrecy who then had the credit of affording relief on their own account. When Gen. Greene took command of the troops in S. C. they were deplorably destitute of food, clothing and ammunition. To the agreeable astonishment of the army and people Mr. Hall of that state advanced the money to purchase supplies and enabled the General to commence vigorous operations. After the war had closed the accounts of disbursements showed that Mr. Hall had acted under Mr. Morris who furnished the needful from his private purse and saved the army from dissolution. On being made acquainted with the fact at the finance office, General Greene was at first displeased with the act but on analyzing it applauded the wisdom of this secrecy and said—"If I had known that I might have drawn on Robert Morris I should have demanded larger sums and effected no more than was accomplished with the means placed in my hands." His advances to the Southern army nearly produced his pecuniary ruin.

As a financier his genius was of the most prolific kind. When he found every government resource exhausted—the credit of the infant Republic paralyzed—the army writhing under the keenest privations—had his mind been of ordinary calibre he would have abandoned the ship of state amidst the breakers that were dashing over her and reported her to the underwriters as wrecked. But he had resolved never to desert her so long as a plank remained upon the hull or a beam retained its fastenings upon the keel. His own resources were large and his credit upon a firm basis. These were thrown in the breach and warded off the threatened destruction. To save himself and his country he proposed the plan of establishing the Bank of North America. This was sanctioned by Congress and a charter granted on the 7th of January 1782. This bank has ever stood firm amidst all the pecuniary panics and revolutions that have occurred to the present time.

As astounding as the fact may appear the office of Finance was not created until 1781. Up to that time there was no disbursing agent and large sums of money were placed in the hands of irresponsible agents and never reached their legitimate destination. When established it was placed under the control of Mr. Morris who reduced the expenditures of military operations three millions in a single year, showing that self can convert ostensible patriots into knaves no matter how sacred the cause engaged in or how binding the obligation to do justice. Avaunt! thou thing infernal! Had the office of Finance been established at the commencement of hostilities and Mr. Morris made the disbursing agent, the means of prosecuting the war would have been ample—our army would have been full and saved from the dreadful privations endured—our country would have been saved from a large portion of the devastations committed by the enemy—the struggle would probably have been terminated in half the time and the government been able to redeem every dollar of its paper issues. With so much concentrated talent and wisdom as were in the Continental Congress at all times, the problem of this disastrous omission cannot be solved by any approved rules of government or legislation. I have ever looked at it with deep regret and surprise.

Mr. Morris was the Roman Curtius of America, pledging his own fortune to save his country and deliver her from worse than Egyptian bondage. As a demonstration I will particularize one other instance of supplies furnished upon his private credit, which was the means of closing the unequal contest.

When the expedition against Cornwallis was planned by Washington the government treasury was empty and her credit shivering in the wind. The army was in a destitute situation and without the means of prosecuting a siege. Impressed deeply with the importance of the plan Mr. Morris undertook the herculean task of providing supplies for the expedition upon his private credit. Such confidence had Washington in this able financier that he at once took up the line of march. In the short space of four weeks he furnished near eighty pieces of battering cannon and one hundred pieces of field artillery with other necessary supplies not furnished by the South. Although aided by the patriotic Richard Peters he gave his own notes to the amount of one million four hundred thousand dollars which were all paid at maturity. This enabled the Americans to triumphantly close the long and bloody struggle of the Revolution and lay firmly the foundations of the prosperity and government we now enjoy. There was disinterested benevolence crowned with all the majesty of pure devotion to the interests of country and the human family—as free from self as angels are.

Under cover of the firm in which he was a partner—Willing, Morris & Co. many important and advantageous transactions were made for government although apparently for the firm, the large profits of which were placed to the credit of the public treasury. This was conclusively shown by an investigation instituted in Congress on motion of Mr. Laurens at the instance of Mr. Morris in order to repel base slanders put in circulation against this pure and honest patriot.

All the accusations that have been brought against Robert Morris before and since his death, charging him with peculation or speculation in government funds or of any improper conduct towards his country as a public agent are without foundation in fact and out of the record. From the numerous documents I have examined, I am fully convinced that Robert Morris was one of the most disinterested patriots of the Revolution and one of the most efficient instruments in consummating that glorious enterprise. He was so considered by the illustrious Washington—the Continental Congress and by all who were and are properly posted on the subject. General Greene was one of his most ardent admirers, whose biographer—long after the sage and the hero had gone where none but slanderers dare rake up the sacred ashes of the dead, published a tirade of abuse against Mr. Morris that has impaired his dignity as an impartial writer so as to render his envy abortive—his malice powerless. His extracts from public documents are garbled—his conclusions are based on false premises—his innuendos are ungenerous—his attack gratuitous and has justly recoiled upon the proud escutcheon of his literary fame.

The shafts of slander can never mar the fair reputation of this benefactor of our country although hurled like lightning thunderbolts from the whole artillery of malice and revenge. Upon the enduring records of our nation his acts are written. There they stand in bold relievo, bright as the moon, clear as the sun and as withering to his enemies as the burning sand of Sahara.

Congress elected Mr. Morris Superintendent of Finance on the 20th of February 1781. It was only from a deep sense of duty he could be urged to accept the office. It was at a dark and fearful period of the Revolution. His duties were onerous and multiform. He immediately instituted an examination of the public debts, revenue and expenditures—reduced to economical system the mode of regulating the finances and disbursing the public funds—executed the plans of Congress relative to monetary affairs—superintended the action of all persons employed in obtaining and distributing supplies for the army—attended to the collection of all monies due the United States—held a supervision over all the contractors for military supplies—provided for the civil list—corresponded with the Executive of each state and with ministers of our government in Europe and transacted business with all the public departments. Through the agency of the Bank of North America and with his own proverbial responsibility he improved the national credit so far that money was obtained from Europe on loan and a brighter prospect opened before the desponding patriots. He introduced rigid economy through all the avenues of public operations. He boldly entered the Ægean stable and was the Hercules to cleanse it. Corrupt agents and corrupting speculators fled before his searching scrutiny—hissing like serpents disturbed in their dens. Perfect system pervaded all his transactions reducing them all to writing so that he was able to produce a conclusive voucher for each and every public act during his term of service. He believed system to be the ballast, main-mast and helm of business.

At the time of his resignation he placed himself in the crucible of an examining committee of Congress before whom he exhibited a schedule of all his public transactions. The report of the committee placed him on a lofty eminence as an able and skilful financier—a patriotic and honest man. President Washington tendered him the office of Secretary of the Treasury, which he respectfully declined. He was a member of the convention that framed the Federal Constitution and a Senator in the first Congress that convened under it. He seldom spoke in debate but when he did he was eloquent, chaste and logical. He was heard with profound attention and had great influence with his colleagues. He possessed an inexhaustible store of useful information applicable to all the relations of public and private life. When the peace of 1783 was consummated Mr. Morris again entered largely into commercial business. He favored every kind of improvement and did all in his power to promote general good and individual happiness. He first introduced ice and hot-houses in our country. He was a rare specimen of industry, system, punctuality and honesty.

After spending a long life in skilfully wielding a capital of millions he at last foundered upon the rock of land speculation and closed his eventful career in poverty on the 8th of May 1806 at the city of Philadelphia sincerely mourned by his country and most deeply lamented by those who knew him best. He met the grim messenger of death with resignation and calmness—bid a cheerful farewell to friends, the toils of earth and all sublunary things.

Mr. Morris was a large man with an open countenance, pleasing in his manners and agreeable in all his associations. His private character was as pure as his public career was illustrious. Dying poor, no marble monument is reared to his memory but his name is deeply engraved upon the tablet of meritorious fame and will be revered by every true American and patriot until the historic page shall be blotted from the world—social order submerged by chaos.

JOHN MORTON.

Courage and perseverance, unaided by wisdom and sound discretion, often lead men into unforeseen and unanticipated difficulties. Combined—they are the fulcrum and lever of action. Guided by a wise discretion, with talent to conceive and boldness to execute, the weak become strong and effect wonders at which they look with astonishment after the mighty work is accomplished. To these combined qualities of the Sages and Heroes of the American Revolution we owe the blessings of liberty we now enjoy more than to the physical powers of our nation at that time. Compared with the fleets and armies of the mother country at the eventful era when the Declaration of our Independence was adopted, the available force of the Colonies dwindles to insignificance. The one a giant in the pride of his glory—the other an infant just bursting into life. The one a Goliah clad in bristling armor—the other a pioneer boy with a puerile sling. The one with a veteran army and navy united in panoply complete, well clothed, fed and paid—the other with scattered fragments of raw recruits, a few light vessels—the men poorly equipped, sparingly fed, worse clothed and seldom paid. Without referring the successful termination of the revolutionary struggle to the wisdom and perseverance of the patriots, who, under God conceived, planned and executed the noble work it would be an unsolved enigma.

John Morton was proverbial for his discreet, wise, courageous and persevering course of life. He was a posthumous child born in Ridley, Delaware county, Pennsylvania, in 1724. His ancestors came from Sweden at an early period and settled on the bank of the Delaware river near Philadelphia. John's father, of the same Christian name, married Mary Richards when he was very young and died before his majority. The widow subsequently married with John Sketchly an intelligent Englishman who proved a good husband and kind step-father. To him John was principally indebted for his substantial English education, having enjoyed the advantages of a school but three months. Being a good mathematician and skilful surveyor, his step-son became perfect master of this important branch of science, which, more than any other, is calculated to lead a man into precision of thought and action. Based on invariable truth and lucid demonstration, never resting on false premises, always arriving at incontrovertible conclusions, it gives a tone to the mental powers calculated to produce the most salutary results. Education is incomplete without mastering mathematics.

Young Morton continued with his faithful guardian until manhood dawned upon him, aiding in the business of agriculture and surveying, constantly storing his mind with useful knowledge—testing theory by practice. In 1764 he was commissioned a justice of the peace and shortly after was elected to the Assembly of his native state. He soon became conspicuous and was subsequently speaker of the House during several sessions. He took a deep interest in the welfare of his country and was a member of the Congress assembled at New York in 1765 to concert measures for the repeal of the odious Stamp Act. He concurred in the strong and bold appeals of that body which virtually kindled the fire of the Revolution. Although smothered for a time it was never extinguished until it consumed the last vestige of British power in America and expired for want of fuel. In 1767 he became the sheriff of his county which station he ably filled for three years. He was then appointed president judge of his district and gained the admiration and esteem of the entire community. About this time he performed a very sensible act by marrying Anne Justis of the State of Delaware who was worthy to be the wife of a patriot and contributed largely to his happiness through life.

When the dread clarion of war was sounded from the heights of Lexington the indignation of the people in his neighborhood was so roused that they at once raised a battalion of volunteers and elected Judge Morton colonel. He was compelled to decline the epic honor having been recently appointed a judge of the Supreme Court of Pennsylvania. In July 1774 he was made a member of the Congress that convened in Philadelphia the following September. The grand object of that Congress was to make a last and noble effort to effect a reconciliation between the two countries and heal instead of increasing the unfortunate breach. To this end men of cool deliberation, deep thought, matured judgment, profound wisdom and pure patriotism were selected for this important work on which depended the destiny of themselves and unborn millions. When the delegates assembled a deep and awful solemnity seemed to pervade every mind. No noise was heard but the still murmuring of the rushing blood, the beating of anxious hearts and the quick respiration of those who had congregated. The proceedings were opened by prayer. Every soul seemed to commune with the spirits of another world as by vesper orisons. After the address to the throne of grace the same awful silence reigned. Still nothing was heard but the rush of the purple stream and the throb of anxious hearts. Trembling tears and quivering lips told the emotions of many a bosom—too full to be expressed, too deep to be fathomed, too strong to be endured. At length the mighty spirit of Patrick Henry burst forth in all the sublimity of its native majesty and broke the mighty spell. In bold and glowing colors, shaded with dignified sincerity—painted upon the canvas of eternal justice with the pencil of unerring truth—he delineated American rights and British wrongs. When he closed every patriot responded a hearty—Amen. Their mouths were opened, their burdens lightened—they breathed more freely.

In May 1775 Judge Morton took his seat in Congress and was re-elected in November. In July 1776 he closed his congressional career. Before leaving, he placed a brilliant star upon the bright escutcheon of his name by voting for and signing the chart of our Liberty—the manifesto of freemen against the usurpations of tyranny. During the time he was in Congress he was highly esteemed as a cool deliberate discreet man—purely patriotic and anxious to do all in his power to promote the righteous cause of his bleeding country. He weighed well the consequences of severing the bonds that bound the Colonies to the mother country. Unsustained, the Declaration of Independence was probable death to many—a more severe slavery for the survivors. To all human appearance the patriots must be crushed by the physical force of their enemies then pouring into the country by thousands and sweeping everything before them like a mighty torrent. There were five delegates from his colony. Two of them were bitterly opposed to the measure and two in favor, which gave him the casting vote. On him depended the enhanced misery or happy delivery of his country. When the final moment arrived he cast his vote in favor of the important instrument that should prove either the death warrant or the diploma of freedom. Some of his old friends censured him severely for the bold act and were so strongly tinctured with toryism that they would not be reconciled to him when he lay upon the bed of death. Such were the strong party feelings during the Revolution. His dying message to them was worthy the sage and Christian. "Tell them that they will live to see the hours when they shall acknowledge it to have been the most glorious service that I have ever rendered to my country." The truth of his prophecy has been most happily verified so far as his services were concerned—if the other part has not do not go in mourning for its failure.

When the Articles of Confederation were under discussion in Congress Judge Morton was frequently chairman of the committee of the whole and presided with great ability and dignity. In April 1777 he was attacked with a highly inflammatory fever which terminated his life in a few days in the midst of usefulness with fresh honors awaiting him as time rolled onward. His premature death was deeply mourned by his bereaved companion, eight children, a large concourse of bosom friends, the members of the bar, his associate judges, the State legislature, Congress and by every patriot of his country.

As a private citizen Judge Morton possessed an unusual share of esteem. He was endowed with all the amiable qualities that enrich the domestic circle and social intercourse. As the crowning glory of his fair fame he professed and adorned the religion of his Lord and Master and died triumphing in faith. His dust reposes in the cemetery of St. James' Church in Chester, Pa. His examples are worthy of the closest imitation—his brief career admonishes us of the uncertainty of human life—his happy death is an evidence of the truth of unvarnished piety.

THOMAS NELSON.

Honesty is a virtue that commands universal respect. Like many others this term has lost much of its original force. When Pope pronounced an honest man the noblest work of God—he included purpose, word and action in all things, under all circumstances, at all times. He alluded to a man whose purity of heart placed him above every temptation to violate the original laws of integrity that emanated from the high Chancery of Heaven. He referred to a man whose every action through his whole life should pass the scrutiny of Omniscience unscathed and stand approved by the great Jehovah. Such a man is a noble work indeed worthy of the highest admiration and closest imitation. He would not take an umbrella or a newspaper from the owner without liberty. He is honest for the sake of this virtue—not from policy, the essential oil of dishonesty in disguise. Honesty that is based only on self interest is as unsafe as a keg of powder in the fire room of a steamboat. We have too much policy in morals and religion. It is cunning without wisdom, cowardice with hypocrisy, fear of man—not God. The devil preaches religion from policy and the man who is honest only from policy is no better. Anecdote to the point. The Chinese philosopher Confucius met an insane woman with a pitcher of water and faggot of fire and asked her how she intended to use them. She replied—"With the fire I will burn up heaven—with the water I will put out hell—we shall then know who are good for the sake of goodness."

The Sages and Heroes of the American Revolution who persevered to the end were remarkable for integrity and freedom from self interest. None of them were more so than Thomas Nelson, born at Yorktown, Virginia, on the 26th of December 1738. He was the son of William Nelson whose father came from England at an early period and located at Yorktown. The father of Thomas was a wealthy merchant and planter. He filled many public stations with great ability. During the interval between the administration of Lord Bottetourt and Lord Dunmore, he presided over the Colony ex officio, being then President of the Executive Council.

At the age of fourteen Thomas was placed under the tuition of Mr. Newcomb whose school was near Hackney, England. He graduated at Trinity College under Dr. Beilby Porteus, the bright literary ornament of that time and afterwards Bishop of London. Guided by the master genius of this finished scholar, accomplished gentleman and pious divine, Mr. Nelson traced the fair lines of science and explored the avenues of literature. The principles of strict virtue and stern integrity were deeply impressed upon his mind and governed his actions through life. After spending eight years at the classic fountain in England he returned to his native home highly improved in mind and person. He entered upon the enjoyment of a large real estate and over one hundred and thirty thousand dollars in money. Not selfish at heart—unwilling to enjoy so much alone, as in duty bound he led to the hymenial altar Lucy—daughter of Philip Grimes of Brandon and settled happily and quietly at his native place. His house became the seat of domestic felicity and hospitality.

For a long time great intimacy existed between the leading men of Virginia and England. This arose from consanguinity and the wealth that enabled the most prominent men of the Old Dominion to educate their sons in the mother country. For more than a century an interchange of good feelings and kind offices were kept up. The sons who were educated in Great Britain imbibed the same ideas of Independence as those which were the boast of the noblemen of that kingdom and very properly felt themselves entitled to as much confidence from the King as a native resident of Albion. For this reason, when the British ministry put the car of oppression in motion in Virginia, her wealthy and noblest sons were the most vigorous opposers of regal power. The very fact of former intimacy charged this opposition with stronger bitterness. The very chivalry that the proud Britons had taught the sons of the Old Dominion was brought to bear upon the hirelings of the crown with the force of an avalanche.

In 1774 Mr. Nelson was elected to the House of Burgesses and took a bold stand in favor of liberal principles. He was one of the eighty-nine members who assembled at a tavern the day after Lord Dunmore dissolved them and formed themselves into an association of non-intercourse with Great Britain. At the next election he was again returned. He was a member of the two conventions that appointed Congressional delegates in 1774-5. He supported the bold measures proposed by the daring Henry from which many of the patriots at first recoiled with terror and amazement. He had no ear for the siren song of peace when the shores of his country were darkened by foreign fleets and armies. At the convention in March 1775 the following resolutions were proposed by Patrick Henry and passed. The first germ of our militia system then burst from embryo.

"Resolved—That a well regulated militia, composed of gentlemen and yeomen, is the natural strength and only security of a free government—that such a militia in this colony would forever render it unnecessary for the mother country to keep among us, for the purpose of our defence, any standing army of mercenary soldiers, always subversive of the quiet and dangerous to the liberties of the people and would obviate the pretext of taxing for their support. That the establishment of such a militia is at this time peculiarly necessary by the state of our laws, some of which have already expired and will shortly be so and that the known remissness of government in calling us together in legislative capacity renders it too insecure in this time of danger and distress to rely that opportunity will be given of renewing them in general Assembly or making any provision to secure our inestimable rights and liberties from those further violations with which they are threatened.

Resolved—That this Colony be immediately put in a state of defence and that —— be a committee to prepare a plan for embodying, arming and disciplining such a number of men as may be sufficient for that purpose."

These resolutions were warmly supported by Mr. Nelson regardless of the certain destruction of a large portion of his property in case of an open rupture with mother Britain. The resolutions were carried and July fixed for the division of the Colony into military districts. From that time Virginia presented a bold front against the unwarranted pretensions and insolent assumptions of power on the part of the crown officers. In July the Convention again assembled and divided the Colony into sixteen military districts—the Eastern to immediately raise a regiment of six hundred and eighty men rank and file, the others to raise a battalion of five hundred men each—all to be at once armed and held in readiness to march at any moment. The Convention further directed the raising of two regiments of regulars of one thousand and twenty privates each—the first to be commanded by Patrick Henry, the other by Thomas Nelson. Virginia stands number one in the organization of a military system independent of mother Britain—a system that now pervades the United States.

On the 11th of August this Convention met again and elected Mr. Nelson and others to the Continental Congress in which he look his seat on the 13th of September following. He was an industrious and efficient member of many important committees but rarely took part in debate. By the following extract from his letter to Gov. Page dated 22d January 1776 it appears he was one of those who early agitated the question of Independence. "I wish I knew the sentiments of our people upon the grand points of Confederation and Foreign Alliance—or in other words—of Independence—for we cannot expect to form a connexion with any foreign power as long we have a womanish hankering after Great Britain and to be sure there is not in nature a greater absurdity than to suppose we can have any affection for a people who are carrying on the most savage war against us." On the 13th of February following he wrote to the same gentleman in the following strong language—"Independence, Confederation and foreign alliance are as formidable to some members of Congress—I fear a majority, as an apparition to a weak enervated woman. Would you think we have some among us who still expect honorable proposals from the administration! By heavens! I am an infidel in politics for I do not believe were you to bid a thousand pounds per scruple for honor at the court of Great Britain that you would get as many as would make an ounce. We are now carrying on a war and no war. They seize our property whenever they find it either by land or sea and we hesitate to retaliate because we have a few friends in England who have ships. Away with such squeamishness say I."

By this language we can judge of the ardent feelings that moved this friend of equal rights to noble and god-like action. It was the pure fire of patriotism fanned to a brilliant flame by a just indignation against a tyrannical and insolent foe. It was a fire that reflected a genial heat upon those around it and increased in volume as time rolled onward. Like separate particles of metal in a crucible, one member after another yielded to the power of the patriotic flame until all were united in one liquid mass and on the 4th of July 1776 the mould of Liberty was filled. When opened to the admiring view of a gazing world a new and purely original table of law and government was presented enriched with the embossments of equal rights and equal justice. On this fair tablet, more beautiful than mosaic work, Mr. Nelson engraved his name in bold relievo. Here we might leave him with glory enough for one man. But he had then just entered the vestibule of his useful career. His whole soul and body were enlisted in the glorious cause. He worked on, hoped on and hoped ever. He was again returned to Congress but was compelled to retire in May in consequence of a dangerous attack of brain fever that for a time threatened to impair his mental powers. Fortunately for the cause of Independence his health was restored.

During the ensuing August the British fleet entered the capes for the purpose of chastising the rebels of the Old Dominion. A general rally of the military was the immediate consequence. Mr. Nelson was made Brig. General and commander of all the Virginia forces. The appointment was popular—the incumbent competent. His appearance among the people inspired confidence. The troops rallied around him like affectionate children around a fond parent. Learning how the land lay the fleet went its way for that time and waited for a more convenient season. The soldiers again became citizens.

In October of that year Gen. Nelson took his seat in the legislature of his state and took an active part in the deliberations of that body. During the session a bill was brought before the House sequestering British property and authorizing those of the Colonists who were in favor of Liberty and owed subjects of Great Britain, to pay the amount into the public treasury. If the wives and children of such subjects remained in the state the Governor was authorized to pay them certain portions of this money for their support. With all his indignity against mother Britain, his sense of justice induced him to oppose the bill because it violated individual contracts. He became roused and made an able and eloquent speech against the measure and closed with the following emphatic language—"For these reasons I hope the bill will be rejected—but whatever be its fate—so help me God I will pay my debts like an honest man."

On the 2d of March 1778 Congress made an appeal to the patriotism of the wealthy young men of the several states urging them to raise a troop of light cavalry at their own expense. When this proposition was received in Virginia Gen. Nelson sent a circular to all the young gentlemen of fortune in the state recommending them to rush to the rescue in person and to open their purses to other high-minded young men who were poor in money but rich in patriotism. A company of seventy was promptly raised in that state and elected Gen. Nelson to command them. He proceeded with his charge to Baltimore and reported his youthful band to the brave Pulaski who received the young volunteers with admiration and delight. From that place the company proceeded to Philadelphia where the General and the young gentlemen soldiers received the applause and thanks of Congress. As their services were not needed at that time they returned home. Their expenses were principally paid by Gen. Nelson without any charge to government. For his services during the war he took no pay and expended a large portion of his fortune in the cause of freedom.

On the 18th of February 1779 he again took his seat in Congress and labored so intensely in the committee rooms that he brought on another attack similar to the former and was compelled to return home in April. Relaxation from business and domestic quiet soon restored his health. In May the British made a descent upon Virginia and marked their course with relentless cruelty and destruction. Gen. Nelson at once took the field and marshalled his troops near Yorktown. The enemy dared not approach him and filed off. During that short campaign he was a father to his soldiers and supplied them with food from his own funds. He distributed his laborers and servants among the poor families of the militia from his neighborhood to labor during the absence of the men. He was as benevolent as he was patriotic and brave. For the state he raised large sums upon his own credit for which he was remunerated but in part. This was done freely without any noise or boasting. He was good for the sake of goodness—honest for the sake of honesty—not from policy or to be seen of men.

In the spring of 1781 Virginia was the scene of murder, rapine and ruin. Judas Arnold and Lord Cornwallis were sweeping over the state like a tornado. Gen. Nelson was constantly in the field doing all in his power to arrest the savage career of the merciless foe. He became the hero of the Old Dominion. In June of that year he was elected governor of the state. He at once entered upon the duties of his office and bent his whole energies on raising troops to resist the enemy. About that time La Fayette arrived with a body of regulars. Gov. Nelson joined him in the field and placed himself and his troops under command of the Marquis. Everything in his power he grasped to aid his bleeding country. He placed his work horses and negroes in the public service. In the midst of these struggles a circumstance occurred that was exceedingly trying to his noble soul. By the constitution the governor could act only in concert with the Council. Two of that body had been taken prisoners by Tarleton—two had resigned when most needed. A quorum could not be raised. The crisis required prompt and decisive action. In this dilemma he proceeded to act as if a quorum of the Council was present. Long after he had retired to private life and at a time when he was sinking under disease, some wretches, who would be only scavengers in Pandemonium, made this a ground of complaint against him. A just legislature put the matter forever at rest by passing a special law sanctioning every act of the governor during his administration under the circumstances alluded to. Ingratitude is the prime minister of Satan—revenge its secretary.

By the vigilance of Governor Nelson and La Fayette Lord Cornwallis was snugly ensconced in Yorktown. A dark cloud hovered over his military fame. Awful forebodings haunted his blood-stained imagination. Retributive justice pierced his guilty conscience with a thousand viper stings. The cries of widows and orphans—the curling flames of hospitable mansions—the sweeping destruction of villages and towns—the dying groans of innocent victims—the damning fruits of his savage career, preyed upon his agonized soul like a promethean vulture. The die was cast. The siege was commenced. Washington was there. At the head of the Virginia troops was Governor Nelson—cool, brave, fearless, vigorous. His native town—his own mansion and properly were now to be razed to the ground. At first he observed the American batteries carefully avoid his house. The principal British officers had made it their head quarters for this reason. Learning it was out of respect for him he directed the gunners to point their cannon at his mansion. The first discharge after this order sent several shot through it—killed two of the officers and frightened the rest from a table well spread with edibles and wines. They were at dinner and feared no danger. The result of the siege was glorious and closed the war of the Revolution.

The following extract from the general orders of the illustrious Washington of the 20th of October 1781 will best inform the reader of the estimate placed upon the services of Governor Nelson at that memorable siege.

"The General would be guilty of the highest ingratitude—a crime of which he hopes he shall never be accused, if he forgot to return his sincere acknowledgments to his excellency Governor Nelson, for the succors which he received from him and the militia under his command, to whose activity emulation and bravery the highest praises are due. The magnitude of the acquisition will be ample compensation for the difficulties and dangers they met with so much firmness and patriotism."

The fatigues of this campaign and his arduous gubernatorial duties proved too much for the physical powers of Governor Nelson. He again sunk under disease and resigned his office on the 20th November 1781 and retired from the public arena to private life. He spent the remainder of his days on a small estate he had gathered up from the wreck of his princely fortune, situated at Offly in the county of Hanover. His health continued to decline until the 4th of January 1789 when he was numbered with the dead. His obituary, written by his bosom friend Col. Innes, fully portrays the character of this devoted patriot and will best close this annal.

"The illustrious Nelson is no more! He paid the last debt of nature on Sunday the fourth day of the present month at his estate in Hanover. He who undertakes barely to recite the exalted virtues which adorned the life of this great and good man will unavoidably pronounce a panegyric upon human nature. As a man, a citizen, a legislator and a patriot, he exhibited a conduct untarnished and undebased by sordid and selfish interests and strongly marked with the genuine characteristics of true religion, sound benevolence and liberal policy. Entertaining the most ardent love for civil and religious Liberty, he was among the first of that glorious band of patriots whose exertions dashed and defeated the machinations of British tyranny and gave to united America freedom and independent empire. At a most important crisis during the late struggle for American Liberty, when this State appeared to be designated as the theatre of action for the contending armies, he was selected by the unanimous suffrage of the legislature to command the virtuous yeomanry of his country. In this honourable employment he remained until the end of the war. As a soldier he was indefatigably active and coolly intrepid. Resolute and undejected in misfortune, he towered above distress and struggled with the manifold difficulties to which his situation exposed him with constancy and courage. In the memorable year of 1781 when the whole force of the southern British army was directed to the subjugation of this State, he was called to the helm of government. This was a juncture which indeed 'tried men's souls.' He did not avail himself of this opportunity to retire in the rear of danger, but on the contrary took the field at the head of his countrymen and at the hazard of his life, his fame and individual fortune. By his decision and magnanimity he saved not only his country but all America from disgrace if not from total ruin. Of this truly patriotic and heroic conduct the renowned commander-in-chief, with all the gallant officers of the combined armies employed at the siege of York, will bear ample testimony. This part of his conduct even contemporary jealousy, envy and malignity were forced to approve and this, more impartial posterity, if it can believe, will almost adore. If, after contemplating the splendid and heroic parts of his character we shall inquire for the milder virtues of humanity and seek for the man, we shall find the refined, beneficent and social qualities of private life, through all its forms and combinations, so happily modified and united in him, that in the words of the darling poet of nature, it may be said,

'His life was gentle, and the elements So mixed in him, that nature might stand up And say to all the world—this is a man.'"

JAMES OTIS.

Death is a source of terror to most persons. It should be a source of anticipated joy to every reasonable being. Death is viewed as the great enemy of man. He is our best friend. Many Christians tremble at the thought of being folded in the arms of this friend who performs for us the last—the greatest kind office that can be awarded this side of eternity. Why should we treat death as an enemy? Is he an enemy who delivers us from pain, disappointment, folly, error, misery and all the ills of our earthly pilgrimage? Is he an enemy who transfers us from the land of delusive dreams, the region of phantoms and corroding cares—to an Elysium of substantial joys and enduring bliss? It is a libel on death to call him a foe—a king of terrors—an enemy.

Frail man comes into this world crying—cries on through life and is always seeking after some earthly object he intends to christen happiness when obtained. When he reaches the bubble it often bursts at the slightest touch—it never imparts unalloyed comfort. He is often mourning over the misfortunes that lie thickly along the road of life. He is forced to learn there is nothing pure but Heaven. Within the restless mortal body there is an immortal soul that requires more than earth can give to satisfy its lofty aspirations. This soul hails death as the welcome messenger to deliver it from its ever changing decaying prison of clay—called man—on which time wages an exterminating war until death breaks the carnal fetters—sets the prisoner free—opening the door of immortality—returning the redeemed spirit to its original abode of refulgent glory to go no more out for ever. To be terrified at the thoughts of death is to endure unnecessary fear and add to the discomforts of life. We should be in constant readiness to give this friend a hearty welcome. All who are wise will do so.

It is evident the Sages and Heroes of the American Revolution did not quail at the thought of sacrificing their lives upon the altar of Liberty. By the British and Tories the Declaration of Independence was called the death warrant of the signers. Had the first open opposers of the crown fallen into the hands of the royalists their lives would have been terminated in a summary manner. Among these was James Otis who was born at Barnstable, Mass. in 1725. He graduated at Harvard College when but eighteen years of age. He read law with Mr. Gridley—settled in Plymouth and became one of the most brilliant lights of the profession. He was an uncompromising and fearless opposer of British wrongs—an able and unwavering advocate of American rights. In 1761 he appeared before the judges of the Supreme Court in defence of the people against the writs of assistance. His logic, eloquence and boldness astonished all who heard him. He insulated the people with patriotic fire that all the powers of mother Britain could never extinguish. Among others he was listened to by John Adams who often remarked—"Independence was then and there born." By the patriots of that day he was called the originator of the Revolution. He was the first man who placed his name to a bold and vigorous pamphlet which he wrote and published—exposing the innovations of the British ministry upon the chartered rights of the Colonies. He was threatened with arrest which only roused him to more vigilant action in defence of human rights. He was a member of the Congress that convened in New York in 1765. During that year he wrote his "Rights of the Colonies Vindicated"—which was a masterly production and published in London. He was of a warm temperament—impulsive—if hard pressed was sometimes harsh in his language. He was lashed severely by the ministerial organs which caused him to publish pungent strictures upon the conduct of several of the crown officers. Soon after these appeared he was attacked in a public room by a band of British ruffians led on by custom house commissioner Robinson, who nearly took his life. This occurred on the 5th of September 1769. So much was he injured that his reason soon fled for ever. He may appropriately be called the first mover and the first martyr of the American Revolution. He obtained a judgment of $20,000 against Robinson for the base assault and on receiving a written apology relinquished it.

His towering mental powers broke rapidly until he became a mental wreck. The repeated blows upon his head had permanently deranged his brain. Occasional lucid flashes would pass over his mind like brilliant meteors and pass as quickly away. He had often expressed a wish that he might be killed by lightning. That desire was granted on the 23d day of May 1783 while leaning on his cane at the door of Mr. Osgood. His body was taken to Boston and buried with every mark of respect attended by an unprecedented concourse of sympathizing freemen.

No patriot of the Revolution merits our reverence, admiration and gratitude more than James Otis. He commenced that opposition against tyranny which resulted in the emancipation of the new continent—prepared an asylum for the oppressed and set an example for patriots worthy of imitation through all future time and over the civilized world.

WILLIAM PACA.

Creative wisdom has not designed every man for a Demosthenes or a Cicero but every man of common sense is designed to be good and useful. If all were alike gifted with splendid talents the monotony would become painful. Variety, the spice of life, would lose its original flavor. If all our legislators were eloquent orators and were affected by the mania of speech making as most of our public speakers are at the present day, we should be constantly as we are frequently, overwhelmed with talk and have but little work commenced and less completed. No one admires true eloquence more than the writer but not too much of this good thing at the expense of the dear people. Business is of higher importance. Like our bodies that end in a narrow cell—the long, elaborate and in some instances—sensible and eloquent speeches of our legislators receive their finale in the approving—Aye—or the emphatic—No. Although based upon the purest motives—dictated by the most enlightened understanding—strengthened by the soundest logic—embellished with the richest flowers of rhetoric—illumined by the most brilliant intelligence—Aye or No decides the most gigantic efforts of every speech maker. I indulge no desire to extinguish these intellectual lights or to snuff them too closely. Their wicks should be cut shorter and the volume of their flame diminished so as to emit less smoke. Brevity is the soul of wit—despatch the life of business. In the committee room every man can be useful. The responsibilities of a vote bear equally upon all. Let the importance of no man be undervalued by himself or compeers because he was not born with a trumpet tongue. If his head is clear and his heart right he can do good and be useful.

Among those who rendered essential service in the cause of the American Revolution in a retiring and unassuming manner, was William Paca born at Wye Hall on the eastern shore of Maryland October 31st 1740. His father was an estimable man. He gave this son a good education and planted deeply in his mind the principles of virtue and moral rectitude. He graduated at the college in Philadelphia and in 1758 commenced the study of law at Annapolis in his native state. He applied himself closely to the investigation of that branch of science that unfolds the nature and duty of man in all the relations of life—shows what he is and what he should be under all circumstances—unveils his passions, his propensities and his inclinations—carries the mind back through the abysm of lights, shadows and darkness to pristine happiness and illuminates the understanding more than any other course of reading. Law is a compound of all the sciences in theory and practice. An honest lawyer who is actuated by principles of strict justice, pure ethics, equal rights and stern integrity—can do more to sustain social order and promote human happiness than a man pursuing either of the other professions. A lawyer is not complete until he understands at least the theory of all the practical sciences, professions, trades and the whole routine of business and the nature of man. The acquisition of elementary law is only the vestibule to a full preparation for practice.

Upon the firm basis of an honest lawyer Mr. Paca commenced a successful business and built an enduring fame. He was esteemed for his clearness of perception, purity of purpose, decision of character, prudence of action and substantial usefulness—all exhibiting a clear light but not a dazzling blaze. Upon a mind like his the oppression of the mother country made a gradual impression that was deepened by the graver of continued violations of right until it became so firmly fixed that all the powers of earth could not efface, deface, erase or expunge it. As constitutional privileges were more openly infringed his soul became more strongly resolved on liberty or death. He was on intimate terms with Mr. Chase who possessed all the powers to command whilst Mr. Paca was endowed with the indispensable requisites of a sale and skilful helmsman. With qualities thus differing these two patriots simultaneously commenced their voyage upon the boisterous ocean of public life destined for the same port—the haven of liberty.

Soon after he commenced practice at the bar Mr. Paca was elected to the Maryland legislature and became a very useful member. In 1771 he was one of the committee of three that prepared a letter of thanks to Charles Carroll for his able advocacy of the cause of freedom in a written controversy with the royal governor and his subordinates. In that letter the committee expressed a determination never to submit to taxation without representation or to the regulation of taxes by the executive authority—thus furnishing the crown with an index of the public mind in advance of the text. Mr. Paca was a member of the Congress of 1774 which was rendered illustrious by proceedings of propriety and wisdom emanating from minds like his. Upon such men we can always rely in times of peril. They view everything in the calm sunshine of reason and justice being never overwhelmed by sudden emotions or angry passions. Ever upon the terra firma of prudence ready for action they are prepared to render assistance to those whose loftier barks often run into the breakers and need a cable from on shore to haul them in.

Mr. Paca was continued in Congress until 1778 and rendered valuable service to his country. In 1775 he joined Mr. Chase in furnishing a new military corps with rifles to the amount of nearly a thousand dollars from their private funds. He devoted his time, talents and fortune to the cause of freedom. His examples had a powerful influence upon reflecting men. All had unlimited confidence in his opinions—always deliberately formed. When the Declaration of Independence was proposed his feelings and views were decidedly in its favor but his instructions were opposed to it. The Maryland members of Assembly considered the project wild—believing the power of the mother country would crush all opposition in embryo. Redress they fondly but vainly hoped for. The British authorities soon furnished arguments steeped in blood that removed all restrictions and left Mr. Paca and his colleagues to act freely. The first decided vote in favor of stringent measures was on the 28th of May 1776 at which time the Chaplain of the Maryland Assembly was directed not to pray for the King. As trifling as this may now appear it then had a favorable and potent influence upon the people. When the glorious day arrived to decide the fate of the Chart of Liberty Mr. Paca was at his post and enrolled his name with the apostles of freedom whose fame will continue to rise in peerless majesty until the last trump of time shall sound its closing notes and assemble the world of mankind in one grand army for the final inspection of the great Jehovah.

In 1778 Mr. Paca retired from Congress and was appointed Chief Judge of the Superior Court of Maryland. In 1780 his duties were increased by his appointment to preside over the Prize and Admiralty Court. He stood approved as an able statesman—he was an ornament to the judiciary. The acumen of his mind and legal acquirements made him a strong judge—his honesty and impartiality made a popular one. In 1782 he was elected governor and discharged the duties of the office with great usefulness. He was a devoted friend to religion and education and did much to render them prosperous. He inculcated principles of economy and morals and held a parental supervision over every department of state that came within the pale of his executory or advisory jurisdiction. His wise and judicious administration rendered malice powerless, paralyzed slander and left no loop for jealousy to hang upon.

At the end of his term he retired to private life which he enjoyed until 1786 when he was again called to direct the destinies of his native state. In 1789 President Washington appointed him Judge of the U. S. District Court of Maryland which office he ably filled up to 1799 when he was summoned to appear at the Bar of God to render an account of his stewardship. He cheerfully obeyed the summons, launched his immortal spirit on the ocean of eternity and disappeared from earth. He had lived the life of the righteous—his last end was like his.

Mr. Paca was a man of polished manners, plain and dignified in his deportment with an intelligent and benignant countenance. His course in life demonstrated clearly that moderation and mildness joined with discretion and firmness govern more potently than authoritative dictation. His memory is revered—let his examples be imitated.

ROBERT TREAT PAINE

Virtue affords the only sure foundation of a peaceful and happy government. When the wicked rule corruption accumulates. Not that rulers must be members of some visible church—but they should venerate religion and be men of pure morals and political honesty. Disease affects the body politic and produces dissolution with the same fearful certainty that it destroys the physical powers of man. If the head is disordered the whole heart is sick. If the political fountain becomes polluted its dark and murky waters will rapidly impregnate every branch of the body politic with their contagious miasma. The history of all time proves the truth of this proposition. The passing events of the present exciting era are fruitful with demonstrations of the baneful effects of intrigue, peculation, political fanaticism and disunion.

Without virtue our UNION will become a mere rope of sand—a spoil for knaves and the sport of kings. Self-government will be an unsolved enigma, rational liberty a paradox, a republic the scoff of monarchs. With Argus eyes the crowned heads of Europe are watching our career and embracing every opportunity to weaken our government. Each year of our prosperous existence endangers their power. The Elysian story of our liberty is enrapturing their subjects and preparing them for freedom. The tenure by which they hold their thrones is becoming weaker as time rolls onward. If we are true to ourselves, if virtue predominates—if patriotism, discretion and an enlightened honest policy guide our rulers—the American Republic will increase in beauty, strength and grandeur and become the nucleus of Liberty for the world. Freemen! look to this matter in time and nobly perform your whole duty. Obey the precepts and imitate the examples of the Sages and Heroes who wisely conceived and boldly achieved the Independence we now enjoy. They were virtuous, many of them devotedly pious—all of them politically honest.

Holding a conspicuous place among them was Robert Treat Paine, born at Boston, Mass. in 1731. He was blessed with truly pious parents. His father performed the duties of a clergyman until his health compelled him to leave the sacred desk. He then commenced the mercantile business. The mother of Robert was the daughter of the Rev. Robert Treat, an eminent divine of Eastham. From these religious parents he imbibed those virtuous principles that guided his course through life. Were there no other blessings flowing from Christianity than its salutary influence upon social order and harmony of society, mankind would be richly paid for obeying its precepts. This consideration alone should close the mouth of every infidel let the conclusions of his mind be what they may with reference to its origin and reality. No other system has ever been devised that confers as much happiness upon the greatest number.

At an early age Robert Treat was placed in the classical school of Mr. Lovell in Boston where his embryo talents expanded into a rich and luxuriant growth. At the age of fourteen he entered Harvard College. When he graduated his parents had become so reduced in circumstances as to need pecuniary aid. To provide ways and means he at once commenced teaching a public school—an occupation of more importance and dignity than is generally awarded to it. When Greece and Rome flourished—teaching took the front rank in professions. For a single course in rhetoric, one hundred Athenean scholars paid Isocrates fourteen thousand eight hundred dollars. It is not surprising that the highest order of talent was employed to advance literature in Greece. The same liberality would effect wonders in our country.

From the avails of his school Mr. Paine supported his parents and a maiden sister in poor health and at the same time pursued his professional studies. He commenced theology but subsequently read and entered upon a successful practice of law. For a time he continued at the Boston Bar but ultimately settled at Taunton where he acquired a substantial reputation as an active, sound and discreet lawyer. He enjoyed the confidence and esteem of his numerous acquaintances and became celebrated as an advocate. He was among the first to oppose the innovations of the crown and promulge liberal principles. He was a member of the Convention called by the citizens of Boston in 1768 to devise measures for the preservation of their sacred rights and which Governor Bernard vainly attempted to disperse before the members had completed their deliberations. At the instance of Samuel Adams he was employed to conduct the prosecution against Capt. Preston for ordering his men to fire upon the people of Boston on the 5th of March 1770. Upon that trial he exhibited great zeal and ability. During the accumulation of the revolutionary storm he was uniformly in the conventions and upon the important committees of the people. Many of the boldest resolutions that were adopted came from his pen.

In 1773 he was elected to the Assembly of his Province and was one of the members who conducted the impeachment of Peter Oliver, then Chief Justice, who was accused of acting under the dictation of the king instead of the Assembly. In the prosecution of that trial Mr. Paine manifested strong talent and great professional skill. In 1774 he was again returned to the Assembly and boldly warned the people against the dangers to be apprehended from the appointment of Gov. Gage to succeed Gov. Hutchinson. It was plain to his mind that the nefarious designs of the British ministry were to be enforced by the bayonet unless the people tamely submitted to slavery. An awful crisis was approaching. A larger committee than at any previous time convened at Boston, which proposed and urged the plan of a General Congress to be convened at Philadelphia. Gov. Gage sent an order for them to disperse but his orderly was refused admittance. Five delegates were appointed to meet the General Congress of whom Mr. Paine was one. This measure was originated in Massachusetts in 1765 and was strongly urged in a circular in 1768. The set time to favor Liberty had now come. The galling yoke had become painful—most of the colonies approved the plan. By the originators of this proposition a separation from England was not contemplated—a restoration of chartered rights was all that was asked and this in the most loyal and respectful language. With this object in view the Congress convened. When the delegates compared notes they were astonished at the wide spread system of abuses that was on the flood tide of advancement throughout the Colonies. Each had supposed his own constituents most oppressed. Indignation increased but wisdom and deliberation stamped every transaction with a manly dignity. The proceedings were calm as a summer morning but firm as the rock of ages. The delegates appealed to the king, to Parliament, to the British nation, to the American people—to a gazing world for the justice of their claims—the equity of their demands. But appeals were vain, cries useless, remonstrances unheeded. They were answered by legions of hireling troops in all the panoply of war with the shrill bugle grating harshly upon the ear. They saw the glittering steel of the foe dazzling in the sun beams. Open resistance or servile submission were the alternatives.

Mr. Paine was a member of the Provincial Congress convened in Concord, Mass. in October 1774. He superintended the preparation of a spirited address to the people of England which put many in the mother country right and did much to rouse the Colonists to a just indignation towards the overbearing ministry. In 1775 he was a member of the Continental Congress and was placed upon many important committees. He was chairman of the committee on the manufacture of arms and for furnishing the army. He was indefatigable in his labors in the glorious cause of Liberty. He often said—"I fear we shall become slaves because we are not industrious enough to be free." Mr. Paine was one of the committee to prepare a constitution for his native state and had the credit of framing that instrument. In 1776 he was a member of the Continental Congress. He was on the committee with Messrs. Jefferson and Rutledge who prepared the rules that governed the action of that body. He was one of the committee to inquire into the causes of the disasters of the campaign in Canada. When the glorious 4th of July 1776 dawned upon Columbia's sons like smiling Heaven and the Eagle of Liberty soared in peerless majesty over their blood-stained soil—Mr. Paine was at his post. With a buoyant heart and firm hand he wrote his name upon that matchless instrument which is the consolation of freemen—the consternation of tyrants.

He did much to rouse his friends to action by his letters written in the most happy style. In his native state he stood high in the temple of fame—in Congress he was esteemed by all its members. He was continued in that body for several years and when he could be spared served in the legislature of his State. In 1777 he was speaker of the House of Representatives. The same year he was appointed attorney-general by the unanimous vote of both branches of the legislature. He was a prominent member of the committee that formed the Act reducing the price of labor and goods to a standard of equality. In 1779 he was elected to the Executive Council. The numerous duties imposed upon him he discharged to the satisfaction of his constituents. He was continued in the office of attorney-general until 1790. He then declined in order to pursue some more lucrative business to provide for the increasing wants of a large and destitute family. He had expended all his earnings in the cause of freedom but a scanty support. He was then appointed a judge of the Superior Court. He continued on the bench until 1804 when ill health compelled him to resign. He discharged his judicial duties with justice and ability and did much to advance the interests of religion, social order and a sound state of society. On his resignation he was appointed a counsellor of the commonwealth and continued to impart his salutary advice and shed around him a benign influence until the king of terrors closed his useful career on the 11th of May 1814. Calm and resigned he slept in death. He entered Jordan's flood with a full assurance of being hailed with the joyful sentence—"Well done good and faithful servant, enter thou into the joys of thy Lord." If the bright examples here presented fail to benefit the reader his virtue and patriotism are paralyzed.

In the life of Judge Paine we have a picture which the Christian, patriot, jurist and statesmen may contemplate with delightful pleasure. Because he administered the laws strictly some called him harsh but no one dared accuse him of injustice. His integrity was beyond the reach of slander and the assaults of malice. From his solicitude to direct a wayward son in the paths of rectitude he was reported unkind to his family. The tale was as false as the heart was base that originated it. He was all kindness and affection. His anxiety for the welfare and usefulness of this very son is proof of the deepest paternal regard. He was a friend to common school education and the sciences. He was the founder of the American Academy of Massachusetts in 1780. The degree of LL.D. was conferred upon him by the Cambridge University.

Mr. Paine was a striking example of the happy results of perseverance and industry. He became greatly useful and acquired his fame without the aid of patrons in early life—rising by his own exertions and supplying the wants of his destitute and aged parents to the day of their death. His career in public and private life was marked with the purest integrity, the loftiest patriotism, the strictest morality, the most refined consistency and the most exemplary piety. His life was a continued round of usefulness—his labors a blessing to mankind—his death a loss that was keenly felt by his personal friends and the nation at large. A review of his bright examples affords the highest eulogy that can be pronounced upon his character. They will be held in veneration to the remotest period of truth-telling time by all who revere virtue and love Liberty.

JOHN PENN.

A federal republican government is an unlimited partnership of the noblest character. Based upon an equality of original representative stock, an equality of interest in the welfare of the firm devolves upon each individual of the compact. Unlike monopolizing corporations that often make the poor poorer and the rich richer—each stockholder has a right to speak, vote and act upon all questions in primary meetings irrespective of the number of shares held. The specie of the firm consists in equality of representation, natural rights, protection in person, properly and freedom. These precious coins cannot be diminished in quantity or reduced in quality by alloy without courting danger. To aid in preserving them pure is the duty of all and should not be entrusted to the aspiring few. Separately and collectively each and the whole are solemnly bound to pursue all honourable means to advance the general good. Each one is bound to bring every talent into use—to leave none in the dark quarry of ignorance, the quagmire of negligence or to rust by inertness. The unfaithful steward that had but one talent was condemned because he did not put it to use. Who can tell what his talents are until he brings them to the light? Rich ores often lie deep. Many men have passed their majority without rising to mediocrity in point of developed intellect and have then suddenly risen, like a blazing meteor and illuminated the world. By several of the signers of the Declaration of Independence this was beautifully demonstrated.

Among these was John Penn, born in Caroline county, Virginia, the 17th of May 1741. He was the only child of Moses Penn who married Catharine, the daughter of John Taylor. The education of the son was confined to the commonest of common schools—the only kind then in his neighbourhood. A little learning has been called a dangerous thing but the amount taught in some common schools at the present era of light is too small to be dangerous—too limited to do much good. The most important branch of the education of that era his parents attended to themselves. By example and precept they taught him the principles of religion, social virtue and moral honesty. Upon a farm young Penn labored with his sire who had but few books and did not desire more. When John was but eighteen years of age his father died and left him a small fortune. He had an increasing thirst for knowledge but no library fountain at which he could drink and drink again until he should have within himself a living stream of mental light. He communicated his ardent desire to improve his education to his neighbor and relative, Edmund Pendleton who was a profound lawyer and an able statesman. Convinced that young Penn possessed strong native talent he made him welcome to his valuable library and became deeply interested in his improvement. After exploring the fields of general science this young philomath commenced the study of law with his relative and brought out mental ores from his long neglected intellectual quarry of a rare and rich variety. Mr. Pendleton was delighted with his pupil and the pupil delighted in pleasing him.

Mr. Penn surmounted the barriers that lay before him with an astonishing rapidity. Before some of his friends supposed he had mastered the elementary principles of Blackstone he presented himself at the court for examination—was admitted to the Bar and at once exhibited the bright plumage of a successful lawyer. But three years previous his now soaring talents were buried deep in their native quarry—unknown and unsuspected—a strong admonition to every reader under similar circumstances to examine closely the quarry of his own immortal mind. The professional eminence of Mr. Penn rose as rapidly as his appearance in the forum was surprising. He gained the confidence of the community, the respect of the courts and the esteem of his senior brethren. In 1763 he doubled his original stock in the firm of the social compact by leading to the hymenial altar the amiable and accomplished Susannah Lyme—thus avoiding the hyemal frost that creeps chillingly over lonely bachelors.

In 1774 Mr. Penn removed to North Carolina. Carrying with him a high legal reputation he soon obtained a lucrative practice. He had participated largely in the patriotic feelings that were spreading over the Colonies like an autumn fire on a prairie. He had fully imbibed the principles of his venerable preceptor who was one of the boldest of the bold Virginians in the vindication of chartered rights and was a member of the general Congress of 1774. The liberal views and splendid talents of Mr. Penn were soon appreciated by his new acquaintances. On the 8th of September 1775 he was appointed to the Continental Congress and repaired to the post of duty and honor the ensuing month. He became an active and prominent member of that venerated assembly of sages whose wisdom, sagacity and intelligence emblazoned the historic page with a new and more brilliant lustre. He served on numerous committees and acquitted himself with great credit in the discharge of every duty that devolved upon him. In the committee room, in the House, among the people—in every situation in which he moved he made the cause of liberty his primary business. So highly were his services appreciated by his constituents that they continued him in Congress until the accumulating dangers that were threatening his own state induced him to decline a re-election in 1779. He was an early and warm supporter of the Declaration of Independence. When the joyful day arrived to take the final question he most cheerfully and boldly sustained it by his vote and signature—enrolling his name with the brightest constellation of illustrious statesmen that ever illuminated a legislative chamber.

South Carolina had been devastated by Lord Cornwallis who was preparing to carry destruction to North Carolina. Emissaries from the British were already within its precincts to prepare the way for the triumphant entry of the cruel foe. Already had the friends of royal power received instructions to seize the most prominent whigs and the military stores with an assurance of immediate support. The cruelties that had been practised in South Carolina carried terror to all but hearts of oak. The sacrifice of Col. Hayne at Charleston in that state, will give the reader a faint idea of the spirit of demoniac revenge that characterized some of the refined and christianized British officers.

When that city fell into his hands, Lord Cornwallis issued a proclamation promising all who would desist from opposing the authority of the king the most sacred protection of person and property on condition that each should sign an instrument of neutrality which obligated the signers not to take up arms against the mother country and exonerated them from serving against their own. Being a prisoner and separated from his wife and six small children then residing in the country—his lady confined with the small pox—Col. Hayne finally signed the fatal instrument with great reluctance upon the solemn assurance of the highly civilized and professedly christianized English officers and James Simpson—intendant of British police, that he should never be required to bear arms in support of the crown. Like Bishop Cranmer, Col. Hayne subscribed to that which his soul detested that he might fly to the relief of his suffering family. As in the case of Bishop Cranmer his enemies pursued him with a relentless persecution that nothing but death could allay—a persecution that would have made the untutored Indian shudder at broken faith and weep tears of blood over violated vows. It was a total disregard of law, justice and humanity.

Soon after his return to his dying wife and little ones the British called at his house and ordered him into the army of the mother country and threatened him with close confinement if he refused. In vain he referred them to the conditions upon which he so reluctantly signed the article of neutrality. In vain he claimed protection under the provincial militia law that imposed a fine when a citizen chose not to render personal service. To his relentless oppressors all was a dead letter. He pointed them to the wife of his bosom—the mother of his children—sinking under the small pox and rapidly approaching another world. Their sympathy was sealed—their compassion frozen up. In a few short hours Mrs. Hayne closed her eyes in death. She rested in peace. A different fate was in reserve for the afflicted husband. The order to enter the British army must be obeyed or immediate imprisonment would follow. By the violation of the pledges made to him on their part he correctly considered himself absolved from all obligations to the officers of the crown. He at once entered the American army, preferring death to the ranks of the invaders. A brilliant but short career in the service of his country awaited him. He was soon made a prisoner and sent to Charleston where Lord Rawdon, a general of his most Christian majesty, loaded him with irons—submitted him to a mock trial—ex parte in its proceedings and conclusions—based on revenge and cruelty, resolved on the speedy and ignominious death of his victim. Col. Hayne was sentenced to be hung. Amazement and dismay, indignation and surprise were strongly manifested by all classes. A large proportion of the friends of the crown deemed the transaction a species of murder. A petition—headed by the royal governor and numerously signed by persons of high standing who still adhered to the mother country was presented to Lord Rawdon in behalf of the unfortunate prisoner but all in vain.

"Still revenge sat brooding on his dark and sullen brow And the grim fiends of hell urged his soul on to murder."

The ladies of Charleston—wives and daughters of royalists and whigs, then united in a petition couched in the most moving language—praying that the life of Col. Hayne might be spared. This met with a cold reception and peremptory refusal. As a last effort to rescue their father from the gallows—his infant children, dressed in deep mourning and bathed in tears, were led before Lord Rawdon. Upon their knees, with their suffused eyes fixed upon him, they addressed the monster in a strain of heart-moving eloquence that none but infant innocents can express—none but fiends resist. "Our mother is dead—spare! O! spare our dear father!!!

"But still he stood unmoved, Hard as the adamantine rock, Dark as a sullen cloud before the sun."

So melting was this scene that veteran soldiers wept aloud and all were astounded at the demoniac course of the blood thirsty and relentless Rawdon. A request was then made that Col. Hayne might be permitted to die as a military officer and not hung as a felon. This was also denied. As a devout Christian the martyr resigned himself to his cruel fate and prepared his mind for the approaching crisis. His little son was permitted to visit him in prison. When he saw his father loaded with irons he burst into tears. The parent remarked to him, "Why will you break my heart with unavailing sorrow? Have I not often told you that we came into this world to prepare for a better? For that better life, dear boy, your father is prepared. Instead of weeping, rejoice with me that my troubles are so near an end. To-morrow I set out for immortality. When I am dead bury me by the side of your mother." No imagination can fully conceive—no fancy can truly paint—no pen clearly portray, no language can half express the heart rending reality of that last sad interview between the father and his son. When upon the fatal drop with the accursed halter around his neck—Col. Hayne shook hands with his friends—bade them an affectionate farewell—urged them to persevere in the glorious cause of freedom—recommended his children to the protection of three gentlemen present and the next moment was struggling in death. The sight was too much for his son—his brain became disordered—his reason fled—he died insane. With his expiring breath he faintly whispered—"My mother is dead!—Spare! O! spare my dear father!!!"

Fortunately for North Carolina the efficient and sagacious Greene with his brave officers and half clad soldiers checked the triumphant and murderous career of the British army. The operations of this brave General were greatly accelerated by Mr. Penn. In 1780, when Lord Cornwallis penetrated the western part of the state to Charlottetown, the crisis became alarming and this bold patriot was placed at the helm of public affairs with almost unlimited power. He was authorized to seize supplies by force and do all things that he deemed necessary to repel the invading foe. He proved equal to the emergency. He knew his duty and performed it with such discretion and prudence that no complaints of injustice were heard. The state was saved from a merciless enemy—Tarleton was humbled—Ferguson killed and Cornwallis put on his back track at double quick time.

After discharging the duties imposed by his own state Mr. Penn retired to private life and the pursuit of his profession. In 1784 he was appointed Receiver of Taxes for North Carolina—a high encomium upon his reputation for integrity. Fatigued with public service he resigned this office in a few months. He then bid a final farewell to the perplexing duties of political life and took his exit from the public arena decked with a civic wreath of unfading honor. He again entered into the soul-cheering enjoyments of domestic felicity which were soon exchanged for those of another and brighter world. In September 1788 he was gathered to his fathers and laid in the silent tomb there to await the resurrection of the great day. He was cut down just as he began to enjoy the fruits of his labors—in the prime of life and left a vacuum in society not readily filled. His grave was moistened with tears—a nation mourned his loss.

In all the relations of private life and public action Mr. Penn was a model of rare perfection. As a counsellor and advocate he stood on a commanding eminence. His forensic eloquence was strongly pathetic. The court and jury were often suffused with tears when listening to his appeals. As a patriot and statesman he stood approved by his country. His disposition was mild and benevolent—his purposes pure and firm. He was a good and honest man. Let the young men who are just stepping on the stage of action imitate John Penn in his successful efforts to be useful. Banish the doctrine that power shall be monopolized by a few. This principle should never gain credence in a republican government where every individual is equally interested in the cardinal points of freedom—personal liberty equally secured—personal rights equally enjoyed. So long as these points are fully exemplified our UNION is safe.

JOSIAH QUINCY.

The magic power of the press cannot be too highly appreciated nor its abuses too deeply deprecated. The newspapers of the day have become the controlling power of public opinion. No course of reading so fully presents the present aspect of society. Were all our editors governed by lofty patriotism, sound logic, strict justice, enlarged philanthropy, universal charity, moral courage, sterling integrity and undeviating courtesy—a harmonious tone would be given to community that would usher in the day-spring of transporting harmony. But few of the editorial corps seem to feel the high responsibility resting upon them. Too many are the automatons of political parties and issue sheets not calculated to improve the mind, correct the head or better the heart. The politics of the present day have become disgusting to genuine patriots who deem the good of their country paramount to party triumph. Demagogues discard the old landmarks of '76. Many of our laws are based upon party principles without reference to the good of our country—a very sandy foundation. Let editors banish all party control and venality from the press and send forth rays of living light that will purify our political and moral atmosphere—then our government will be healthful, vigorous and strong.

The silken cords of our Union have been strained to their utmost tension several times. We have an accumulating mass of combustible materials in our midst. Our bond of Union has been put at issue by the meddlesome and sensitive—the fanaticism of the one part and the boiling passions of the other are encouraged by demagogues—the virtue of the people can alone preserve it. A little more steam upon the locomotive of disunion—a little more fuel from the north and fire from the south may burst the boiler and destroy the beautiful engine of our Liberty. More than any other class—editors can insure the perpetuity of our UNION. Let conductors of the public press soar above all selfish and demagogue influences and become shining examples of purity in the broadest sense of the term. Then our tree of Liberty will continue to rise in majesty sublime and as it towers upward will send forth flashes of light upon the oppressed millions of the old world who will yet rise in all the might of their native dignity—demolish the thrones of monarchs—sing the requiem of tyrants and strike for freedom—the crowning glory of man.

All the patriots of the American Revolution whose opinions we know, deprecated the venality of the press. Among the pioneer sages was Josiah Quincy who was born in Boston, Mass. in 1745. In childhood he manifested unusual talents which were highly cultivated in Harvard College where he graduated with high honors. He then read law and became an ornament to the Boston bar. His eloquence was of that commanding kind that at once rivets the attention of an audience. His logic was forcible, his demonstrations clear, his arguments convincing, his conclusions happy, his action captivating. A bright career was apparently before him which gave promise of extensive usefulness to his country and honor to himself.

He was among the first to espouse the cause of the oppressed Colonies. He was one of the boldest champions of the people. He had their confidence, esteem and admiration. Although surrounded and threatened by the myrmidons of the crown he fearlessly and publicly opposed the unrighteous pretensions of the British ministry. He lucidly pointed out the various innovations upon chartered rights that had become sacred by long enjoyment and repeatedly sanctioned by declaratory Acts of Parliament. Had the colonists tamely surrendered them they would have been unworthy of the rights of freemen. Thank God—they did not surrender them. Anxious to maintain them peaceably, they sent Mr. Quincy to England in 1774 for the purpose of reconciling, existing difficulties. Among the people he found many who deprecated the course of ministers—a respectable minority of the eminent British statesmen considered the advisers of the king visionary in their plans—unreasonable in their demands. Finding that mother Britain was madly bent on ruin Mr. Quincy left for his native land. He reached Cape Ann Harbor on the 25th of April 1775 and died the same day deeply mourned by a nation just bursting into life.

His course was brilliant but transient. Like some rich flowers that bloom at distant periods only for a short time—so bloomed this distinguished patriot—then disappeared for ever from the human gaze. He bloomed long enough to richly perfume the atmosphere of patriotism around him and rouse those to action who inhaled the rich perfumes of Liberty emitted from his noble soul. With such men as Josiah Quincy our Press would be pure—our UNION safe.

GEORGE READ.

When an individual is presented with both horns of the dilemma—Liberty or slavery—the one to be obtained with blood—the other a tame submission to chains—if he is worthy the name of man—his mental and physical powers are at once roused to action. He does not stop to explore the avenues of obtuse metaphysics, speculative dogmas or fastidious etiquette. He flies to first principles and strains his reason and genius to their utmost tension to aid him. He puts forth his mightiest efforts—boldest exertions—strongest energies to extricate himself from surrounding difficulties—impending dangers. He performs astonishing feats rather than become a serf and surmounts the cloud-capped summit of an Alpine barrier that he would have never reached under ordinary circumstances.

The same proposition may be extended to a nation. The history of the American Revolution demonstrates it most clearly. The colonists were placed upon the piercing horns of an awful dilemma—apparently doomed to slavery or death. By their unparalleled efforts, crowned with the blessing of God, they were ultimately delivered from their perilous situation and survived the gores and bruises received in the unequal conflict. This was effected by men of strong intellect, clear heads, good hearts and sound judgments—men of strong moral courage who could reason, plan, execute. The flowers of literature were not then culled to form a bouquet for legislative halls. Plain common sense, sterling worth, useful knowledge, practical theorems, honesty of purpose, energy of action—all based upon pure patriotism and love of Liberty were the grand requisites to ensure popular favor.

All those were concentrated in George Read who was the son of John Read a wealthy and respectable planter who came from Dublin, Ireland and located in Cecil County, Maryland, where George was born in 1734. The father subsequently removed to Newcastle County, Delaware and placed this son in a school at Chester, Pennsylvania, where he received his primary tuition. From there he was transferred to the seminary of Rev. Dr. Allison who was eminently qualified to mould the mind for usefulness by imparting correct and liberal principles, practical knowledge and general intelligence fit for every day use—combining the whole with refined classics and polite literature. Under this accomplished teacher Mr. Read completed his education and at the age of seventeen commenced the study of law under John Moland a distinguished member of the Philadelphia bar. So astonishing was his proficiency that he was admitted to the practice of his profession at the age of nineteen with a better knowledge of the elements of law than some practitioners obtain through life. He was also well prepared to enter upon the practice of his profession, having had the entire charge of Mr. Moland's business for several months. He was one of those rare geniuses that seemed endowed with intuition.

He commenced a successful practice at Newcastle in 1754 and at once grappled with old and experienced counsellors. His thorough knowledge of the primary principles of law, his acuteness in pleading, his urbanity of manners, his noble and courteous bearing in court, gained for him the esteem and confidence of the judges, his senior brethren and of the community. As a natural consequence his practice soon became lucrative. His forte did not consist in a flowery show but in a deep-toned and grave forensic eloquence that informs the understanding and carries conviction to the mind. He rarely appealed to the passions of court or jury—preferring to stand upon the legitimate basis of the law clearly expounded—the testimony honestly stated.

On the 13th of April 1763 he was appointed Attorney General for the three lower counties of Delaware and held the office until called to the duties of legislation. The same year he led to the hymeneal altar an amiable, pious and accomplished daughter of the Rev. George Ross of Newcastle—thus adding largely to the stake he held in the welfare of his country—enhancing his earthly joys and giving him an influence and rank in society unknown to lonely bachelors. She fully supplied the vacuum abhorred by nature and proved a consolation to him amidst the toils, perils, pains and pleasures of subsequent life.

Mr. Read was a republican to the core. From the commencement to the close of the Revolution he was a bold and unyielding advocate of equal rights and liberal principles. When the questions in dispute assumed the form of serious discussion between the two countries he at once resigned the office of Attorney General held under the crown. In 1765 he was elected a member of the Delaware Assembly and was instrumental in laying deep the foundations of the superstructure of Liberty. He was prudent, calm and discreet in all his actions—but firm, bold and resolute. He was a member of the committee of the Delaware Assembly that so ably addressed the king upon the subject of grievances and redress. He was in favor of exhausting the magazine of petition and remonstrance—if to no purpose then to replenish with powder and ball. He did not nor did any of the Signers of the Declaration originally contemplate a dissolution of the ties that bound the Colonies to the mother country. They could not believe until "the death" forced the truth upon them—that ministers would commit political suicide. This done, as Americans are proverbial for humanity and decency the compound felo de se was interred with a calm dignified solemnity.

Mr. Read and his coadjutors understood the rights secured by Magna Charta and the Constitution of England and knew that those rights were trampled upon by the hirelings of the crown. To vindicate them was his firm resolve. He knew and weighed well the superior physical powers of the oppressors but he believed the majesty of eternal justice and the kind aid of Heaven would be vouchsafed to sustain the patriots in their struggle to sustain their inalienable rights. He believed the project of taxation without representation to pamper royal corruption to be so heinous that the scheme would be crushed by the blighting curse of an offended Deity. Nor did he err in his reasonable conclusions. That curse came with the force of a sweeping avalanche—British power was annihilated in America.

On the 17th of August 1769 he published an appeal to his constituents, calling upon them to resist the encroachments of tyranny. Its language was bold and forcible, portraying in colors deep and strong their rights and wrongs, pointing out the path of duty so plain that a tory need not have erred therein. This talismanic production sealed the fate of British power in patriotic Delaware—small in size but a giant in action. The hirelings of the crown saw the writing upon many walls and were suddenly attacked with a Belshazzar tremor and found no balance in America to restore an equilibrium.

Mr. Read sanctioned the various non-importation resolutions passed by his own and other Colonies. This was the first measure adopted to negative the designs of ministers by refraining from the use of all taxable articles whether of luxuries or daily consumption. Had the colonists not presented so bold a front at the onset the non-importation resolutions would have probably been paralyzed by an Act of Parliament compelling them to use the taxable articles in quantities so large that the accruing revenue would have enabled the cabinet to revel in profligacy.

He was chairman of the committee of twelve appointed by the people of Newcastle on the 29th of June 1774 to obtain subscriptions for the Boston sufferers, then writhing under the lash of the infamous Port Bill passed by Parliament for the purpose of chastising the refractory "rebels" of that patriotic city. In February following he had the exquisite pleasure of remitting nine hundred dollars to them. The receipt was eloquently acknowledged by Samuel Adams who was one of his faithful correspondents.