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The Preaching of Islam

Chapter VIII · THE SPREAD OF ISLAM AMONG THE MONGOLS AND TATARS.

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There is no event in the history of Islam that for terror and desolation can be compared to the Mongol conquest. Like an avalanche, the hosts of Chingīz K͟hān swept over the centres of Muslim culture and civilisation, leaving behind them bare deserts and shapeless ruins where before had stood the palaces of stately cities, girt about with gardens and fruitful corn-land. When the Mongol army had marched out of the city of Herāt, a miserable remnant of forty persons crept out of their hiding-places and gazed horror-stricken on the ruins of their beautiful city—all that were left out of a population of over 100,000. In Buk͟hārā, so famed for its men of piety and learning, the Mongols stabled their horses in the sacred precincts of the mosques and tore up the Qurʼāns to serve as litter; those of the inhabitants who were not butchered were carried away into captivity and their city reduced to ashes. Such too was the fate of Samarqand, Balk͟h and many another city of Central Asia, which had been the glories of Islamic civilisation and the dwelling-places of holy men and the seats of sound learning—such too the fate of Bag͟hdād that for centuries had been the capital of the ʻAbbāsid dynasty.

Before entering on a recital of this struggle, it will be well in order to the comprehension of what is to follow briefly to glance at the partition of the Mongol empire after the death of Chingīz K͟hān, when it was split up into four sections and divided among his sons. His third son, Ogotāy, succeeded his father as K͟hāqān and received as his share the eastern portion of the empire, in which Qūbīlāy afterwards included the whole of China. Chag͟hatāy the second son took the middle kingdom. Bātū, the son of his first-born Jūjī, ruled the western portion as K͟hān of the Golden Horde; Tulūy the fourth son took Persia, to which Hūlāgū, who founded the dynasty of the Īlk͟hāns, added a great part of Asia Minor.

To the student of the history of the Mongols it is a relief to pass from the recital of nameless horrors and continual bloodshed to a document emanating from a Mongol prince and giving expression to such humane and benevolent sentiments, which sound strange indeed coming from such lips.

Thus Christianity became the national religion of the Russian people, and after the Mongol conquest, the distinctive national characteristics of Russians and Tatars that have kept the two races apart to the present day, the bitter hatred of the Tatar yoke, the devotion of the Russians to their own faith and the want of religious zeal on the part of the Tatars, kept the conquered race from adopting the religion of the conqueror. Especially has the prohibition of spirituous liquors by the laws of Islam been supposed to have stood in the way of the adoption of this religion by the Russian people.

This is probably the only instance of a Christian government co-operating in the promulgation of Islam, and is the more remarkable inasmuch as the Russian government of this period was attempting to force Christianity on its Muslim subjects in Europe, in continuation of the efforts made in the sixteenth century soon after the conquest of the Khanate of Kazan.

After the conquest of Kazan by the Russians in the sixteenth century, the occupation of the former Tatar Khanate was followed up by an official Christian missionary movement, and a number of the heathen population of the Khanate were baptised, the labours of the clergy being actively seconded by the police and the civil authorities, but as the Russian priests did not understand the language of their converts and soon neglected them, it had to be admitted that the new converts “shamelessly retain many horrid Tartar customs, and neither hold nor know the Christian faith.” When spiritual exhortations failed, the government ordered its officials to “pacify, imprison, put in irons, and thereby unteach and frighten from the Tartar faith those who, though baptised, do not obey the admonitions of the Metropolitan.”

In the eighteenth century the Russian government made fresh efforts to convert the heathen tribes and the relapsed Tatars, and held out many inducements to them to become baptised. Catherine II in 1778 ordered that all the new converts should sign a written promise to the effect that “they would completely forsake their infidel errors, and, avoiding all intercourse with unbelievers, would hold firmly and unwaveringly the Christian faith and its dogmas.” But in spite of all, these so-called “baptised Tartars” were Christians only in name, and soon began to try to escape from the propagandist efforts of the Orthodox Church and abandoned Christianity for Islam, their so-called conversion merely serving as a stepping-stone to their entrance into the faith of the Prophet.

Notes in this chapter

Note 1 · Qurʼān, xix. 23. ↑Note 2 · Ibn al-At͟hīr, vol. xii. pp. 233–4. ↑Note 3 · William of Rubruck, pp. 182, 191. C. d’Ohsson, tome ii. p. 488. ↑Note 4 · De Guignes, tome iii. pp. 200, 203. ↑Note 5 · Id. vol. iii. p. 115. ↑Note 6 · Id. p. 125. Cahun, p. 391. ↑Note 7 · Klaproth, p. 204. ↑Note 8 · C. d’Ohsson, tome ii. pp. 226–7. Cahun, p. 408 sq. ↑Note 9 · Of this writer Yule says, “He gives an unfavourable account of the literature and morals of their clergy, which deserves more weight than suNote 10 · William of Rubruck, pp. 158–9. ↑Note 11 · Maqrīzī (2), tome i. 1re partie, pp. 98, 106. ↑Note 12 · The Chosen One—Muḥammad. ↑Note 13 · Jūzjānī, pp. 448–50. Raverty, pp. 1288–90. ↑Note 14 · So notoriously brutal was the treatment they received that even the Chinese showmen in their exhibitions of shadow figures exultingly broughNote 15 · Raverty, p. 1146. Howorth, vol. i. pp. 112, 273. This edict was only withdrawn when it was found that it prevented Muhammadan merchants fromNote 16 · Howorth, vol. i. p. 165. ↑Note 17 · Jūzjānī, pp. 404–5. Raverty, p. 1160 sqq. ↑Note 18 · De Guignes, vol. iii. p. 265. ↑Note 19 · In the thirteenth century, three-fourths of the Mongol hosts were Turks. (Cahun, p. 279.) ↑Note 20 · C. d’Ohsson, vol. iii. p. 121. ↑Note 21 · Rashīd al-Dīn, pp. 600–2. ↑Note 22 · Blochet, pp. 74–7. ↑Note 23 · It is of interest to note that Najm al-Dīn Muk͟htār al-Zāhidī in 1260 compiled for Baraka K͟hān a treatise which gave the proofs of the diviNote 24 · Abu’l-G͟hāzī, tome ii. p. 181. ↑Note 25 · Jūzjānī, p. 447. Raverty, pp. 1283–4. ↑Note 26 · Jūzjānī, p. 447. Raverty, pp. 1285–6. ↑Note 27 · Maqrīzī (2), tome i. pp. 180–1, 187. ↑Note 28 · Maqrīzī (2), tome i. p. 215. ↑Note 29 · Id. p. 222. ↑Note 30 · Waṣṣāf calls him Nikūdār before, and Aḥmad after, his conversion. ↑Note 31 · Hayton. (Ramusio, tome ii. p. 60, c.) ↑Note 32 · Qurʼān, vi. 125. ↑Note 33 · Waṣṣāf, pp. 231–4. ↑Note 34 · De Guignes, vol. iii. pp. 263–5. ↑Note 35 · C. d’Ohsson, tome iv. pp. 141–2. ↑Note 36 · Id. ib. p. 148. ↑Note 37 · Id. ib. p. 365. ↑Note 38 · Id. ib. pp. 148, 354. Cahun, p. 434. ↑Note 39 · C. d’Ohsson, tome iv. pp. 128, 132. ↑Note 40 · Hammer-Purgstall: Geschichte der Ilchanen, vol. ii. p. 182. It is not improbable that the captive Muslim women took a considerable part in tNote 41 · Ibn Baṭūṭah, vol. ii. p. 57. ↑Note 42 · Jūzjānī, pp. 381, 397. Raverty, pp. 1110, 1145–6. ↑Note 43 · Rashīd al-Dīn, pp. 173–4, 188. ↑Note 44 · Abu’l-G͟hāzī, tome ii. p. 159. ↑Note 45 · Ibn Baṭūṭah, tome iii. p. 47. ↑Note 46 · Abu’l-G͟hāzī, tome ii. pp. 166–8. Muḥammad Ḥaydar, pp. 13–15. ↑Note 47 · When the power of the Chag͟hatāy K͟hāns declined, a portion of the eastern division of their realm became practically independent under the Note 48 · Muḥammad Ḥaydar, pp. 57–8. ↑Note 49 · In the reign of ʻAbd al-Karīm, who was K͟hān of Kāshgar from A.H. 983 to 1003 (A.D. 1575–1594). ↑Note 50 · Martin Hartmann: Der Islamische Orient, vol. i. p. 203. (Berlin, 1899.) ↑Note 51 · Id. p. 202. ↑Note 52 · Assemani, tome iii. pars. ii. p. cxvi. ↑Note 53 · Ibn Baṭūṭah, vol. iii. p. 40. ↑Note 54 · Rashīd al-Dīn, p. 600, l. 1. ↑Note 55 · Cahun, p. 410. ↑Note 56 · Howorth, vol ii. p. 1015. ↑Note 57 · Abū’l-G͟hāzī, tome ii. p. 184. ↑Note 58 · De Guignes, vol. iii. p. 351. ↑Note 59 · Karamsin, vol. iv. pp. 391–4. ↑Note 60 · Hammer-Purgstall: Geschichte der Goldenen Horde in Kiptschak, p. 290. ↑Note 61 · De Baschkiris quae memoriae prodita sunt ab Ibn-Foszlano et Jakuto, interprete C. N. Fraehnio. (Mémoires de l’Académie Impériale des ScienceNote 62 · Abū ʻUbayd al-Bakrī, pp. 470–1. ↑Note 63 · Karamsin, tome i. pp. 259–71. ↑Note 64 · Bobrovnikoff, p. 13. ↑Note 65 · Reclus, tome v. p. 831. R. du M. M., tome iii. pp. 76, 78. ↑Note 66 · Relation des Tartares, par Jean de Luca, p. 17. (Thevenot, tome i.) ↑Note 67 · Islam and Missions, p. 257. ↑Note 68 · Gasztowtt, pp. 321–3. R. du M. M., xi. (1910), pp. 287 sqq. ↑Note 69 · The Russian Policy regarding Central Asia. An historical sketch. By Prof. V. Grigorief. (Eugene Schuyler: Turkistan, vol. ii. pp. 405–6. 5thNote 70 · Islam and Missions, pp. 251–2, 255. ↑Note 71 · D. Mackenzie Wallace: Russia, vol. i. pp. 242–4. (London, 1877, 4th ed.) R. du M. M., vol. ix. (1909), p. 249. Bobrovnikoff, p. 5 sqq. ↑Note 72 · W. Hepworth Dixon: Free Russia, vol. ii. p. 284. (London, 1870.) ↑Note 73 · E.g. “En 1883, des paysans Tatars du village d’Apozof étaient poursuivis, devant le tribunal de Kazan, pour avoir abandonné l’orthodoxie. LeNote 74 · D. Mackenzie Wallace: Russia, vol. i. p. 245. ↑Note 75 · Palmieri, pp. 85–6. R. du M. M., i. (1907), pp. 162 sq. ↑Note 76 · R. du M. M., ix. (1909), p. 294. ↑Note 77 · Id. x. (1910), p. 413. Id. i. (1907), p. 273. ↑Note 78 · Id. ix. p. 252. ↑Note 79 · Id. p. 249. ↑Note 80 · Bobrovnikoff, p. 12. ↑Note 81 · Reclus, tome v. pp. 746, 748. ↑Note 82 · Eruslanov, pp. 3, 6. ↑Note 83 · Id. pp. 7–8. ↑Note 84 · Id. pp. 5–6. ↑Note 85 · Eruslanov, pp. 9, 13. ↑Note 86 · Id. pp. 17, 20, 36. ↑Note 87 · Id. pp. 38–9. ↑Note 88 · Bobrovnikoff, p. 22. ↑Note 89 · Id. pp. 21–2, 31. ↑Note 90 · Id. p. 13. Islam and Missions, p. 257. ↑Note 91 · G. F. Müller: Sammlung Russischer Geschichte, vol. vii. p. 191. ↑Note 92 · Id. vol. vii. pp. 183–4. ↑Note 93 · Radloff, vol. i. p. 147. ↑Note 94 · Jadrinzew, p. 138. Radloff, vol. i. p. 241. ↑Note 95 · Radloff, vol. i. pp. 472, 497. ↑Note 96 · Well might the Muhammadan historian shudder to relate such horrors; when Ibn al-At͟hīr comes to describe the inroads of the Mongols into theNote 97 · The primitive religion of the Mongols was Shamanism, which while recognising a supreme God, offered no prayers to Him, but worshipped a numbNote 98 · Although Buddhism made itself finally supreme in the eastern part of the empire, at first the influence of the Christian Church was by no meNote 99 · As for the Nestorians, who had been first in the field, they appear to have been too degraded and apathetic to take much advantage of their Note 100 · In the western parts of the Mongol empire, where the Christians looked to the newly-risen power to help them in their wars with the MusalmanNote 101 · In the course of the struggle, the adherents of either faith were at times guilty of much brutality. One example may be taken from the middlNote 102 · For Islam to enter into competition with such powerful rivals as Buddhism and Christianity were at the outset of the period of Mongol rule, Note 103 · A contemporary historian, al-Jūzjānī, gives the following account of the kind of treatment to which a Muhammadan theologian might be exposedNote 104 · Arghūn (1284–1291) the fourth Īlk͟hān persecuted the Musalmans and took away from them all posts in the departments of justice and finance, Note 105 · In spite of all difficulties, however, the Mongols and the savage tribes that followed in their wake19 were at length brought to submit to tNote 106 · The author of the Muntak͟hab al-Tawārīk͟h asserts that Ānanda built four mosques in K͟hānbāligh (the modern Peking), which provided accommodNote 107 · The first Mongol ruling prince who professed Islam was Baraka K͟hān, who was chief of the Golden Horde from 1256 to 1267.23 According to AbuNote 108 · In Persia, where Hūlāgū founded the dynasty of the Īlk͟hāns, the progress of Islam among the Mongols was much slower. In order to strengthenNote 109 · This conversion of their chief and the persecutions that he inflicted on the Christians gave great offence to the Mongols, who, although notNote 110 · The successors of Takūdār were all heathen, until, in 1295, G͟hāzān, the seventh and greatest of the Īlk͟hāns, became a Musalman and made IsNote 111 · G͟hāzān himself before his conversion had been brought up as a Buddhist and had erected several Buddhist temples in K͟hurāsān, and took greaNote 112 · The details that we possess of the progress of Islam in the Middle Kingdom, which fell to the lot of Chag͟hatāy and his descendants, are stiNote 113 · Even such drastic measures were ineffectual in bringing about a general acceptance of Islam, for as late as at the close of the following ceNote 114 · In the preceding pages some attempt has been made to indicate some of the steps by which the Muslims won over to their faith the savage hordNote 115 · Let us now return to the history of Islam in the Golden Horde. The chief camping ground of this section of the Mongols was the grassy plain Note 116 · To Ūzbek K͟hān, who was leader of the Golden Horde from 1313 to 1340, and who distinguished himself by his proselytising zeal, it was said, Note 117 · That these were no empty words and that the toleration here promised became a reality, may be judged from a letter sent to the K͟hān by PopeNote 118 · Another race many years before had tried to win the Russians to Islam but had likewise failed, viz. the Muslim Bulgarians who were found in Note 119 · These Bulgarians attempted the conversion of Vladimir, the then sovereign of Russia, who (the Russian chronicler tells us) had found it neceNote 120 · It would appear that not until after the promulgation of the edict of religious toleration in 1905 throughout the Russian empire and the actNote 121 · Not that the Tatars in Russia had been altogether inoperative in promoting the spread of Islam during the preceding centuries. The distinctlNote 122 · A brief reference may here be made to the Tatars in Lithuania, where small groups of them have been settled since the early part of the fiftNote 123 · One of the most curious incidents in the missionary history of Islam is the conversion of the Kirghiz of Central Asia by Tatar mullās, who pNote 124 · At the beginning of the nineteenth century many of the Kirghiz dwelling in the vast plains stretching southwards from the district of TobolsNote 125 · They may, indeed, have been inscribed in the official registers as Christians, but they resolutely stood out against any efforts that were mNote 126 · The town of Kazan is the chief centre of this missionary activity; a large number of Muslim publications are printed here every year, and muNote 127 · The tribes that have chiefly come under the influence of this missionary movement are the Votiaks, the greater part of whom are baptised ChrNote 128 · Of the spread of Islam among the Tatars of Siberia, we have a few particulars. It was not until the latter half of the sixteenth century thaNote 129 · But though interrupted by the Russian conquest, the progress of Islam was by no means stopped. Mullās from Buk͟hārā and other cities of Cent
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